Author: Elizabeth Jabejian

AW: The Teachers of Artsakh’s Border Villages

Elizabeth Jabejian
 Irina Safaryan News, Interviews 0

There is a saying—”If you have to put someone on a pedestal, put teachers. They are society’s heroes.”

Indeed, teachers are instrumental in shaping the minds of future generations. They are role models for many schoolchildren. They are the source of inspiration for many of us since childhood, helping us to think more widely and critically. 

They manage to teach and bring out the best in children. During the 2020 war in Artsakh, Elina Balasanyan—my personal hero—was one of the bravest who brought books into a Stepanakert bunker and entertained children while the capital was under heavy shelling.

This article is a tribute to all of the brave and fearless young teachers of Artsakh, who have dedicated their lives to educating the new generation. Several of these teachers are members of Teach For Armenia, which is part of the Teach For All global network committed to expanding educational opportunities for all children. These young people moved from different parts of the homeland to the border villages of Artsakh, where they now consider themselves as part of those communities. 

Ashot Gabrielyan

Ashot Gabrielyan is 21 years old and lives in the region of Askeran in Artsakh. He studied international relations at Yerevan State University and participated in the Erasmus+ educational program in Portugal. 

“I decided to join the Teach For Armenia program immediately after the 2020 Artsakh War because I wanted to be in Artsakh, and this program was the best solution. I’m deeply convinced that all change should start from education. I moved to Kolkhozashen, a village in Martuni region with the hope that I will gain both personal and professional growth and help the community. My first impression of Kolkhozashen was amazing, as the village is surrounded by mountains and forests. It’s a village where I always imagined myself working. The people of Kolkhozashen have been very kind and friendly since the first moment I got here. They accepted me and helped with everything. My only difficulty is that my rental home is not equipped with the minimum necessities (bathroom and hot water), but these are nothing when you see motivated school children and members of the community, who give you the strength to support this village.

In addition to our primary academic curriculum, we have several community projects. One of them is Djane (ՋանԷ) center which is going to be a project incubator where students will gather and implement community projects. Another one is “Kolkhoz quest,” which was held over the weekend. We divided 10 interesting locations throughout the village which have rich historical and cultural heritage. Guests complete different tasks to learn more about Kolkhozashen. This initiative will help develop tourism in Kolkhozashen.  We also have an installation called the “Human Rights Laundromat” at the school. This idea came when Artsakh was deprived of natural gas for almost a month in March; Azerbaijani military forces have been violating our rights to have a normal life. At that time, we were studying human rights in sociology class, so we decided to do laundry with human rights posters as a sign of purity. If laundering money means getting richer illegally, then a human rights laundromat is intended to remind everyone about our natural rights in this way.

My biggest achievements are my students. I have noticed after my arrival that they started studying even better. They love me and the subject, and they like spending time with me. Teaching is giving me hope for a good future. Working with the younger generation is a good motivation and gives hope that our future is in good hands. I’m in Artsakh with my beloved people, doing what I love. Big changes start with small steps. I will encourage my compatriots to start those changes within ourselves. Start taking steps in order to make our community, our village and our future better. With this, we can create the strong and prosperous motherland we are all dreaming of.”

Shushanik Manukyan 

Shushanik Manukyan is 26 years old from Gyumri. She studied finance in the Gyumri branch of the Armenian State University of Economics.

“At my previous workplace, I was thinking a lot about what I can do to be useful to my motherland. I decided to become a teacher in the villages of Artsakh. I found myself in Berdashen village in the Martuni region, which is home to just over 200 schoolchildren. At first, I was a little surprised when they hired me for this job in this big school, as I didn’t have pedagogical experience. I have learned a lot from my high school students. I remember the first time I came to Berdashen. Although it wasn’t my first time in Artsakh, the road seemed endless to me. I felt like I was in an American movie, surrounded by deserted roads and somewhere in between, people had been laying down new asphalt which was going to lead me to Berdashen. I was only thinking about one thing at that moment, that my village would be as deserted as the road. Fortunately, I appeared in a place surrounded by the forests. My small house was right near that forest; I loved being close to nature.

Gaining the trust of the villagers was a challenge. I’m new here, but time puts everything in its place. I also had trouble finding a place to live. When I finally found a house, I realized there was no gas, no electricity and no running water. Despite the unavailability of these resources, I was warmed by the feeling that I was doing an important job in Artsakh. I lived in that house until September 27. Then, I started to live with a woman who is like a mother to me here in Berdashen. If I was given another chance, I would definitely choose Teach For Armenia again; it’s how I found the positive in every unfortunate situation and I started to instill this ideology with my students…to view circumstances from different angles. Together, we are using opportunities in the community to create projects in Berdashen. Berdashen Fest, for example, turned out to be bigger than we expected. The idea came to us a year ago, when it was proposed by two high school students. I wasn’t expecting such an initiative from young people who just witnessed a war. We presented this project to members of the community who agreed to finance it. I try to learn from my students every day. My contract is going to be over soon, but I’m trying to gain more wisdom and flexibility from my students, convincing myself that if they can do it, I also should do it. If they inspire me, that means they can teach me a lot.”

