Armenia lifting ban on import of Turkish goods due to "political reasons"

Jan 12 2022

PanARMENIAN.Net – Minister of Economy Vahan Kerobyan has said that Armenia’s decision to lift the ban on the import of Turkish goods is due to political reasons, although he himself was in favor of extending the embargo.

“As the body responsible for the economy, we must closely monitor and protect the companies that have been created in the past year and make sure that their existence is not endangered, that they are not left out of the market,” Kerobyan said Wednesday, January 12, according to Armenpress.

“We are monitoring the situation, and if problems arise and we see that the businesses of investors are endangered because they haven’t grown enough to withstand competition with Turkish goods, we will introduce certain programs to protect investors.”

The ban was first imposed on December 31, 2020, for six months and was extended for another six months in June. It expired on December 31, and the new decision took effect the next day.

In the war against Artsakh (Karabakh) in fall 2020, Turkey supported Azerbaijan militarily, also by transferring terrorist mercenaries from the Middle East to fight against Karabakh. Armenia was the first to report on Turkey’s deployment of thousands of Syrian fighters to Azerbaijan. International media publications followed suit, as did reactions from France, Russia, Iran.

Russia-NATO Council session has ended in Brussels

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 18:36,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 12, ARMENPRESS. The meeting of the Russia-NATO Council has ended at the Brussels headquarters of the North Atlantic Alliance, ARMENPRESS reports the correspondent of “RIA Novosti” informed.

The talks lasted more than 4 hours.

The Russian side was represented by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Grushko and Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg and representatives from 30 allied countries were present at the meeting.

The results of the meeting have not been announced yet, the parties have only expressed readiness to continue the dialogue.

Sports: Armenian figure skaters preparing for European Championships

Armenian figure skaters are preparing for the European Championships to be held in Tallinn, Estonia, the Armenian National Olympic Committee informs.

A total of 123 athletes will participate in the tournament that kicks off on January 12.

 Armenia will be represented by Slavik Hayrapetyan and Tina Karapetyan – Simon Sénécal ice dancing pair.

In September 2021 the pair booked a berth to the Olympic Games in Beijing.

Georgian PM congratulates Armenians on Christmas, commends “good-neighborly relations”

Public Radio of Armenia
Jan 6 2022

Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili has congratulated the Armenians on Christmas.

“I wish a Happy Feast of the Glorious Nativity and Epiphany of Christ to our Armenian compatriots and the friendly Armenian people,” Gharibashvili said in a message.

“This centuries-old history, grounded in brotherhood and mutual respect, is defined by the good-neighborly and friendly relations between our nations that, I am convinced, will carry on into the future,” the Prime Minister noted.

He wished peace, health, joy, and success to all.

Armenia law enforcement not permitting reporters to enter Vardenis town hall building

 NEWS.am 
Armenia – Jan 4 2022

Police officers are not allowing reporters to enter the town hall building of Vardenis, Armenia.

The reporters want to talk to the ruling Civil Contract Party’s (CCP) mayoral candidate, incumbent mayor Aram Melkonyan, who is at the town hall building.

The police have set up a human wall, do not permit reporters to enter the town hall building, but do not provide any legal justification for not allowing the reporters from entering the building.

Numerous officers from the police special forces also have arrived outside the Vardenis town hall building.

To note, the police did not allow the newly elected members of the Vardenis Council of Elders to enter the building, and for that reason, the inauguration of mayor-elect Aharon Khachatryan took place Tuesday at the courtyard of the town hall building.

As reported earlier, in the December 5 local elections in Vardenis, the ruling CCP had won 13 seats, the opposition Aharon Khachatryan bloc—10 seats, and the opposition United Vardenis—4 seats in the town council. Then, the opposition forces had signed a memorandum to form a coalition, and therefore the number of their town council seats was enough to elect their mayor candidate.

After that, former mayor of Vardenis Aram Harutyunyan, who topped the electoral list of United Vardenis, was charged in a criminal case against him and was arrested.

The first session of the new Vardenis Council of Elders had taken place on December 30. But before the session started, the police had attempted to apprehend another opposition member of the council, Aharon Khachatryan, who is the opposition’s candidate for mayor. Three hours later, the opposition finally had managed to convene a session and elect Khachatryan mayor. The CCP members of this council, however, had not attended this session.

