President Khachaturyan meets Head of OSCE/ODIHR Observation Mission in Armenia

Politics17:39, 11 May 2026
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President of Armenia Vahagn Khachaturyan received Janez Lenarčič, Head of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Observation Mission (ODIHR) in Armenia, the Presidential Office said in a readout.

Welcoming the guest, the President expressed gratitude for the mission’s many years of work in Armenia.

“You are currently in the Republic of Armenia on a very important mission. I can say that the role of the OSCE/ODIHR in the establishment of our democratic institutions, especially in the development of the electoral system, has been highly significant. I am confident that this time as well, with your support, assistance and the application of your methodology, we will hold democratic, free and transparent elections. As a result, the most important thing is that people are confident that their voice has truly been heard,” President Khachaturyan said.

Lenarčič, expressing gratitude for the reception, stated:

“It was in 1996 that the OSCE/ODIHR first conducted an observation mission in Armenia, and this time marks the 30th mission. Armenia has done very good work over these years, and I will not go into too much detail, because you yourself know this very well.”

During the meeting, the sides discussed the main directions and areas of the mission’s activities. Both sides emphasized the importance of vigilant oversight and consistent monitoring of electoral processes to ensure a higher standard of election administration and eliminate possible shortcomings.

The general socio-political atmosphere in the country ahead of the elections and possible developments were also discussed. In this context, President Khachaturyan and Lenarčič stressed the importance of strengthening the culture of political tolerance.

The sides emphasized that a responsible and fair election campaign conducted by all participants in the process is in the public interest and serves as a guarantee of democratic stability.

At the end of the meeting, the parties expressed readiness to continue close cooperation aimed at further improving Armenia’s electoral system and strengthening democratic values.

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Campaign period for June 7 parliamentary elections kicks off in Armenia

Politics08:43, 8 May 2026
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The campaigning period for the June 7 parliamentary elections kicked off in Armenia on Friday.

The following 19 political forces are running for parliament:

Civil Contract Party; Prosperous Armenia Party; Meritocratic Party of Armenia; Against All Democratic Party; Strong Armenia Alliance (comprising the Strong Armenia Party, New Era Party, and United Armenians Party); Democratic Consolidation Party; Wings of Unity Party; Bright Armenia Party; National Democratic Pole Alliance; Armenia Alliance (comprising the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) and the Forward Party); Christian-Democratic Party of Armenia; Armenian National Congress Party; New Force Reformist Party; Republic Party; Alliance Progressive-Centrist Party; Reformists Party; Democracy, Law and Order Party; Kochari National Revival and National Awakening Party; and the Alliance of Defenders of the Republic’s Democracy.

Some of the parties have already published their scheduled campaign events for Friday, during which they will present their manifestos.

Strong Armenia, led by business tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, will kick off its campaign outside the parliament building at 10:00, with senior party member and Karapetyan’s nephew, Narek Karapetyan, scheduled to deliver a press briefing. Later in the day, at 19:00, the party will hold a rally in Victory Park near the Mother Armenia statue.

The Bright Armenia Party, led by former lawmaker and former ambassador-at-large Edmon Marukyan, will start campaigning at 11:00, with party members scheduled to head to Yeraskh from their Yerevan headquarters.

Wings of Unity, led by former Ombudsman Arman Tatoyan, will start its campaign at 11:00 in Goshavank. Party members will also visit Ijevan, as well as the villages of Achajur and Azatamut.

Meanwhile, the ruling Civil Contract Party, led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, will campaign across Syunik Province, starting the trip at 10:00 in Gorayk and visiting multiple towns and villages.

The Reformists Party will unveil its manifesto on May 8 at an event. 

The National Democratic Pole Alliance said it would kick off its campaign outside the parliament building in Yerevan.

The Armenia Alliance, led by former president Robert Kocharyan, will start campaigning at 18:00 in Vagharshapat.

The campaign period will last until June 5.

June 6 will be an election silence day.

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Pashinyan announces legal action against Samvel Karapetyan over ‘idiotic’ psyc

Politics17:04, 7 May 2026
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Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on Thursday that he would file a defamation lawsuit against business tycoon and Strong Armenia party leader Samvel Karapetyan after the latter questioned the credibility of the prime minister’s statements, claiming he uses “hallucinogenic mushrooms.”

Karapetyan, who is leading the Strong Armenia party in the June 7 elections, held a press conference on Thursday and alleged that Pashinyan, according to his information, had brought “one ton of hallucinogenic mushrooms” from China, which he allegedly uses before every speech, and said the prime minister’s statements should not be taken seriously.

Pashinyan rejected the allegations in a video posted on Facebook, lambasting Karapetyan, whom he described as the “oligarch from Kaluga” due to his ties to Russia, and dismissing the statement as “idiotic.”

“I was shown the idiotic statement of the Kaluga oligarch about one ton of hallucinogenic mushrooms. Naturally, I will sue the Kaluga oligarch, and in the legal sense of the word, I will make the Kaluga oligarch consume one ton of hallucinogenic mushrooms. I apologize for my harsh language, but ultimately, everything has its limits,” said Pashinyan.

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Armenia’s recent challenges would have brought many countries to the brink of

Politics15:22, 5 May 2026
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Armenia is navigating a turbulent global landscape by adopting a more pragmatic and proactive foreign policy, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said at the Yerevan Dialogue 2026 forum, where he highlighted peace efforts, regional connectivity projects, and expanding partnerships with global actors.

The forum was attended by Armenian President Vahagn Khachaturyan, French President Emmanuel Macron, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Secretary General of the Council of Europe Alain Berset, among other dignitaries.

The Foreign Ministry published the transcript of FM Mirzoyan’s speech:

“Honourable Mr President of the Republic of Armenia,

Honourable Mr Prime Minister, 

Honourable Mr President of the Republic of France,

Honourable Mr President of the National Assembly,

Excellencies, distinguished guests and friends,

I am privileged to welcome you back to Yerevan for the third edition of our Dialogue. In a world that increasingly discourages stability and continuity, the fact that we are here again, that this forum has returned, already sends a powerful message. 

Forums endure when they have something real to say. I believe we do.

Last year, we met in this very room under the theme “Navigating the Unknown.” We described a world that was lost in a thick fog, as the familiar architecture was crumbling, the rules were fading, and we weren’t sure what was coming next. We brought up compasses and maps, we spoke of tectonic shifts and disorientation. We asked how any of us was navigating in this unknown environment. 

Today, that fog has partially cleared. But instead of a calm sea, we see many storms.