Poghos Galstyan (Photo: ArtsakhPress)

Poghos Galstyan is 25 years old from Yerevan. He studied applied mathematics, physics and astrophysics. 

“After the 2020 Artsakh War, I was feeling guilty that I couldn’t participate in the war and didn’t help my people. When I saw the Teach For Armenia announcement, I decided immediately to join them. Teach For Armenia gave me a unique opportunity to live and teach in the picturesque village of Qolatak in the Martakert region. It wasn’t me who chose this village, but I’m happy for this choice. The village had been without a physics teacher for almost three years. I was very excited and happy to be in Qolatak. The villagers did everything to make me feel at home. I was amazed by this village and its rich historical and cultural heritage. Qolatak is home to the Koshik Anapat Monastery, Hakobavank Monastery, Eghetsi Khut Monastery and Kachaghakaberd Fortress. There’s an amazing community of people who are ready to embrace you like a member of their family. The living conditions, however, have been challenging. There is no gas in the village, and the water is carried from the springs. For a guy from Yerevan, this was difficult and unusual to me. But after some time, you understand that these are not difficulties but a way of life. My main achievement is the love and respect of my students. Every moment spent with my students is a great pleasure to me. Being a teacher isn’t a profession. It’s a calling and a mission.”

Nina Shahverdyan

Nina Shahverdyan is 21 years old from Stepanakert. She studied English and communications at American University of Armenia. 

“After graduation, I was thinking about how I can be more useful to Artsakh as post-war conditions here have been very difficult. This is why I decided to start teaching as I strongly believe that good education can change everything and give us a good future. I have faced many obstacles and challenges while teaching in Aghavno, a borderline village in the Lachin corridor. Despite the lack of motivation to make something and to learn something new among children and their parents, I have managed to cheer them up by bringing new interests to their everyday life. Good education can change Armenia. I was always thinking about this, but after teaching in Aghavno for almost a year, I’m deeply convinced of it. We must pay more attention to our education system in order to have well-educated generations and a brighter future.”

Arthur Kirakosyan

Arthur Kirakosyan is a 26-year-old historian from Gyumri. 

“The idea of joining Teach For Armenia came spontaneously. As I started to learn about this project, I realized there were several points that matched my views on education that all children should be given the right to quality education. Teach For Armenia is meant to educate members of the future generation who will become leaders and outstanding members of their community or village in 25 years. This is how I found myself in Tsmakahogh village in Martakert region. Artsakh was unfamiliar to me; there were many things to think of and worry about. But the day I arrived, a calmness came over me as the villagers welcomed me with open arms. The headmaster and teachers accepted me as part of their family; we became friends. I never had difficulties with getting along with residents. Obviously, there were several problems in both daily life and in teaching, but they were manageable. In addition to academic programs, we are implementing community programs for the children. Last year, we started beekeeping classes with the help of Dream Foundation. Students are learning how to harvest their own eco honey. They are also learning how to garden, harvest, understand the soil and get closer to their community. The main achievement has been developing and maintaining a friendly atmosphere with the community and especially with my students. We are getting closer day by day. The most important thing is that they trust me and confide in me. The funniest thing is that they know me so well that whenever I want to get angry they start speaking with me in Gyumri dialect (ընկեր, մենք քեզ կսիրենք գԸ), and my anger fades. My term is coming to an end in a few months. I have mixed feelings of sadness and happiness. I’m happy that I was here and that I spent the most beautiful and energetic two years of my life here.”

Artavazd Boyajyan

Artavazd Boyajyan is 28 years old from the Armenian province of Shirak. He studied informatics and applied mathematics.

“I was following Teach For Armenia’s Facebook page, but I wasn’t sure that I could be a good teacher. But when I read, ‘You can change at least one child’s life,’ I submitted a completed application on the last day of the deadline. In 2018, I started teaching in Stepanakert at Physmath school. When the contract was over, I decided to stay in Artsakh and moved to the village of Maghavuz in Martakert region, where I teach mathematics and informatics. My lack of experience caused many problems for sure, but time helped me change my perception of everything. I can name several achievements during these years, but the main one is that my students started reading books. In addition to teaching, I’m organizing hiking tours with my students. I have created many interesting and funny memories with them. There are also sad memories, as we went hiking to those places which are now occupied by Azerbaijan. We can’t go there right now. Since natural science subjects are low ranked at our schools, we decided to create a STEM lab in Maghavuz and Martakert. We are organizing an Artsakh STEM Expo to present the beauty of natural science subjects with the youth.”