AW: Book Review | Clash of Histories in the South Caucasus

Clash of Histories in the South Caucasus: Redrawing the map of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Iran
By Rouben Galichian
Bennet & Bloom, 2012
232 pp.

It is widely acknowledged that history is often manipulated and revised by authoritarian states. History textbooks have been used as a tool to legitimize government and institutionalize racism and hatred. This is the case of Azerbaijan, where after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Azerbaijani scholars guided by the political leadership tried to shape the national identity of their state. 

Rouben Galichian, in his book Clash of Histories in the South Caucasus: Redrawing the map of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Iran, examines the roots and effects of Azerbaijan’s rewriting of history and why it continues to do so, focusing on Armenia and Iran. In addition to detailing the officially-sponsored invention of modern Azerbaijani national identity, the book also looks at the various methodologies employed by Azerbaijani historians and geographers for their falsification of the documented pasts of Eastern Armenia and the northern Iranian province of Azerbaijan. 

According to the author, the official Azerbaijani narrative is to prove that the overall strategy adopted by Azerbaijan is to create a Turkic identity for its entire population, constituting the indigenous people of the territory and that the Armenians are newcomers to the South Caucasus. They also claim that all cultural monuments existing in Armenia, Artsakh and Azerbaijan belonged to the ancient nation of Caucasian Albanians, who claimed to be the ancestors of the Azerbaijanis. The strategy is to erase and deny any trace of the existence of Armenians in the region. Interestingly, this strategy started during the Soviet times and intensified after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the independence of Azerbaijan in 1991. 

Galichian highlights Baku’s strategy in falsifying history and creating a false national identity as follows:

Distortion of the history and the cultural heritage of Armenia and Iran

Presenting Armenia as ‘Western Azerbaijan’ and Iranian Azerbaijan as ‘Southern Azerbaijan’

Trying to convince other governments and international organizations that Caucasian Albania and Azerbaijan are two historical names for the same country, making the peoples of the Republic of Azerbaijan direct descendants of the Caucasian Albanians

Presenting Armenians as newcomers to the region of the South Caucasus and the Azerbaijani people as indigenous to the area

Making the Turkish language, imported into the region by the Turkic invaders, the indigenous language of Azerbaijanis

Appropriation of all historical monuments in Azerbaijan, Artsakh, Nakhichevan as well as Armenia as part of ‘ancient Albanian-Azerbaijani’ heritage

The author refutes Azerbaijan’s distortions and argues that after the 11th and the 12th centuries the term Albania as a country or nation disappears from both Christian and Islamic historical and cartographic literature. He even counterargues Azerbaijani claims that Armenians are newcomers to the region. Azerbaijani historians claim that prior to 1828-1829, there were no Armenians living in South Caucasus and they were brought from Persia by the Russian empire. Galichian shows archival and historical facts that Armenians were forced to leave their homeland by the Persian Shah Abbas and deported deep to Isfahan (around 300,000-400,000 Armenians). Later with the advance of the Russian army, an insignificant number of Armenians (around 35,560) returned to their native land. 

Interestingly, Galichian provided facts about the naming of the Republic of Azerbaijan. When the three countries of South Caucasus declared their independence in May 1918, the eastern region (mainly populated by Muslims and Tatars) wanted to name the region as “Eastern and the Southern Trans-Caucasian Republic.” But Musavat, the major party at the time, with its Pan-Turkic leanings managed to name it as Azerbaijan. Persians erupted in protest as the Persian government argued that Azerbaijan was part of Persia, and the country and the territory east of the South Caucasus (northeast of the Arax river) have never been part of Iranian Azerbaijan. However, after the occupation by the Bolsheviks, Soviet leaders didn’t attempt to change the name as they played the ‘Southern Azerbaijani card’ against Iran.