The storms we face today are not metaphorical; they are very real and systemic. They test nations, their sovereignty, institutions and individuals alike. Looking at today’s storms, the following broader picture emerges:

Geopolitical Storm: International law and global order are not just strained, they are being actively dismantled. We see a dangerous shift where the rule of power tends to replace the rule of law. Multilateral institutions designed to maintain order are struggling to assert their authority in a world that no longer waits for their verdict. Nuclear rhetoric, once restricted to the rooms of the Cold War, re-entered mainstream political discourse, which should alarm everybody.  Technological Storm: technology has moved much faster than our ability to manage the risks and opportunities it brings. Artificial intelligence is no longer a futuristic dream but a present force. Well, we all were smart enough to predict that it would reshape industries, eliminate professions and change the very nature of work. But beyond this, AI has also turned into a powerful tool of manipulation, generating disinformation at an industrial scale, creating false realities and targeting democratic societies with surgical precision.  Economic Storm: the global market is no longer stable, and recent developments have deeply shaken the belief that open trade benefits everyone. Supply chains that connect continents are easily broken. Swings in energy prices can disrupt national economies overnight. Economic sanctions have become a routine instrument of geopolitical pressure, turning trade into a battlefield. Environmental Storm: the natural systems that sustain life on Earth, our climate, water, soil, forests, and biodiversity, are no longer just changing; they are under serious strain. We have moved beyond gradual warming into a period of deep instability, where environmental damage makes every other crisis worse. The biodiversity loss, the land degradation and deforestation weaken nature’s ability to recover, while the overuse of natural resources threatens the balance needed for societies to function.

Those storms have not arrived separately. They have come together, and they reinforce one another. A geopolitical shock drives economic disruption, which fuels a technological arms race, which in turn deepens geopolitical divisions, while environmental change makes all of these challenges even harder to manage.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Armenia knows what it means to be in the centre of the storm. Let me speak openly. Challenges and hardships our country has faced in recent years would have driven many nations toward para՛lysis and the brink of collapse. So, let me share some conclusions:  

When a nation finds itself in such turbulence, history offers three broad paths:

The first is detachment and disassociation: It is the choice to stay on the sidelines, avoid taking actions and hope that remaining detached, the storms will spare you, and your comfort zone and status quo will be preserved. While it may look like a safe choice in the short run, history shows that such detachment doesn’t protect. It merely leaves nations cut from reality, unprepared and more vulnerable, thus strengthening the shock of the strike when the crisis reaches them, and bubble eventually blows up. The second is the surrender to the storm: Here you make inefficient, wrong and exhaustive movements, movements that are predictable or even worse – are prescribed by scriptwriters, and ultimately you only help the storm to carry you wherever it chooses. This way, you give up control, you no longer decide your own fate. You become an object rather than a subject of your own history. And merely driven by the current or trying to drift with it, you inevitably risk becoming a victim of decisions made by others and face existential challenges. And the third choice: riding through the storm with pragmatism and forward-looking strategy. Looking into the eyes of reality directly instead of avoiding to acknowledge it. Realising that in a volatile world, the only way to ensure at least some stability is to take the steering wheel into your hands and to keep moving forward with a clear, active strategy. And yes, although success is still uncertain, the first two options are certain to be destructive

We, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of Armenia, we walked through all three paths, we passed all three stages, only in our most recent history. For several decades, we thought we were successfully avoiding storms and preserving our usual zone of comfort by remaining detached. When the crises came, and the imaginary safety collapsed, we found ourselves in a whirlpool, where we were being pulled into the aby՛ss despite all our hard efforts. 

And somewhere at that point, we decided to break out of that vicious spiral of history. Not to follow what others have prescribed for us, but to take the responsibility to make our sovereign decisions for our own fate. Not to remain in the past, but to look forward, to build a modern, democratic and prosperous society, a state with real sovereignty, and integrity of precise territory, with its peaceful modus vivendi in this given environment. And this is the exact moment when the concept of Real Armenia was born. 

Excellencies, Dear guests,

At a time when everything around us seemed to be falling apart from various storms, we established peace. The Washington Peace Summit on August 8, 2025, marked a historical turning point with the signing of the Joint Declaration by Armenia’s Prime Minister and Azerbaijan’s President, and the US President as a witness. On the very same day, my colleague from Azerbaijan and I initialled the Agreement on Establishment of Peace and Inter-State Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. By committing to the mutual recognition of territorial integrity, sovereignty, and the inviolability of internationally recognized borders, Armenia and Azerbaijan took a historic step toward closing decades of conflict and opening a new era of peace and stability in our region. 

Of course, peace must never be treated as a one-time achievement. It requires constant care, attention and reflection, because if you fail to invest in it, you will risk losing it. Peace, therefore, is not an event but an active choice we must make every single day. This, understandably, also involves addressing humanitarian issues, thus contributing to restoring trust and true reconciliation between societies. 

But diplomacy alone does not sustain peace. Thus, we create a practical guarantee for peace by making our prosperities interconnected and interdependent. When we share trade routes, energy grids, pipelines, digital links, we share risks and rewards. Therefore, together with our neighbours, by building infrastructure that connects East to West and North to South, we are creating a reality where, in our region, every actor has a personal stake in the stability of its neighbour. This is the foundation of our Crossroads of Peace initiative and the TRIPP project.

The commitment to peace, cooperation and prosperity guides our approach towards our neighbours. The normalisation process with Türkiye reflects our belief that open borders and neighbourly relations will serve our nations’ interests better. With Georgia, we continue to deepen strategic partnership built on mutual interests. With Iran, we have always maintained friendly ties and close partnership. 

The strategy of storm-riding has led to a profound transformation in our partnerships beyond our region as well. Armenia has made a sovereign choice to pursue a balanced and balancing foreign policy, based not on dependence on one centre, but on building meaningful and mutually beneficial partnerships in many directions. The United States, France, Kazakhstan, China and a growing number of European partners are now present in Armenia’s strategic partnership portfolio, not as alternatives to one another, but as pillars of a diversified and cooperative foreign policy architecture.

Nowhere beyond our immediate neighborhood has this transformation been more visible than in our relations with the European Union. The Strategic Agenda adopted in December 2025 provides a structured framework for cooperation across political, security, and economic dimensions. The launch of the visa liberalisation dialogue opens a door that matters not only to governments but to the daily lives of Armenian citizens. Just during the last couple of days, heads of state and government from across Europe, spanning from Dublin to Tbilisi, gathered in Yerevan for the European Political Community summit, alongside with the first-ever Armenia-EU summit. 

Excellencies, friends,

To conclude: Storms may never be fully tamed. New uncertainties will always emerge to replace the ones we have already overcome. 

But the lesson we draw from our experience is not one of fatalism. It is about freedom to choose and power to act. With strategic vision and proper action, small nations can find their way through storms and shape their sovereign, peaceful and prosperous futures. 

So, the storms, ladies and gentlemen, are always there. Let us ride together then. 

Thank you and welcome to Yerevan Dialogue!”

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Nikol Pashinyan and Keir Starmer exchange joint declaration on the strategic p

Politics15:34, 4 May 2026
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Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer exchanged a joint declaration on the strategic partnership between the Republic of Armenia and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

“With today’s Joint Declaration with Keir Starmer on a Strategic Partnership between Armenia & the United Kingdom, we open a new & promising chapter in Armenia-UK relations built on shared values & strengthened cooperation,” Pashinyan said in a statement on X.

The British prime minister is on a visit to Armenia for the EPC Summit.

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168: Armenia is sitting on a powder keg and it may explode. Pashinyan is cool

May 3, 2026

168TVof “Revue:Today’s guest of the program Dr. John Eibner is president of the human rights organization Christian Solidarity International (CSI).. He joined us from Switzerland.