  •  Bio
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Irina Safaryan is a political scientist, translator and freelance journalist based in Stepanakert. She earned her master’s degree at Yerevan State University’s Department of International Relations; she’s also studied at the Diplomatic School of Armenia. She was an intern at the European Parliament and is well-informed on EU-Armenia relations. Irina is the co-founder of the first Wikipedia Club in Artsakh, an author of more than 100 articles in Armenian Wikipedia. Irina is interested in politics, education, new technologies and everything connected to peace and sustainable development of Artsakh.


Minor among detained protesters in Yerevan

Elizabeth Jabejian
Panorama
Armenia –

A minor was among the opposition protesters detained by the Armenian police on Wednesday, MP Elinar Vardanyan from the opposition Hayastan faction said.

The riot police detained 277 people at peaceful opposition protests in Yerevan on Wednesday morning.

“After the release of a group of detained activists, we were about to leave the Erebuni police station when a new car drove up, with chants of “Artsakh, Artsakh!” heard from the vehicle,” she wrote on Facebook.

“We are meeting another group. Chants of “Armenia without Nikol!” can be heard at the police station. A 14-year-old child is among the detainees,” the deputy said.

Turkish press: Mighty sovereigns of Ottoman throne: Sultan Abdülhamid II

Elizabeth Jabejian
 MAY 13, 2022 – 8:33 AM GMT+3

This old photo shows Sultan Abdülhamid II, the 34th ruler of the Ottoman Empire. (Wikimedia / Edited by Büşra Öztürk)

Born in 1842, Sultan Abdülhamid II was the son of Sultan Abdülmecid and Tîrimüjgan Kadınefendi. When he was 10 years old, his mother of Circassian descent died of tuberculosis. He received a good education and training from distinguished teachers in the palace. During the reign of his father and uncle, he lived a comfortable and free life in his mansion in Maslak.

Abdülhamid ascended the throne as the 34th Ottoman sultan and 99th Islamic caliph at the age of 34, after his elder brother, Sultan Murad V, was deposed due to his illness in 1876. He had promised a constitution to those who enthroned him. He kept his word.

The first Ottoman constitution, Kanun-i Esasi, was proclaimed and Parliament convened. The Ottoman Empire turned into a constitutional monarchy. However, Sultan Abdülhamid reigned as a symbolic ruler for the first two years as the power was actually in the hands of the military and civilian bureaucrat coup plotters who enthroned him.

A cover of the Ottoman constitution of 1876. (Wikimedia)

When Sultan Abdülhamid ascended the throne, a rebellion and military actions against it continued in the Balkans. When Russia intervened in the incident, European states organized a conference in Istanbul. At the conference, the Ottoman government was offered to make reforms in Rumelia; but the proposal was rejected.

Leading pro-constitution statesman Mithat Pasha, who also served briefly as Sultan Abdülhamid’s grand vizier, favored going to war with Russia. To achieve this goal, he urged people to take to the streets and hold demonstrations in favor of the war. He thought Britain would help, but he was wrong. Eventually, Mithat Pasha was sacked in January. Three months later, the 1877 Ottoman-Russian War resulted in one of the greatest disasters in Turkish-Islamic history.

In order to alleviate the damage of the war, the sultan asked for help from England. Britain agreed to help in return for a base in Cyprus. With the Treaty of Berlin signed in 1878 under these conditions, a great portion of the Ottoman lands were lost and a heavy war compensation was mandated. This treaty lies behind almost all of the Egypt, Eastern Rumelia, Crete, Macedonia and Armenian issues that took place during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid. Without understanding this treaty, one cannot judge on this era and the political value of the sultan.

Sultan Abdülhamid II, who held Parliament and the government responsible for this catastrophe, dissolved Parliament and ruled the country from the palace for 30 years like his grandfather Sultan Mahmud II. Thus, the constitution remained in effect but the regime of the state was reverted to absolute monarchy.

The sultan brought the unsolved death of his deposed uncle, Sultan Abdülaziz, to court in 1881. This court, which included the most famous jurists of the time, concluded that Sultan Abdülaziz was murdered. He sentenced the perpetrators, including Mithat, Rüştü, Damat Mahmud Celaleddin and Damat Nuri pashas, and Sheikh al-Islam Hayrullah Efendi, to death. The sultan, who never liked violence and never applied the death penalty, did not approve of these punishments and instead had them banished.

The meeting of the first Ottoman Parliament. (Wikimedia)

Ismail Pasha, the governor of Egypt, could not pay the heavy debt he took for the reconstruction of his country and the construction of the Suez Canal. Thereupon, Britain bought half of the channel shares. An English minister of finance and a French minister of public works were appointed. When they started to demobilize the Egyptian army over financial savings, an officer named Urabi led a rebellion in 1879. The sultan dismissed Ismail Pasha and appointed Tevfik Pasha as the Khedive. But when Urabi expelled the European officials, Britain, seeing that the road to India was in danger, invaded Egypt in 1882.