Galichian addresses President Ilham Aliyev’s attempts to revise history as more proof that Azerbaijan’s distortion and falsification of history are backed by the state. In December 2005 at the National Academy of Sciences, Aliyev addressed Azerbaijani historians and encouraged them to busy themselves with “research to prove that Armenians are newcomers to the region.” He also allocated huge funding to this project. In 2011, during the general assembly of the same institution, he expressed satisfaction that Azerbaijani historians have responded positively to his appeal and “proved that present-day Armenia is established on the historical lands of Azerbaijan.” Later, on December 10, 2020, at the Baku Victory Parade, Aliyev called “Yerevan, Zangezur and Sevan as historical Azerbaijani lands.”

The conclusion of this fabrication clashes with the internationally accepted historical record that states the contrary, and so the undertaking exposes inherent errors and inevitable contradictions. As a result, the following conclusions are evident from this important and well-researched book:

The majority of the Albanian Christian tribes converted to Islam during the eighth and ninth centuries. A few centuries later, Caucasus Albania, located north of Kura River gradually disappeared from the maps.

The multitude of churches, monasteries and Christian monuments built during the 10th to 18th centuries on the current territory of Azerbaijan and Artsakh could not have been built by Islamized Albanians or the insignificant number of Udis who remained Christian in this period. Only Armenians had the resources to build and maintain these structures.

The present Armenian population of New Julfa near Isfahan, resettled there from Nakhichevan and the surrounding areas by the Persian Shah Abbas, is living proof that Armenians were uprooted from their homeland. 

Up to the Middle Ages, the languages spoken in the Iranian province of Azerbaijan were not Turkic, but the Indo-European Azari dialects related to the Median and Parthian. It was only during the 13th century that this language had disappeared and was replaced by the Turkic language.

According to historians and travelers’ accounts, the territory or country named Azerbaijan north of Arax River did not exist until 1918. The evidence of the ancient and later cartographers, presented in more than 50 color maps, along with the Greek and Roman historians and the accounts of Islamic and European travelers confirm the international position that runs counter to Azerbaijan’s false claims.

The territories labeled ‘Northern Azerbaijan’ and ‘Southern Azerbaijan’ historically never existed. These are terms invented by modern Azerbaijani historians to serve political ends.

As Azerbaijan engages in fabrication and distortion of historical facts and lobbies around the globe through its lobbying activism, Armenians must continue and intensify in showing the historical reality by engaging in political and diplomatic activism to preserve what has been left of Armenian culture in the occupied territories of Artsakh. The danger of the Nakhichevan example with the destruction of cross-stones, the ‘Albanization’ of Armenian monasteries and iconoclasm of Armenian heritage is still haunting our generation and already is being conducted around occupied Artsakh. The slogan “never again” should be translated into action. Diasporan organizations, Armenia’s Foreign Ministry and religious institutions must come up with a concrete plan and lobby at UNESCO and other international agencies to prevent the cultural cleansing of Armenian presence in the region.

Yeghia Tashjian is a regional analyst and researcher. He has graduated from the American University of Beirut in Public Policy and International Affairs. He pursued his BA at Haigazian University in political science in 2013. In 2010, he founded the New Eastern Politics forum/blog. He was a research assistant at the Armenian Diaspora Research Center at Haigazian University. Currently, he is the regional officer of Women in War, a gender-based think tank. He has participated in international conferences in Frankfurt, Vienna, Uppsala, New Delhi and Yerevan. He has presented various topics from minority rights to regional security issues. His thesis topic was on China’s geopolitical and energy security interests in Iran and the Persian Gulf. He is a contributor to various local and regional newspapers and a presenter of the “Turkey Today” program for Radio Voice of Van. Recently he has been appointed as associate fellow at the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut and Middle East-South Caucasus expert in the European Geopolitical Forum.


COVID-19: Armenia reports 129 new cases, 15 deaths

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 11:08,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 23, ARMENPRESS. 129 new cases of COVID-19 have been confirmed in Armenia in the past 24 hours, bringing the total number of confirmed cases to 344,126, the ministry of healthcare reports.

6885 COVID-19 tests were conducted on December 22.

295 patients have recovered in one day. The total number of recoveries has reached 329,576.

The death toll has risen to 7936 (15 death cases have been registered in the past one day).

The number of active cases is 5119.