Aram Sargsyan. Good evening, Mr. Aibner. How are you? 

John Eibner. Good evening. It is very good and wonderful to be with you again. Thank you very much for the invitation to join you this evening. 

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Aram Sargsyan. Thank you, it is nice to see you, and as far as I know, you have had quite busy and full days in recent days and these days you accompanied the Armenian delegation from Artsakh/Nagorno Karabakh that visited Switzerland. First of all, would you tell us what was the purpose of this visit, what meetings they had in Switzerland, a country that supports the right of 150,000 Armenians from occupied Artsakh to return to their homeland? What did you discuss with them, what did they discuss with Swiss parliamentarians and other officials?

John Eibner. Very good. You may recall that just a year ago, the Swiss parliament overwhelmingly passed a resolution calling on the Swiss government to convene a conference under international supervision. To create a dialogue platform between the leadership of the forcibly displaced community of Azerbaijan and Artsakh for It was a very simple formula. The fact that it was adopted by parliament as a resolution means that this becomes Swiss foreign policy. The Swiss government now has an obligation to try to organize such a conference.

So the purpose of this visit was, first, to encourage the Swiss government to be energized through the parliamentarians to fulfill their commitment to organize such a conference, and also simply to thank the parliamentarians who voted for this resolution, and especially the committee of 19 parliamentarians, led by Erich Fontobel and Stefan Müller-Altermat, who maintain this support group of parliamentarians and continue to insist that the Swiss government hold this conference: of course, aiming to create conditions so that the people of Artsakh can return to them homeland to live in peace and dignity on their land with their human rights.

In short, that was the purpose of the meeting. So, yesterday afternoon we had a very good meeting with parliamentarians and other activists and stakeholders, during which Ashot Danielyan, who led this small delegation from Artsakh, had the opportunity, first, to thank the Swiss parliamentarians and others who support this, to inform them about the current situation of the Karabakh IDPs, and to assure the Swiss parliamentarians that The Karabakh issue is not closed from the point of view of the people who suffered from it:

We all know that various statesmen including The Prime Minister of Armenia and the President of Azerbaijan say that the Karabakh issue is closed. They want it closed. They have their own political reasons for wanting it closed, but it’s not. And thus, this message was very clearly conveyed by the Speaker of the Artsakh National Assembly, Ashot Danielyan, directly to the Swiss parliamentarians and the public. The issue of Artsakh is not closed.

Aram Sargsyan. And what about Swiss parliamentarians? I mean, do they have the same position that the Karabakh issue is not closed?

John Eibner. Of course they have, because if they thought it was closed, they would never have voted for this resolution. They would never have forced the Swiss government to try to reach this platform of dialogue. If it was closed, that would be the end of the matter. But they know it’s not locked. They know that it is not closed to victims of forced displacement, ethnic-religious cleansing. It is not closed to them, and indeed it is not closed to the world, because basic human rights can never be closed. They are human rights. They are eternal, cosmic. They cannot be closed just because authoritarian leaders say for their own benefit that these human rights issues are closed. They are not closed.

And so the Swiss parliamentarians respect that, and they want to encourage the Swiss government and certainly other governments to lend their support just to create a platform for a dialogue, a dialogue between the leadership of the forcibly displaced community of Azerbaijan and Artsakh. The Armenian government actually has no role in it. The Armenian government is not mentioned in this resolution. It calls for a dialogue between the government of Azerbaijan and the leadership of the forcibly displaced Karabakh community.

That is what the formula calls for, and it does not predetermine the outcome. It doesn’t say this must be the result, or that must be the result. Of course, we would all like to see an outcome that respects the human rights of the displaced Karabakh people. But at this stage we just want to create a dialogue platform, a peace platform for dialogue, and so far the government of Azerbaijan seems to be saying no, saying they are not interested. They say it’s closed. The Armenian government does not seem to want to support the Swiss peace initiative. They also say it’s closed, to them for their own reasons.

Aram Sargsyan. But are there any discussions or attempts to start this platform with Baku? Can we make a brief conclusion that Switzerland, as a rather unique and important player in international relations and in Europe, says that the Karabakh issue is not closed.

John Eibner. Switzerland has said so by virtue of this resolution. Now, what will happen with the Swiss government, how vigorously they will push for the creation of such a platform, what ways they will use to make it happen, some of it is not public, but they have an obligation to try to create it. And we also understand that most of the international community wants this matter closed.

This becomes a problem for the Swiss government because it is difficult for the Swiss government to act as a single actor. There needs to be wider international support for Switzerland as it seeks to create such a platform. But the international community, of course, the Western powers and Turkey and Azerbaijan, including, when I say Western powers, including the heads of state who will be with you next week in Yerevan for the EU summit and the meeting of the heads of state of the European Political Community. Most of them would prefer this issue closed.

Life is easier for them if it is closed. The Armenian and Karabakh problem creates complications for them, and if they can find a way to close the issue forever, they will use that option. But there are voices that say, no, the issue is not closed, and we won’t let them just close the issue.

It will continue as long as there are Karabakh people, it will continue as long as there is the “Christian Solidarity International” organization, and as long as there are Swiss parliamentarians and parliamentarians of other countries, it will remain an open question. You are probably aware that not long after Azerbaijan’s ethno-religious cleansing of Artsakh, the European Parliament also passed its own resolution, and this resolution condemned Azerbaijan very strongly for violating human rights.

Aram Sargsyan. But have they already forgotten?

John Eibner. No, they haven’t forgotten yet. The members of the European Parliament remember that, but perhaps the most important thing in the resolution is that they, like the Swiss parliamentarians, said that there will be no lasting peace if there is no dialogue with the representatives of Nagorno Karabakh.

This is in the EU formula. Now it is not binding on the EU executive, but it expresses the view of the parliament. So we know that there are many voices across Europe who are in favor of trying to create a dialogue between the perpetrators of the actual genocidal crime and the representatives of the victims of the genocidal act in order to settle the matter once and for all on the basis of international human rights law. This is happening now. It’s going to be a long process, as I mentioned, because many states are resisting it.

They find that The Armenian question has plagued European statesmen since the mid-19th century. You can read about it especially in the British Parliament and other sources. The Armenian issue with massacres of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. This issue repeatedly appears on the international agenda. It appears and then there is a period of silence. Then it reappears. Of course, it appeared during the genocide.

Aram Sargsyan. You mean the historically discussed Armenian issue, don’t you?

John Eibner. Yes. They call it the “Armenian question”. And now it’s up again. And Europe would find it very convenient if this matter were closed. And many European states and leaders, elites in Europe, will not mind if it is closed with the “final solution” through ethno-religious cleansing. For them, it is a small price to pay to close an issue that poses certain geopolitical problems and challenges for them. And Today, this issue of Karabakh stands at the center of the Armenian issue.

This issue of Karabakh has huge consequences. You are certainly well aware of the persecution of the Armenian Apostolic Church by the Armenian state. This is largely due to the fact that the Church defends the rights of people from Artsakh who were subjected to ethnic-religious cleansing, Armenian Christians who were expelled from their homeland, who, now that they were expelled from their homeland, and now the traditional methods of Turkey and Azerbaijan to try to destroy historical and cultural monuments, to destroy traces of Armenian civilization, are in progress.