Taking advantage of these disturbances, France landed soldiers in Tunisia in 1881. The Ottoman government did not accept the occupation of Tunisia, which in fact had been out of the control of the central government for years. Libya was closely tied to the central administration and a significant amount of soldiers were stationed there.

Sultan Abdülhamid II wanted both to restore the reputation of the treasury and prevent further trouble to the state over the foreign debts that were promised to be repaid under a payment program stipulated by the Treaty of Berlin that ended the war. First of all, he made an agreement with the bankers and made them agree to a plan to pay the domestic debts in 1879.

Then, the sultan made an agreement with foreign creditors by diverting the revenues of the state’s alcohol, fish, salt, silk, tobacco and stamp taxes as collateral. In return, the debts were reduced by half. For this purpose, the Düyun-i Umumiyye (Ottoman Public Debt Administration) was established in 1881. Although this was not in line with the financial independence of the state, it was a very important and beneficial gain for the bankrupt state as the total debt was reduced to by more than half, the pretext for a major intervention was eliminated, and finally the financial reputation was restored. This also made positive contributions to the economy and financial administration.

The Ottoman-Greek war, which started in 1897 after Greece landed troops in Crete, ended with the victory of the Ottoman army. The Ottoman troops crossed the Thermopylae Pass in 24 hours, despite foreign military experts earlier saying it cannot be passed in six months, and arrived on the outskirts of Athens. Great powers intervened and peace was restored. The Ottoman Empire did not gain anything in this war, and its finances fell into a serious crisis. This crisis shook the sultan’s reign.

A Greek painting of the Battle of Velestino during the Greco-Turkish War of 1897. (Wikimedia)

The Treaty of Berlin Treaty stipulated that the Armenians in Anatolia be given autonomy. The government neglected the application of this provision on the grounds that the Armenian population did not constitute the majority anywhere, unlike the Balkan peoples. Russia started to provoke a revolt among Armenians by establishing Dashnak (left-wing) and Hunchak (social democrat) parties and forming militias.

From 1894 onward, tensions began to arise between the Armenian and Muslim communities. There were massacres, looting and destruction. The security forces were incapable of preventing these. In 1896, Armenian militias raided the Ottoman Bank. In 1905, an attempt was made to assassinate the sultan. The incident got tangled up. Although Sultan Abdülhamid II was not directly involved, he was called the Red Sultan.

The Zionists, who began settling in Palestine beginning from the early 1880s, offered the payment of Ottoman debts in return for allowing the establishment of an autonomous Jewish homeland in Palestine in 1901. Sultan Abdülhamid rejected this offer and restricted Jewish immigration to Palestine as a precautionary measure.

Sultan Abdülhamid, knowing the difficulties endured by the state, tried to get along with all states with a fine-tuned diplomacy. He benefited from the balance of power between Britain, Russia and Germany. At the same time, he tried to use the influence of the caliphate to give the state a reputation and a sense of security to the Muslims of the world. He struggled through diplomatic means to have played against Islam or the Ottomans banned from the stages in Europe, and he succeeded.

The sultan commissioned madrassas and mosques in towns where Muslims lived all over the world. He sent aid and money to scholars. In order to undermine the influence of the caliphate, Britain, through Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, propagated in the Arab world that the caliphate of the Ottoman sultans was not legitimate. The sultan’s policy, which embraced traditional Islam and opposed modernism, also faced hostility from some clergymen.

Sultan Abdülhamid founded a modern intelligence agency in 1880 as he witnessed several coups and assassination attempts. The sultan followed an intense espionage movement at home and abroad through the journals provided to him. He forbade publishing newspapers and books insulting religion, against individuals, violating public order and against foreign states in a manner that disrupts political relations. Apart from this, it is a fabrication of his opponents that censorship was applied in fear of words such as freedom, Parliament, or Murad.

The sultan introduced the principle that religious books should be presented to a committee of scholars before they were published and a license should be obtained. He had the illegal printing houses tracked down and had the books they printed without permission destroyed. Later, this would be used against his opponents as “he had religious books burned.”

A photo of Sultan Abdülhamid II. (Wikimedia)

Sultan Abdülhamid did not want to interfere in other countries’ matters, as he did not want interference in his own internal affairs. For this reason, newspapers were asked to behave respectfully to European states and their ambassadors, not to criticize the policies of foreign governments unless there was a special warning, and not to humiliate others while glorifying Islam. For example, when the whole world rejoiced when Japan defeated Russia, Ottoman newspapers acted impartially.

In publications for Muslim peoples living under Western imperialism, the call was for the direction of embracing Islam, not rebellion. Instead of political opposition, newspapers had made it their duty to enlighten the public and increase reading habits. Serialized novels, poems, cultural articles, humor articles and travel notes increased. Thus, newspapers created new literary items. As a matter of fact, there were newspapers with a circulation of 30,000 in Istanbul, which had a population of 500,000 at the time.