Republican Party of Armenia re-elects Serzh Sargsyan as its president

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 17:41,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 18, ARMENPRESS. The Republican Party of Armenia (HHK) re-elected Serzh Sargsyan as the party’s president.

The voting took place at the party’s congress where the Third President of Armenia received 523 votes in favor and only 2 against.

Members of the HHK Executive Body were also installed at the congress with the following composition: Tigran Abrahamyan, Armen Ashotyan, Karine Atchemyan, Karen Avagyan, Vahram Baghdasaryan, Margarit Yesayan, Artak Zakaryan, Ruben Tadevosyan, Mushegh Lalayan, Davit Harutyunyan, Hayk Mamijanyan, Taron Margaryan, Gagik Minasyan, Anna Mkrtchyan, Samvel Nikoyan, Eduard Sharmazanov and Galust Sahakyan.

Stratfor: Normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations will essentially increase Turkey’s influence in the region

News.am, Armenia
Dec 16 2021

Stratfor writes that the normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations will essentially increase Turkey’s influence in the region.

Stratfor also writes that it’s unclear whether there will be full normalization of the relations since none of the countries wants to change its position on recognition of the Armenian Genocide, but the normalization of relations will help open the closed borders between the two countries, will be economically beneficial for both sides and will essentially increase Turkey’s influence in the region.

Stratfor goes on to state that the talks herald the fact that Russia needs to do more for Armenia, if it hopes to decelerate the decline of its influence in the South Caucasus, and Turkey is taking advantage of the talks to keep Azerbaijan from presenting too many demands to Armenia in the talks over transport and demarcation.

According to Stratfor, this may help improve the relations between Turkey and the West, particularly Ankara and Washington since the U.S. government has been calling on Turkey to mend ties with Armenia for years. The Turkish government needs financial and political support which it may receive from powerful partners such as the U.S. and the European Union, which will appreciate Turkey’s actions to counter Russia on the major stage of military operations.


As Turkey names new envoy for Armenia, skepticism prevails

Dec 15 2021
Moves for reconciliation between the two longtime opponents have been met with surprise by observers, who see ulterior motives on Turkey’s part.

Turkey and Armenia have formally confirmed that they are going to appoint special envoys to lay the ground for normalizing relations after decades of mutual hostility.

The announcement, first made by Turkish foreign minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, was endorsed by Armenia’s foreign ministry via Twitter, which asserted that the country was ready to initiate a process of normalization with Turkey “without preconditions.”

The Turkish foreign ministry has named Serdar Kilic, Ankara’s former ambassador to Washington, a career diplomat and an unabashed loyalist of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan as its envoy. Armenia has not yet named one.

The dovish noises coming out of Ankara and Yerevan have caught many by surprise. Why is Turkey still interested in fixing relations with its small, landlocked neighbor, and is it sincere? What’s in it for Armenia? And will Azerbaijan once again sabotage the process as it did in 2009?

Opinion remains divided, but most analysts believe that the road to peace between the two historical foes is riddled with obstacles.

Turkey’s borders with Armenia have remain sealed since 1993 in solidarity with Azerbaijan over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. Turkey’s military intervention swung the long simmering Nagorno-Karabakh conflict decisively in favor of Azerbaijan in October last year with the help of Syrian mercenaries. Israel also supported Azerbaijan with weapons and military advisors. A shaky truce brokered by Russian president Vladimir Putin and punctuated by bloody clashes has been holding since November 2020. The six-week long conflict left more than 6,500 dead.

Zaur Shiriyev, an Azerbaijan analyst for the International Crisis Group, believes that normalization between Turkey and Armenia “is the most natural consequence of the war, because the conditions that prevented normalization were removed by it.” Shiriyev was referring to Armenia’s occupation of seven Azerbaijani regions around Nagorno-Karabakh in the early years of the conflict. All are now back in Azerbaijani hands.

Turkey reckons that peace with Armenia would help repair its international image tarnished by human rights violations at home and aggressive actions in the Eastern Mediterranean and military invasion of large chunks of northeastern Syria.