And that is the main reason for this persecution of the Armenian Apostolic Church, because Turkey and Azerbaijan demand it as a condition of the promise of peace. And the government of Armenia, with the encouragement of the Western powers, is ready to fulfill almost any condition that Azerbaijan and Turkey put in front of it. This issue of Karabakh is alive and well. If it was closed, why would Azerbaijan and Turkey bother destroying churches in Karabakh? It is not closed to them. They continue to erase the traces of Armenian culture.

Aram Sargsyan. Including Stepanakert Cathedral.

John Eibner.Including, of course, the Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God. The list goes on, but just recently they openly destroyed one of the major Christian monuments. Unfortunately, it is now a monument, not a functioning church, as people were forcibly evicted from there. But it is not closed to them. The Caucasus Muslim Administration, which is actually an Azerbaijani state apparatus, has recently tried to give Islamic legitimacy to the destruction of these Armenian Christian churches. So while the issue may be closed to Armenia’s prime minister, and Western leaders may prefer it to be closed, it really is closed. not for Turkey and Azerbaijan. The process is ongoing.

Aram Sargsyan. Mr. Eibner, you mentioned a number of key topics that are the main issues of our interview today, including the persecution of the Armenian Church, the human rights situation and, of course, the European Political Community and the EU-Armenia summits, but since we were talking about the Nagorno Karabakh issue and the genocide, as you know, a few days ago was the anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, 111 years after 1915, and these days it is again becoming a topic of topical discussion. From this point of view, if we try to draw some parallels between the Artsakh issue and the Armenia-Azerbaijan process and, on the other hand, the Armenia-Turkey relations, can we say that there will be no real reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey without Turkey’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide? And secondly, Nikol Pashinyan said in his April 24 message:

“The greatest desire of the Armenian people has been fulfilled: we have a state and we have peace, and the state and peace are the guarantees that the Armenian Genocide will not happen again.” But if so, why did we allow genocide and ethnic cleansing in Nagorno Karabakh/Artsakh in 2023, having a statehood, the Republic of Armenia? 

John Eibner.Yes, of course, simply having a state does not guarantee human rights and respect for the Armenian population, but it should be the responsibility of the state as a mirror, as an instrument of the nation. And this is where there is a lot of confusion in Armenia. What the prime minister calls “the real Armenia”, that is, the state, can sign a peace treaty. They can do whatever they want. They can give up. And actually what we’re talking about in terms of a treaty is a capitulation treaty, fulfilling Azerbaijan’s conditions for surrender. But it is not the same as the reconciliation between the Armenian nation and Azerbaijan. Armenian: the state is not the Armenian nation.

The Armenian nation is bigger than the state, and the state should serve the interests of the Armenian nation. And this is not part of the ideology of the current prime minister and the so-called “real Armenia”. So we can see through the politics being conducted that there is an effort to separate the state from the institutions of the nation. On the one hand, there are diaspora institutions, and there is an effort to disconnect the state from influences in the diaspora that the state does not welcome. There is an effort to force the Catholicos of All Armenians to resign and make the church a servant of the state.

Aram Sargsyan. And by the way, they included this point or goal in the program of the ruling “Civil Pact” party for the June 7 parliamentary elections. That point is to remove the Catholicos of All Armenians. I mean, is that legal? How would you evaluate this from the point of view of the Constitution and the law?

John Eibner.Well, first of all, I’m not a constitutionalist, but it’s certainly not compatible with religious freedom and the autonomy of religious institutions. You can have it in Azerbaijan, and they have it in Azerbaijan, where, for example, the head of this Muslim-Islamic Department of the Caucasus is an “aparatchik”. He serves the state, the Azerbaijani state. Now, this certainly does not conform to Western norms of religious freedom, where religious institutions are autonomous. They should be able to manage themselves. And this becomes of crucial importance for the entirety of Armenian society, so that you avoid dictatorships. The church must have voice – an independent voice, and not just be a part of the state apparatus, a “transmission zone” for the state. It should be the conscience of the nation.

Aram Sargsyan. And as you mentioned during one of our interviews. “Religious freedom is more than just going to church and praying. Religious freedom means whatever faith you belong to, to be able to publicly express your religious point of view, to comment on public proceedings, and to be able to say: “What is happening in our society is incompatible with our faith and beliefs. It’s morally unfair.” Very well said.

John Eibner. Well, you said it again. That’s the crux of the matter. A lot of people, and again, the government would like to give a false impression of religious freedom and say, look, people can go to church, they can pray in church, but religious freedom is so much more than that. Religious freedom is not simply the right to hold a certain belief or to go to a certain building and pray in a certain way, but to live your life as a Christian, or to live your life as a Muslim, or to live your life without faith.

This is what freedom of faith and conscience really is, and it’s very sad to see this being degraded in Armenia today, and we have a return to the state, an attempt by the state to control religious institutions, as Azerbaijan does today, or Turkey does today, or the Soviets during communism, when they claimed to control the church. They exercised political control over the church, and this was a symptom of the lack of freedom in society.

Aram Sargsyan. Sorry, I think there was a term for that. “Laychism” if I’m not mistaken.

John Eibner. Yes, secularism, secularism or secularism. In a way, and there is also a lot of confusion about what secularism actually means. We want to have a secular state, but that does not mean that the society should be secular, that is, without religion. We want a free society where people are free to be religious, free to express their views, free to influence the government with their religious beliefs. But the state must be religiously neutral in the sense that it provides freedom for all religious beliefs, or freedom not to believe.

Aram Sargsyan. Now, who do you think ordered this item in the CP plan to remove the Catholicos of All Armenians? Where did the order come from?

John Eibner.I have not seen the documents, of course, but all the evidence that we can see today shows orders, instructions or, let’s say, conditions being set by Azerbaijan and Turkey, not for peace, but for the promise of peace. No conditions have been confirmed. We don’t know what peace will look like. We don’t know what the guarantees will be, but they promise peace if certain conditions are met. One of them is closing the Karabakh issue. One of them is the end of state support for the recognition of the Genocide. Traditionally, Armenian governments have encouraged the international community to recognize Genocide.

Aram Sargsyan. Azerbaijan also demands to change the Constitution.

John Eibner. Azerbaijan and Turkey together demand an end to it. And they also set a condition that the Catholicos should be removed and that the state should exercise political control over the church. And how do we know about it? We know this because there are statements made by Turkish and Azerbaijani spokesmen, leaders, and the media that identify the Catholicos as a “war monger,” as an “obstacle to peace,” and they openly claim that the church, led by its leader, is an “agent of war.”

And so the Prime Minister of Armenia takes this condition and repeats it, saying that the Catholicos and the Armenian Apostolic Church as it stands today is a threat to national security. This is the message coming from the Prime Minister of Armenia, but he seems to be a “transmission zone” for the conditions imposed by Azerbaijan and Turkey.