During the period of relative peace that lasted for 30 years, Sultan Abdülhamid focused on education and development activities. The activities carried out in his time would fill volumes of books. In 1879, the judiciary was organized. Today, the judiciary organization in Turkey dates from that time.

In his time, the number of printing presses, books, magazines and newspapers increased tremendously. Secondary schools were established in every town, and high schools were established in big cities. Faculties, girls’ schools of all degrees, art schools, and schools for students with hearing and speech disabilities were opened. Instead of sending students abroad, the sultan preferred to appoint foreign teachers. Many hospitals were built at his time, and museums and libraries were established.

Sultan Abdülhamid closely followed the scientific discoveries in the world. He immediately sent a medal and monetary reward to Louis Pasteur, who had found the vaccine for rabies. He attached great importance to photography. He would examine the photographs of those who would enter the civil service. He had photographs taken of all over the country and had albums prepared.

The sultan made serious efforts to strengthen the army. He brought experts from Germany. To replace the old ships that lost their war power, he had high-quality cruisers and battleships brought in from Europe to strengthen the navy. The fortifications he had commissioned around the Dardanelles were an important reason for the 1915 Çanakkale victory.

Chambers of agriculture, industry and commerce were opened. The first modern census and statistics were carried out in his time. Many factories and workshops, ports and docks, clock towers, mines, dams and dikes were opened in the country. Official buildings began to appear all over the nation.

Sultan Abdülhamid II at Balmoral Castle in Scotland. (Wikimedia)

In addition to education and construction activities, public order and safety, deflation and prosperity were witnessed in the country. People never had a problem with the cost of living. Moreover, because of his respect for religion and traditions, the sultan was loved by the people.

Telegraph and railway lines were extended. Two railway projects named Hijaz and Baghdad, connecting Istanbul to Yemen and Basra, were launched. The length of railways increased to 1,993 kilometers (1,238 miles) in Rumelia and to 2,507 in Anatolia.

The sultan approached every element of the empire with paternal affection. As he handed over the administration of his personal treasury to the Armenian experts, he entrusted his security to the guard regiment composed of Albanians and Arabs as well as Turks. His personal servants were Circassians.

Sultan Abdülhamid established the Hamidiye regiments in the East as a precaution against a possible Russian invasion. He flattered the Kurds and have them attached to spiritual ties, so much so that he was called Bâve Kürdan (Father of the Kurds). He had a Tribal School opened for the education of the children of both Kurdish and Arab tribal chiefs and notables of the world’s Muslims. He forbade the celebration of the conquest of Istanbul so that the Greek citizens would not be hurt.

The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was founded in Macedonia in 1889 and spread especially among the officer corps in Rumelia.

After the officers who could not receive their salaries for a long time and did not like the traditional politics of Sultan Abdülhamid revolted in Rumelia, in what would later come to be called the Young Turk Revolution, the sultan was forced to convene Parliament again in 1908. On the other hand, newspapers and books started to peddle propaganda against the sultan. Abdülhamid is one of the rare figures in history about whom there is a large negative literature, so much so that his mistakes were inflated or what he didn’t do was shown as if they were done.

As a result of the political disintegration within the army, a counter-revolutionary rebellion broke out in Istanbul on April 13, 1909, bringing together CUP’s opponents, radical groups and disgruntled bureaucrats. The revolt, later came to be known as March 31 Incident, was suppressed by CUP-led troops brought in from Rumelia. The sultan was dethroned by the CUP-dominated Parliament and exiled to Salonica (Thessaloniki) under the pretext of this revolt, with the CUP or Britain rumored to be behind it. Yıldız Palace was looted by the soldiers. The movable and immovable properties of the sultan were confiscated by the CUP.

A portrait of Sultan Abdülhamid II. (Wikimedia)

Upon the fall of Salonica, the former sultan was brought to Istanbul in 1913 and imprisoned in the Beylerbeyi Palace. He was banned from meeting his family, going out and reading newspapers. He died from pneumonia on Feb. 10, 1918.

Sultan Abdülhamid II was medium height and thin. He was brown-haired with black eyes. His face and build carried the characteristic features of the Ottoman dynasty. He was intelligent, sensitive, gentle and dignified. His memory was sharp. He used to praise his relatives while fascinating the foreigners who met him with his sweet talk and kindness. He showed toughness when necessary as he could also easily placate his anger.

His voice was strong, he spoke calmly and clearly. He dressed and lived in a simple manner. He was generous. He understood well the era in which he lived, the morals and aptitudes of people, their moods and weak points. He tried to bind people to him with compliments, money, insignia and ranks.

Abdülhamid was a master carpenter, and his works are masterpieces of art. He used to run farms and mines when he was a prince. He had made a lot of money. He knew well that money was power. After ascending the throne, he rationally increased his wealth. He reduced his salary from the state. He used to cover the gifts he gave to people from his own wealth, and he also paid salaries from his own pocket to suspicious personalities that he had appointed to distant towns for political reasons.