A senior Armenian official, speaking to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, said Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan “has always believed in normalizing relations with Armenia’s neighbors and that this should happen as soon as possible.” But the official stressed that if Turkey sought to impose preconditions, such as demanding that Armenia abandon its global campaign for recognition of the genocide of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 and its claims over Nagorno-Karabakh, that the normalization process would be stillborn. “If that’s the way Turkey is going to behave, it had better not start,” the official said.

Cavusoglu, when announcing plans to appoint a special envoy, stressed that “we will be consulting with Azerbaijan every step of the way.” His comments conveyed that Ankara will not keep Baku in the dark as it did in 2009 when the Zurich protocols with Armenia were signed.

In so doing, Ankara is effectively linking progress in its own dealings with Azerbaijan to progress between Azerbaijan and Armenia to strike a comprehensive peace deal of their own, which is far from assured.

Shiriyev pointed out that Yerevan and Ankara will no longer be talking through mediators but directly through their respective envoys and that this could ease a breakthrough. And Kilic, the Turkish envoy, has direct access to Erdogan.

The Armenian official aired skepticism, saying, “I have yet to be convinced that this is more than a Turkish show to the Americans and the Europeans, in order to be able say there is a process, without actually being committed to its success.”

Russian president Vladimir Putin has been mediating between the former Soviet states and brought together Pashinyan and Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev in the Black Sea resort of Sochi last month to broker a fresh truce following a fierce bout of fighting along the ceasefire lines. The leaders agreed to start negotiations to determine their national borders. But Nagorno-Karabakh remains the big elephant in the room.

The European Union, accused of remaining passive for years, has started a diplomatic initiative of its own. The president of the European Council, Charles Michel, met with the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders in Brussels this week. The European Council noted in a statement that the EU would be willing to provide technical assistance for marking the borders and financial support for re-establishing rail and road links between the two countries.

“The focus on economic connectivity reflects the reality that there are genuine opportunities now for a transformation of the region,” said Laurence Broers, Caucasus program director at Chatham House. And the EU “is not seeking to upstage, replace or dominate any other mediation processes. President Michel’s statement references Russian-brokered agreements and positions itself as building on these,” Broers told Al-Monitor. Critics say this plays straight into Russia’s hands as it amounts to a European seal of approval of its role, including the deployment of some 2,000 peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The jury is still out on whether Ankara or Moscow came out on top in the war over Nagorno-Karabakh or whether it was the latest iteration of their so-called “competitive cooperation,” wherein the sides manage their differences in places like Syria and Libya and pursue their common interests.

With an unknown number of military officers and equipment deployed in the city of Ganja in western Azerbaijan, Turkey has re-established itself as the primary military patron of Azerbaijan, a status it forfeited when Armenia seized full control of Nagorno-Karabakh in the early 1990s. Millions of Azerbaijanis displaced by the conflict who are finally able to return home embrace the Turks as heroes.

But with its “peacekeepers,” Russia retains leverage on both sides and has no intention of letting Azerbaijan control the proposed corridor between Nakhichevan and Azerbaijan proper, which is to be secured by more Russian troops.  

Aliyev and Pashinyan have agreed to establish road and rail links to connect the two nations. But Aliyev insists that the passage of all Azerbaijani goods through the corridor should be customs free. If not, he warned, Azerbaijan would start to charge duties on goods going from Armenia via Azerbaijani territory to the bit of Nagorno-Karabakh that remains under Armenian control.

Russian troops already guard Armenia’s 311-kilometer long border with Turkey, with thousands of others stationed at a base in Gyumri which faces the Turkish border town of Kars. The notion that Turkish-Armenian rapprochement would dilute Russia’s influence over Armenia is “utterly flawed,” noted the ICG’s Shiriyev.

“Turkey’s victory was neither as complete or as convincing. This is seen by Moscow’s move to renege on promises for a more direct role for Turkish military peacekeepers,” observed Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Center, an independent think tank in Yerevan.

“Russia has allowed [Turkey] a minimal and marginal position in the peacekeeping planning and supervision within Azerbaijan itself. This effectively gives Russian peacekeepers the dominant role in the region,” Giragosian told Al-Monitor.

Moreover, “There is little genuine confidence that Azerbaijan’s currently permissive position will last. Given the record over the past many months, the outlook for security and stability remains uncertain and unpredictable at best,” Giragosian added.