And then we also see that he is using Turkish and Azerbaijani anti-democratic means to see that those conditions are met. Such as the imprisonment of bishops and priests and the wiretapping of people and the various means of state coercion used to promote these policies. And the need for states to use coercive measures to achieve these political goals strongly suggests that these are goals that are not supported by the Armenian nation. If they were supported by the Armenian nation, there would be no need for it to resort to illegal means of coercion.

He should be able to manage these affairs through normal political means, according to the rule of law and according to normal fundamental human rights.

Aram Sargsyan. And by the way, according to sociological surveys, the Armenian Apostolic Church is the institution with the highest support and rating in Armenia, even higher than the Armenian Army: about 65 percent support the Armenian Church, and the Armenian Army has 59 percent. I mean, the Church is the most supported institution in Armenia.

John Eibner. Yes, there is no doubt that the Church has deep roots in Armenia. The nation respects it, and for its suppression, the Armenian Prime Minister must resort to coercive, illegal actions. Means. That’s the only way it can be done, and he does it. This is what is expected of him by his so-called peace partners, Turkey and Azerbaijan. Western governments are willing to go along with it because it solves a problem for them.

Aram Sargsyan. Regarding, of course, Western governments and supporters of Pashinyan’s government, one of the main topics of our conversation is the summit of the European Political Community and the first EU-Armenia summit, as you know, will take place on May 4 and 5 in Yerevan. What are these summits really about, politically and geopolitically? What do you think? I mean, putting aside the visible formal and ceremonial aspects of these events.

John Eibner. The European Union and the European Political Community come to achieve a geopolitical goal. It is very clear from all their statements that their goal is to try to push Russia out of the region, to end Russian influence and fill the gap, at least in part, with their own influence. This is abundantly clear from the various statements made by the European leadership.

Now, to achieve that objective tactically, they must be here at this moment to support the re-election of the Armenian Prime Minister, who, again, is carrying out the integration of Armenia not with Russia, but, of course, with Turkey and Azerbaijan. That is the local reality. And the European Union, and also the Americans who were here in the form of Vice President Vance’s visit not too many weeks ago, are here to support that process. So, they would much prefer Armenia to be politically and economically integrated into the neo-Ottoman, Turkish-led, pan-Turkic alliance than Armenia to be in the zone of Russian influence.

This is the geopolitical, so to speak, big picture they are here for. And they’re here to ensure that happens by coming to what amounts to a re-election campaign for the Armenian Prime Minister. JD Vance publicly defended him. I am not aware that European leaders have given such public support, but they are here to try to create the impression, and I think it is a false impression, but to create the impression that Armenia is on the verge of being part of Europe and will enjoy the economic benefits, in particular, that most Europeans enjoy.

Aram Sargsyan. As we know, US Vice President JD Vance also supported the Prime Minister of Hungary, who recently suffered a crushing defeat in the elections. Do you think Nikol Pashinyan will suffer the same fate?

John Eibner. Well, one can never be 100 percent sure, but I believe that every means, fair or unfair, will be used to ensure his victory. And the Armenian state has many tools at its disposal to help it. And, of course, they can be helped enormously by the European powers and the United States. It is no secret that the United States in particular has interfered and brokered elections throughout its history. It has even brought down many governments. It had leaders that were killed.

Aram Sargsyan. In South America, or Central America, or even other continents.

John Eibner. Yeah, I mean, it’s a well-known fact. It’s not a secret. It is well documented. Everyone is aware of it. So why should anyone think that if it is in the American or European interest to ensure that one particular candidate wins this election, they will not use anti-democratic means to achieve it? And the fact that they use democratic slogans does not mean that they will behave democratically. Armenians also know this.

They are well aware of the beautiful slogans that have been around for years. You hear about democratic socialism and people’s republics and things like that in Armenia, but the reality was quite different because the government felt the need to use coercive means to achieve its goals.

Aram Sargsyan. Mr. Eibner, what should European leaders, delegations and media representatives coming to Armenia know about the state of democracy and human rights in Armenia before the CIS summit and the EU-Armenia summit? I mean, will they, or at least some of them, who are truly committed to democratic freedoms, objectively approach the current situation in Armenia?

John Eibner. I am afraid that they know even more about the real situation in Armenia and the decline of democracy than you and I. They have intelligence agencies. They know what’s going on. And they are also participants, just like the Russians. I mean, the Russians are there. They know what’s going on. They have their means of influence. So what we see today is that Armenia is a battlefield of great powers, it has turned into a battlefield of the so-called “big game”.

That’s what the British called Central Asia in the 19th century. “Big chess board”. There’s a big game going on, and it’s happening now with Armenia. So you have a situation where everything in the world is changing. Russia can no longer truly claim Armenia as its sphere of influence and defend its interests here as it did in the past.

So, it is an open area for Turkish-Azerbaijani co-ownership, first of all, because they are immediate neighbors, but also the European Union and the Americans want to plant their flags here. It is very similar to the 19th century scramble for Africa.

Powers compete with each other to be here, and some powers want to be politically ascendant, particularly Turkey and Azerbaijan. Other powers are happy for the process to continue, as it simply means that the area will not be in Russia’s sphere of influence. And of course you can build a barrier between Russia and Iran.

so that A big geopolitical game is going on to establish influence in Armenia. And the only real interest that these powers, the Western powers, have is to try to prevent, say, Russia, Iran, and even China, although China is not such an active player, to make sure that the so-called adversaries have no space to operate and exert influence in Armenian territory. That’s really what it’s all about. The European political community is here to promote this.

When they come, they’re already doing it, they’re talking about building democratic resistance, while at the same time they’re interfering in the electoral process in a very overt way.

They talk about building democratic resistance while the prime minister they support is persecuting the church, harassing the media and carrying out a major democratic backsliding to make Armenia look more and more like a one-party authoritarian state. So they use language like “democratic resilience” and “fighting disinformation.”

Aram Sargsyan. Countering hybrid threats.

John Eibner. Exactly, but they are actually engaged in their own hybrid war. There is a hybrid war being waged by all these parties. Russia, the United States, Europe, Turkey and Azerbaijan, all of them are using their means, so far they have been non-lethal means, it is not kinetic warfare, but there is information warfare, psychological warfare, there is economic warfare. All this is now about governing Armenia and deciding the future of Armenia. And Western powers seem to believe that Armenia’s future belongs to the Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance.

Aram Sargsyan. And who do you think is actually waging a hybrid war against Armenia?

John Eibner. All the powers I mentioned. Turkey and Azerbaijan are waging a hybrid war against Armenia, sometimes they are waging a kinetic war, or, in other words, a deadly war.

At the moment no one is killed in that war, but they did it, they did it in Karabakh. These Karabakh wars are still unresolved. So they’ve used lethal warfare methods, and when they’re not waging lethal warfare, they’re waging hybrid warfare, using different methods: soft power, economic power, using psychological warfare, using information warfare to coerce Armenia. The Europeans, Americans and Russians are using whatever tools they have to push Armenia in the direction they want.

So Armenia is a battlefield today. At the moment, no one is being killed on that battlefield,  but the war is going on. And I wouldn’t want to say that the Russians are not waging a hybrid war. What I am saying is that everyone is handling hybrid warfare in their own way. And what I do know is that the Western powers have more sophisticated means of waging hybrid warfare than the Russians.