He bought Palestine and the oil fields in Mosul and made them his personal property for political security reasons, which were later seized by the CUP and transferred to the state.

In his youth, he was very fond of sports. He was skilled in swimming, rowing, horseback riding and shooting. He also took great care of his health in his old age. He was very religious and cultured. He belonged to the Al-Shadhili (Şazeli) sect. He was survived by his sons Selim, Ahmed, Abdülkadir, Burhaneddin, Abdürrahim, Nureddin and Mehmet Abid, and his daughters Zekiyye, Naime, Naile, Şadiye, Ayşe and Refia.

A photo of Sultan Abdülhamid II. (Wikimedia)

Some foreigners described him as follows: British Prime Minister Benjamin D’Israeli: “Neither a dissolute, nor a tyrant, nor a zealot, nor an instigator. A just ruler who loves his nation and country.” British ambassador, Austen Henry Layard: “A very amiable, well-intentioned, gentle and humane person, ready to do whatever he can for the good of his subjects with pleasure.” British Ambassador Nicholas O’Conor: “The man who keeps the peace of Europe.” French Ambassador Maurice Bompard: “There is no diplomat in Europe like him who knows foreign policy.” British Navy Lord John Fisher: “He is one of Europe’s most adept and agile-minded diplomats.” British historian Joan Haslip: “History will one day write that he always worked for the happiness of his nation.”

Sultan Abdülhamid always used civilized methods in foreign policy and acted in very subtle and clever ways. He understood the importance of propaganda, which is the most effective means of power of our time, and tried to use it in the most effective way for not offensive but defensive purposes against imperialist and colonialist policies.

He struggled to survive on large lands, aiming to nullify many plots against him. Coups and assassinations have made his already prone character more suspicious. This suspicion, which should be considered normal under those conditions but exaggerated by some, was closely related to the tremendous political struggle for life going on around him. This suspicion was actually a policy and a tactic. Thus, he led his opponents in the wrong direction and misled them about his true purpose for a long time.

Knowing what he could do and what he could not do, he followed an honorable path in politics. He was not a person of minor ideas and circles, and acted with lofty purposes like his ancestors. In this way, many political dangers were eliminated with small concessions.

From the collapse of the great empire within 10 years after his departure, it is clear that Abdülhamid extended the state’s life by 30 years with his mistakes and merits. The Ottoman Empire, one of the five largest in the world at the time, turned into a third-world country in the next 10 years.

Merrimack Valley ANC leads Armenian flag raisings

Elizabeth Jabejian
 Muriel Parseghian Community News 0

MVANC-sponsored flag raising in Lowell. Attendees pictured with Lowell Mayor Sokhary Chau, a Cambodian Genocide survivor.

To commemorate the 107th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, the Merrimack Valley Armenian National Committee (MVANC) held flag raising ceremonies and readings of proclamations in Greater Lowell and Southern New Hampshire.

“This is the second year we have initiated this effort, and we intend to continue adding other towns to the list,” said MVANC co-chair and master of ceremonies Greg Minasian.

Armenian flags were raised in Lowell, Dracut, Westford, Methuen, North Andover and Billerica. The New Hampshire town of Hollis and the cities of Nashua and Manchester also had flag raising ceremonies, all sponsored by the MVANC.

Proclamations were issued by the town of Salem, NH and the Massachusetts towns of Andover and Chelmsford.

Dozens of Armenians participated in the week-long commemoration. Town officials also participated in remembrance and stressed the demand for justice.

“We are pleased that so many cities and towns have given us the opportunity not only to publicly commemorate, but also to provide us with a platform to voice our current and continuing struggles,” said MVANC co-chair Ara Jeknavorian.

MVANC-sponsored flag raising in Dracut, Massachusetts

  •  Bio
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Muriel “Mimi” Parseghian served as editor of the Armenian Weekly from June 1984 to June 1989. Mimi immigrated to the U.S. from her birthplace, Marseille, France, in 1963. She was educated in the Lowell, Mass. public school system and received her BA in History from Northeastern University in 1976. Prior to her tenure at the Armenian Weekly, Mimi spent nine months in Beirut attending the Nishan Palandjian Jemaran’s Armenian Studies Program. Mimi has been an active member of the ARF since 1977 and the Armenian Relief Society (ARS) since 1979. She has previously served on the ARS Eastern U.S. Board of Directors. After leaving the Hairenik Publications, she joined the private sector in the field of sales and marketing.


Australian city of Ryde raises the flag of Artsakh

Elizabeth Jabejian
Public Radio of Armenia
May 9 2022
May 9, 2022, 11:52

Today, the City of Ryde Council in Australia raised the flag of the Republic of Artsakh, in support of the Armenian nation and in confirmation of solidarity with Stepanakert, reports the ARmenian National Committee of Australia.

Late last month the City of Ryde Council in Sydney Australia unanimously adopted a Mayoral motion solidifying support for the indigenous Armenian people of the Republic of Artsakh.