Aram Sargsyan. Armenia is a battlefield, you mean geopolitical conflicts?

John Eibner. Yes, it is a geopolitical battlefield. All these parties have a geopolitical interest. In fact, the economic benefit they have is marginal. It exists. But the main interest is geopolitical interest. The Americans have a geopolitical interest in creating a barrier between Russia and Iran: Also opening, of course, their “Zangezur Corridor”, “Trump Corridor”. The Europeans want to use the territory against their strategic adversary, which is Russia. We see this playing out in Ukraine. You see it being played in Moldova.

We are now seeing it played out in Turkey and Armenia. And then we see that Armenia’s immediate neighbors, Turkey and Azerbaijan, are demanding terms that would mean Armenia’s integration into this neo-Ottoman, pan-Turkic, geopolitical bloc, currently headed by Turkey. That is what is happening now with all these powers. Iran would also be in the mix, except that it is now fighting for its survival. Iran used to be an imperial power in Armenia, but it is “on the ropes” and doesn’t have the means to be a major player in this fight for Armenia.

Aram Sargsyan. And what if we look at these Armenia-EU issues, or these relations with the European Union, with Russia in the light of the recent meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Nikol Pashinyan, when Putin publicly raised many issues, including the issue related to the Eurasian Economic Union and the EU, and even the political processes taking place in Armenia. And what can the Armenian nation do to change the situation or prevent all these threats?

John Eibner.They are surrounded by threats. Each of these powers has certain leverage and can provoke and threaten Armenia. Of course, the biggest threat comes from Turkey and Azerbaijan, because they are immediate neighbors and they are already threatening war. Prime Minister Pashinyan admitted that the war may come in September. Well, where will that war come from? It is clear that from Turkey and Azerbaijan. If he doesn’t meet their terms, he says there could be war in September. And these other powers are pressuring and pushing each other, and it will take enormous diplomatic skills for Armenia to get out of this situation. to exit with sovereignty intact.

It’s not a simple question and I can be very critical of course. I can say that the Prime Minister of Armenia shouldn’t have done this and shouldn’t have done that, but I have some sympathy. Whoever is the Prime Minister of Armenia, if he loses the election and is succeeded, he will inherit an extremely difficult geopolitical situation. But I do not believe that the answer to this situation is to commit national suicide and give in politically and economically to the absorption of Armenia, which is actually a hostile Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance.

Aram Sargsyan. And as a conclusion, Mr. Aibner. Where do you think these processes and developments are leading Armenia, both domestically and regionally, certainly taking into account the situation around Iran, and how would you interpret the visit of Ukrainian President Zelensky to Armenia, which is expected by Nikol Pashinyan, as he announced the other day? 

John Eibner. Well, you’ve asked some great questions and I can’t predict the future. What I can say is that Armenia is sitting on a powder keg and it may explode: And such questions as, first of all, You mentioned President Zelensky’s visit. He is the head of a European state, a member of the European Political Community. So he has the right to be in such a meeting. The question is: what problem does the Prime Minister of Armenia want to solve in his presence? Is he using it to provoke Russia, or is he just hosting him out of courtesy as a head of state, as he should be? We will see in the coming days whether the Prime Minister believes that it is in the interests of the Armenian nation and the Armenian state to provoke Russia, if he believes that Turkey, Azerbaijan, the EU and the Western powers will save Armenia if there is an open conflict with Russia.

Aram Sargsyan. I mean, geopolitically, isn’t Zelensky’s visit too dangerous in your opinion?

John Eibner. Of course it’s dangerous. I mean, Armenia has no way to avoid danger. There are dangers from many sides. The immediate danger actually comes from Turkey and Azerbaijan. This is where there is a real threat of war tomorrow or in September. There can be a war, an invasion, a military operation against Armenia, which comes only from Azerbaijan and Turkey. But, of course, if Armenia becomes a base of anti-Russian activities, then there will be some reaction from Russia. And the first signs will come through some kind of economic coercion.

Aram Sargsyan. But don’t you think that this narrative and discussions about the so-called “new war” are somewhat artificially exaggerated by the authorities in order to scare people and manipulate it before the elections?

John Eibner. I don’t think it’s entirely artificial. Armenia is really under the threat of war. There is no doubt about it. there was a war in 2020. OK? There was a war. Three years ago, Nagorno Karabakh was attacked. So to say, oh, there is no threat of war, I think is a big mistake. There is a threat of war. The question is how to deal with that threat and whether the threat of war is being manipulated in a way that is not in the interest of the Armenian nation. That is the question. The threat of war is real. There is no doubt in my mind about that, but it is being manipulated in the interests of Turkey and Azerbaijan, and it is being manipulated in a way that could lead to the destruction of the Armenian state.

Aram Sargsyan. And would you like to say something more positive and encouraging as a conclusion?

John Eibner. Well, yes, hope is there is always hope. I mean, Armenians can talk about hope much better than I can. Armenians have gone through genocide, massacres, pogroms, ethnic and religious cleansing. We are facing a threat today, but the Armenian nation has survived. And there is always hope that somehow one can get out of trouble or survive a terrible tragedy. So there is tremendous hope. I’m not one to testify, but just look at the history of the nation and the history of its church, 1,700 years, and you’ve survived, you’ve survived.

Aram Sargsyan. Thank you, Mr. Eibner, for an interesting interview.

John Eibner. Thanks for hosting me.

Artist Spotlight Talks Highlight Armenian Creators at Forest Lawn Museum

Colorado Boulevard, CA
May 2 2026

Visitors to Glendale’s Forest Lawn Museum will soon have the chance to hear directly from the artists featured in Convergence, the museum’s ongoing exhibition highlighting more than twenty contemporary creators of Armenian descent. A new series of monthly artist talks, free to attend, with complimentary parking, will offer deeper insight into each artist’s process, influences, and approach to their craft.

By Melanie Hooks

Moderated by Dr. James Fishburne, Director of Forest Lawn Museum, and artist Kaloust Geudel, the conversations will explore the diverse perspectives that shape the exhibition. Attendees can also access additional background on each artist through the digital exhibition catalog, available via the museum’s exhibition page.

Artist Spotlight Calendar

  • Saturday, May 9 at 2:00 pm — Aroussiak Gabrielian
  • Sunday, June 14 at 2:00 pm — Painterly Expressions Rouzanna Berberian Kaloust Geudel Gegam Kacherian Hagop Najarian Arshak Nazarian Gagik Vardanyan
  • Sunday, July 12 at 2:00 pm — Looking Through the Lens Liana Grigoryan Sossi Madzounian Ara Mgrdichian
  • Sunday, August 9 at 2:00 pm— Art, Politics and Identity Alina Mnatsakanian Ara Oshagan She Loves Collective Alysse Stepanian Harry Vorperian

About the “Convergence” Exhibition

Convergence brings together a wide-ranging group of artists whose work spans abstraction, conceptual installations, photography, sculpture, and mixed media. Rather than attempting to encapsulate the full breadth of Armenian history or identity, the exhibition centers on the shared heritage of its contributors—artists born in the United States, recent immigrants, and creators from across the Armenian diaspora.