The motion, moved by Mayor Jordan Lane with the support of Armenian-Australian Councillor Sarkis Yedelian, resolved to raise the Republic of Artsakh flag in a Council ceremony at Putney’s Kissing Point Park in solidarity with the City of Ryde’s friendship city Stepanakert.

Discussions on bilateral commission for border delimitation ongoing – Secretary of Security Council

Elizabeth Jabejian

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 13:19, 5 May, 2022

YEREVAN, MAY 5, ARMENPRESS. Discussions around the bilateral commission on border delimitation between Armenia and Azerbaijan are still ongoing, the Secretary of the Security Council Armen Grigoryan told reporters when asked whether or not the commission has already been formed and if a meeting could take place given the agreements reached in Brussels.

“Discussions around this continue. Of course we hoped that it would be possible to find solutions and move forward by the end of April. But I can say that now intensive discussions continue and there is hope that a the meeting could take place soon. The discussions are around the approaches regarding the working group, and there are questions on other matters as well and we haven’t found the final answers to them so far. As soon as we find the answers, there will be a public statement and a meeting will take place,” Grigoryan said.

Armenian Human Rights Defender appealed to Police with a call not to violate fundamental rights of citizens detained during protest actions

Elizabeth Jabejian
ARMINFO
Armenia – May 5 2022

ArmInfo.. As a result of the monitoring conducted by the Office of the Human Rights Defender of Armenia, a number of violations were revealed by representatives of law enforcement agencies during the detention of participants in opposition protest  actions that took place on May 3 and May 4.

According to the press service of the Armenian Human Rights  Defender’s Office, its employees provided advisory assistance to 32  detainees, registering violations by the Police. Cases of violations  of fundamental human rights were identified, including cases of  forcible identification of people through unauthorized access to  personal data – mobile phones. The defenders specifically warned the  Police about the inadmissibility of such unlawful measures that  grossly violate the fundamental rights of citizens. These rights,  emphasized in the Office, have priority importance before police  officers carry out their duties and police officers must refrain from  committing obvious violations of these rights.

Also, cases of disproportionate physical force were again recorded.  In particular, in personal conversations with persons taken to the  Nor Nork Police Department, it was recorded that during the arrest,  police officers used violence against the detainees, inflicting  physical injuries on the mind, using swearing. The police pushed the  detainees, dragged them along the ground, roughly pushing them into  police cars. Misbehavior of police officers was also noted.

It is noted that the Office of the Human Rights Defender intends to  consistently conduct a detailed investigation of each of the  registered violations.

At the same time, the monitoring of the media and social networks  conducted by the Office of the Human Rights Defender revealed  manifestations of intolerant and offensive behavior towards the  Police officers themselves. 

AW: Armenia’s opposition mobilizes once again to oust Pashinyan

Elizabeth Jabejian
April 27, 2022 Lillian Avedian News 0

Opposition protest in Yerevan (Armenia Alliance, April 27)

The opposition factions in Armenia have launched a series of protests this week in preparation for a mass rally to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Vice President of the National Assembly and chair of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Supreme Council of Armenia Ishkhan Saghatelyan announced on April 22 that nationwide protests would take place every day starting on April 25. 

“We are facing not only new concessions from the homeland, but also the real danger of losing statehood. These are not just words. This is the bitter reality,” Saghatelyan said in a video address. 

The movement, which is calling itself “Zartnir, Lao” in reference to the Armenian revolutionary folk song, emerged in response to a controversial speech delivered by Pashinyan at the Armenian National Assembly on April 13. Pashinyan received widespread criticism from political figures and civic activists from Armenia and Artsakh for his call to “lower the bar” regarding the status of Artsakh in negotiations on a peace deal with Azerbaijan.

“Zartnir, lao” banner at opposition rally in Yerevan (Armenian Revolutionary Federation, April 26)

“Today, the international community again tells us to lower the bar a bit regarding the question of the status of Artsakh, and you will ensure a great international consolidation around Armenia and Artsakh,” Pashinyan said during his address. “Status in the current situation is not a goal, but rather a means to guarantee the security and rights of the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh.” 

Supporters of the Armenia Alliance and I Have Honor Alliance, the two parliamentary opposition groups, have held demonstrations in Yerevan and nearby towns for the past three consecutive days. 

On April 25, demonstrators marched through Yerevan, chanting “Armenia Without Nikol” and “Armenia Without Turks.” The police detained 11 protesters at the Civil Contract Party headquarters, according to I Have Honor MP Tigran Abrahamyan. 

“It is already clear that Pashinyan has instructed the police, particularly the infamous structure of red berets, to prevent any protest action by the strictest means,” Abrahamyan wrote on Facebook. 

Another small group of protesters marched from Pashinyan’s hometown of Ijevan to Yerevan to join the rally. 

The following day, a group of ARF youth were detained by the police during a demonstration in Yerevan. 