Curated by Alina Mnatsakanian and Kaloust Guedel in collaboration with Dr. Fishburne, the exhibition showcases the work of Martiros Adalian, Rouzanna Berberian, Tina Chakarian, Aroussiak Gabrielian, Charles Garabedian, Sophia Gasparian, Liana Grigoryan, Kaloust Guedel, Charlie Hachadourian, Alex Hedison, Armineh Hovanesian, Narine Isajanyan, Gegam Kacherian, Farrah Karapetian, Nina Katchadourian, Bari Luis, Sossi Madzounian, Ara Mgrdichian, Alina Mnatsakanian, Hagop Najarian, Arshak Nazarian, Ara Oshagan, Larisa Safaryan, Aram Saroyan, She Loves Collective, Alysse Stepanian, Gagik Vardanyan, Harry Vorperian, Zadik Zadikian, and Zareh.

Through their varied practices, these artists offer a multifaceted look at Armenian experience and _expression_—an artistic convergence that invites viewers to consider identity, memory, and innovation from multiple angles.

Convergence Artist Spotlights
2:00 pm: Saturday, May 9; Sunday, June 14; Sunday, July 12; Sunday, August 9 
Location
Forest Lawn Museum
1712 S. Glendale Ave.
Glendale, CA 91205
Parking, admission and talks, free.

https://www.coloradoboulevard.net/artist-spotlight-talks-on-armenian-creators-at-forest-lawn-museum/

Ombudsperson marks International Workers’ Day

Armenia15:24, 1 May 2026
Read the article in: Armenian:

Human Rights Defender of Armenia Anahit Manasyan has sent a congratulatory message on the occasion of International Workers’ Day and Solidarity of Workers.

In her message, the Human Rights Defender said:

“I congratulate you on May 1, International Workers’ Day and Solidarity of Workers. This symbolic day is an opportunity to reassess the role of work in each of our lives and once again emphasise the importance of protecting labour rights.

Despite the steps taken, many systemic issues remain in the field of ensuring labour rights in our country. Studies conducted by the staff of the Human Rights Defender and the complaints received show that particular attention is needed to ensure safe and decent working conditions, the full realisation of the right to rest, as well as the guarantee of fair and adequate remuneration, including for overtime work.

Problems also persist in ensuring equal opportunities in the labour market. More targeted steps are needed to promote women’s employment. Particular attention is also required to ensure an inclusive and accessible working environment for persons with disabilities, as well as to take appropriate steps to guarantee their employment.

It is a key obligation of the state to create a working environment where equality, safety and dignity are ensured, and where every individual has the opportunity to fully realise their potential.

Ensuring the right to strike and removing existing legislative and practical obstacles in this regard is also a priority issue.

At the same time, it is necessary to continuously improve oversight mechanisms for ensuring labour rights and to raise awareness among both employees and employers.

I wish you effective and productive work in decent and safe conditions, emphasising consistent and visible progress in the protection of labour rights.”

Read the article in: Armenian:

Published by Armenpress, original at 

Thursday Interview: Dr. Andrzej Klimczyk

Commonspace.eu
April 30 2026

The Armenian parliamentary elections on 7 June are crucial in more ways than one. A fragile peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is still at stake. While progress has been made since President Trump’s August 2025 meeting with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, where a peace agreement was initialled, much remains uncertain. Key elements of the settlement are yet to be finalised, and the political will required to sustain momentum will depend heavily on the outcome of the vote. The peace agenda is heavily politicised, adding further sensitivity to the process, as conduits for Kremlin policy continue to disseminate fear and uncertainty within Armenian society regarding the ongoing peace process with Azerbaijan.

In this week’s Thursday Interview, former Polish diplomat Dr. Andrzej Klimczyk draws on decades of experience across the post-Soviet space to reflect on Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections and the wider dynamics in the South Caucasus. He argues that while the European Union has the potential to play a stronger geopolitical role in the region, its approach remains too bureaucratic and insufficiently attuned to local realities.

Klimczyk also outlines his proposal for a “South Caucasus Euroregion” as a long-term framework for cooperation between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, aimed at unlocking the region’s economic and geopolitical potential.

On Armenia’s June 2026 elections, he highlights a highly polarised political environment, with competition focused more on personalities than programmes and a fragmented opposition. He also warns of growing risks of disinformation and hybrid interference, cautioning that the main challenge may be the erosion of trust in the information environment rather than the integrity of the vote itself.

“We can already observe significant social polarisation, the use of hate speech, and brutal media attacks by competing electoral entities on each other. Unlike Georgia or Moldova, Armenia is operating under intense and immediate security pressure following the end of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Border issues, normalisation of relations with Azerbaijan, and relations with Türkiye are not just foreign policy issues, they are existential political issues. This raises the stakes of each election and increases the likelihood of hardline rhetoric that could complicate post-election management.”

A note to our readers: 

This interview marks the start of a special “Armenia Season” on commonspace.eu. The summit of the European Political Community will be held in Yerevan on 4 May. This will be immediately followed by an EU-Armenia summit. On 7 June Armenia will hold parliamentary elections.

Our twice-weekly newsletter Armenia Election Monitor, will be published between 1 May and 15 June, and will track and analyse key developments ahead of the parliamentary elections  on 7 June, with concise, fact-based and non-partisan insights, and will after analyse the results.

LINKS Europe Foundation will host a webinar titled: Armenia between a historic summit and a crucial election. Join us on 6 May at 15:00 (Amsterdam) / 17:00 (Yerevan) for a panel discussion on the European Political Community Summit in Yerevan and Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections. Sign up using this link.

Read the full text of our interview below:

Welcome, Dr. Klimczyk. Could you start by telling us about your professional journey, and what drew you to focus extensively on the South Caucasus and wider region?

I am a former Polish diplomat with over 25 years of experience in post-Soviet countries. I worked, among others, at the Polish Embassy in Moscow, at the OSCE Mission in Moldova, and at the NATO Liaison Office in Georgia. In Moscow I met my wife. She was Armenian. Wanting to learn more about the culture, the history of Armenia, and the traditions prevailing in this country, I became interested not only in Armenia, but in the entire South Caucasus.

After becoming more familiar with the region, the South Caucasus became increasingly interesting to me. According to many of my colleagues, it is a region that does not always receive consistent global attention. I consider it to be of immense importance in terms of energy routes, security dynamics, and cultural complexity. It quickly became a topic of great interest and fascination for me. After my wife passed away, I established the Anush Klimczyk Foundation in March 2025 in Yerevan, Armenia.

You’ve criticised the EU’s approach to Georgia, and noted similar patterns in Armenia and Azerbaijan. What do you consider the EU’s shortcomings as they pertain to the South Caucasus, and do you believe the EU has the capacity to act as a meaningful geopolitical actor in the region?

The short answer is yes, the European Union can play a significant role, but only if it moves away from an approach based mainly on bureaucratic procedures. The EU should try harder to understand local people, their history, and their mentality, which is slightly different from the mentality of a European.

The EU can become a significant geopolitical player if it tries to view Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia not as separate states, but as a single whole, as a region. The EU possesses real advantages. It has significant influence on the global economy, many EU countries are among the world’s richest states, and it offers political attractiveness and a code of values.

The EU can provide financial support and build ideological clout, especially among societies that perceive a European orientation as a long-term goal. It can influence reforms, infrastructure development, and transport accessibility, which are gaining importance with the emergence of new transit routes connecting the Black Sea with Central Asia and Europe. In one word, the European Union can be a partner you can rely on.

At the same time, the EU is a very bureaucratic organisation. Decision-making is slow, lengthy, and not always accurate. Speaking about Georgia, the EU has invested heavily in democratisation, the rule of law, and institutional reforms through programmes such as the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. While these programmes appear logical on paper, in practice they are often perceived as technocratic, slow, and sometimes out of touch with the political realities of partner countries.

When domestic political crises arise, Brussels typically vacillates between excessive diplomatic caution and declarative pressure that is not supported by real leverage. In my opinion, a large part of the responsibility for what we are currently seeing in Georgia, the retreat from democratic standards, lies with the bureaucratic approach of the EU.

The EU has to be more active in areas such as democratisation, good governance, and the rule of law. An integral part of this process is strengthening the independence of the judiciary, implementing public administration reforms, creating a cohesive and professional civil service, and ensuring the effective functioning of institutions in law enforcement and the market economy.

Building on that, you’ve championed the idea of a South Caucasus “Euroregion”. How realistic is trilateral integration given current politics?

A long time ago, in November 2023, I presented my idea of a “Euroregion South Caucasus”. The idea was born after the exodus of residents of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. It became clear that the region needed an idea that could contribute to the peaceful coexistence of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.

As I mentioned, the EU is a very bureaucratic organisation, and Brussels is staffed mostly by bureaucrats rather than politicians or diplomats. Therefore, it is difficult to expect new ideas or concepts for the South Caucasus region from there. I would also add that, in my opinion, the idea of the Eastern Partnership, initiated in 2009 by Poland and Sweden, has exhausted itself.

It seemed natural to me that someone should take the initiative and develop a new idea for the countries of the South Caucasus. In the course of more than 30 years of independence, the region lost the chance, unlike the Baltic states, to establish a stable and secure space with broad prospects for economic cooperation. Instead, divisive lines emerged, separating nations and diminishing the prospects of shared prosperity.

This is precisely where this concept still has value. It transforms the region from a set of bilateral conflicts into a potential shared space of cooperation and good neighbourly relations. The South Caucasus has immense geopolitical and geo-economic opportunities. It has significant transit and tourist potential, important natural resources, and an educated, almost fully literate, and relatively cheap labour force. In other words, all the necessary factors are in place for the region to succeed and to occupy a worthy place in international relations.

Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia could create unique conditions for common development, allowing them to capitalise on their geopolitical and geostrategic location, natural resources, and human capital. The creation of a South Caucasus Euroregion would bring these countries closer to the European Union and would contribute to stability and security in the region. Integration and trust could create a cumulative effect, and the region could follow examples of cooperation such as Benelux and the Visegrad Group.

In the longer term, this could lead to a European model of cooperation, with a common space, freer movement, and more symbolic borders. Military expenditure could be reduced, living standards improved, and the region’s economic and transit potential more fully developed. It would also increase confidence in the future.

The benefits for the countries would be clear, starting with the integration of economic interests. In a more distant perspective, this could include the abolition of trade barriers and the development of free movement of people, goods, and business. It would mean a common market, stronger security guarantees, shared infrastructure projects, increased attractiveness for investors, and better prospects for future generations.

After presenting the idea, I held consultations with experts from Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia. They agreed that the concept has potential, but needs to be thoroughly studied. I believe it would be worthwhile to organise a meeting of experts from these countries together with EU representatives to discuss it further. I remain open to any proposal that could bring this idea closer to realisation.

Based on your experience observing elections in Russia, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova, how do you assess the prospects and challenges of the upcoming June 2026 Armenian parliamentary elections?

The upcoming parliamentary elections will undoubtedly be crucial for the country’s future. We can already observe significant social polarisation, the use of hate speech, and brutal media attacks by competing electoral entities on each other. Unlike Georgia or Moldova, Armenia is operating under intense and immediate security pressure following the end of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Border issues, normalisation of relations with Azerbaijan, and relations with Türkiye are not just foreign policy issues, they are existential political issues. This raises the stakes of each election and increases the likelihood of hardline rhetoric that could complicate post-election management.

Armenia continues to hold genuinely competitive, free elections. Compared to countries such as Russia, this remains an important strength. The main problem is not the lack of competition, but the quality of it. Politics is highly polarised and often based on support for or opposition to Nikol Pashinyan. This risks narrowing the political debate and turning elections into referendums on leadership rather than on future-oriented programmes.

On April 23, the Central Election Commission registered 19 entities, including 17 political parties and 2 electoral alliances. In my view, this is too many. At present, I do not observe a real contest over programmes, but rather a contest over names. Voters are being asked to choose between party leaders, not between policy proposals.

Another major challenge is the fragmented opposition. In Armenia, opposition forces often unite around protest movements, but struggle to maintain cohesion during elections. This situation favours the ruling party, despite high levels of public dissatisfaction.

Do you see risks of disinformation or hybrid interference in these elections, and is Armenia prepared to counter them effectively?

If I had to give a short answer, yes. There are real threats not only during the campaign, but also on election day and afterwards. In my opinion, the greatest threat is the constant flow of hate-driven narratives, which reinforce existing polarisation rather than creating a stable pre-election environment.

Hybrid interference may focus on issues such as security and stability. Messages related to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, including peace agreements, borders, and refugees, can be used to polarise voters or lower turnout. Disinformation can also target the diaspora. Armenia’s large diaspora is an asset, but it also allows narratives to spread outside the country and return through social media platforms.

Is Armenia prepared to counter external disinformation? I would say partly. There are many organisations, civil society groups, and independent media outlets actively engaged in fact-checking and monitoring, often with support from the European Union. This is an important strength.

At the same time, there are weaknesses. There are institutional gaps, including the lack of a fully integrated, state-led strategy that combines cybersecurity, strategic communications, platform engagement, and crisis response. Responsibilities are fragmented, and responses are often reactive. Public awareness is also relatively low, which allows even weak or poorly documented claims to gain traction quickly.

There is an important role here for official authorities and fact-checking organisations. Faster and clearer communication from authorities is needed to prevent information vacuums. Coordination across social platforms and closer cooperation with major technology companies may also be necessary to detect coordinated behaviour at an early stage.

In summary, Armenia is better prepared than it was a decade ago, but its defences against hybrid interference are still not fully integrated. The greatest risk is not that the elections will be technically manipulated, but that the information environment becomes so polarised that the outcome is widely questioned.

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 30-04-

Economy17:17, 30 April 2026
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The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 30 April, USD exchange rate down by 0.41 drams to 370.78 drams. EUR exchange rate down by 0.14 drams to 434.41 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.0088 drams to 4.9378 drams. GBP exchange rate down by 0.03 drams to 501.41 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price down by 571 drams to 53907 drams.

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