The staff of the office of the Human Rights Defender of Armenia has visited 24 protesters from the opposition movement detained at various police stations. The detainees told the Human Rights Defender’s office that the police had used excessive force against them and arrested them without providing justification. 

More than 100 relatives of deceased soldiers from the 2020 Artsakh War also held a rally in Yerevan on April 26. They demanded that Pashinyan be prosecuted for the mass murder of the fallen soldiers.  

The rally responded to Pashinyan’s confession during his April 13 address to parliament that he could have prevented the 2020 Artsakh War. 

“It is my fault that in 2018, 2019 I did not stand in front of our society and did not voice that all, I repeat, all our friends, close and not so close friends, expect us to surrender the seven famous regions to Azerbaijan in one way or another and bring down our benchmark for the status of Artsakh,” Pashinyan said during his speech.

“By surrendering, I might have saved thousands of lives, but by not surrendering, I actually became the author of decisions that resulted in thousands of victims,” Pashinyan continued. 

During the April 26 rally, the protesters placed t-shirts with bloody handprints on the steps of the government building then marched to the Prosecutor General’s Office to call for an investigation against Pashinyan. 

Relatives of deceased soldiers place t-shirts with bloody handprints on the steps of the government building (Tigran Abrahamyan, April 26)

Prosecutor General Artur Davtyan spoke with the families and said that Pashinyan’s statement alone is not sufficient to accuse him of murder.

“If we had ceded parts of our homeland without a fight, should there also have been an indictment by the same logic?” Davtyan said to the protesters. 

Nonetheless the families submitted two formal requests to the Prosecutor General’s Office to include Pashinyan as a defendant and the fallen soldiers as victims in an ongoing case investigating the causes of the “catastrophic war.” 

During a separate opposition rally on April 26, Armenia Alliance MP Gegham Manukyan announced that he would continue the march to the Prosecutor General’s Office in support of the families of deceased soldiers.

That same day, a 28-year-old pregnant woman died after she was hit by a police car that was accompanying Pashinyan’s motorcade at the Leo-Paronyan intersection of Yerevan. Armenia’s Investigative Committee has filed charges against the officer. 

Yerevan-based democracy activist Daniel Ioannisyan criticized what he described as the ongoing reckless driving demonstrated by Pashinyan’s police escorts. 

“Traffic police escorts have long been driving with unprecedented obscenity,” he wrote on Facebook. “All the policemen who have endangered people’s lives for these cases remain unpunished.”

During a rally hosted by the ARF on April 27, Armenia Alliance MP Kristine Vardanyan said that the spilled blood of the pregnant woman is their blood. 

The demonstrators poured red paint in front of the government building and “bloodied” their hands as a sign of the government’s “thirst for blood,” while chanting “Nikol, murderer” and “Nikol, murderer of Armenians.” 

Eighteen more protesters were detained during demonstrations that day, 11 of them at Republic Square and seven at Tumanyan St. 

Pashinyan has insisted in response to criticism of his April 13 speech that his government does not plan to surrender Artsakh.

“If we were to surrender Artsakh, we would not have spent tens of billions of drams to ensure the return of Artsakh residents to their homes after the 44-day war,” he said during an April 22 cabinet meeting. “Our strategy in the short, medium and long terms is as follows: to ensure a situation or solution whereby the people of Artsakh will continue to live in Artsakh.”

He did not specify what kind of status of Artsakh would be acceptable to the Armenian government. 

Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan has said that no document on the status of Artsakh is being discussed at this stage. Following a meeting with Pashinyan, Harutyunyan said that the two leaders have a clear agreement that “in case of any discussion on the future status of Artsakh at the international level, the position of the Armenian side must be agreed upon with the Nagorno Karabakh Republic authorities and people.” 

  •  Bio
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Lillian Avedian is a staff writer for the Armenian Weekly. Her writing has also been published in the Los Angeles Review of Books, Hetq and the Daily Californian. She is pursuing master’s degrees in Journalism and Near Eastern Studies at New York University. A human rights journalist and feminist poet, Lillian’s first poetry collection Journey to Tatev was released with Girls on Key Press in spring of 2021.


Armenian FM briefs Georgian counterpart on Artsakh issue

Elizabeth Jabejian
Public Radio of Armenia
, 12:53

 

Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan briefed his Georgian counterpart Ilia Darchiashvili on the situation around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Armenia’s position on the processes aimed at establishing regional peace and stability, and on the negotiations on a comprehensive peace agreement with Azerbaijan.

In this context, Minister Mirzoyan underlined the mediating role of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship in advancing the peace process aimed at the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

“I should mention that humanitarian issues remain unresolved. In violation of international humanitarian law and the provisions of the November 9 Trilateral Statement, Azerbaijan continues to illegally hold Armenian prisoners of war and civilians hostage,” the Armenian Foreign Minister told reporters following his talks with Georgian counterpart.

“The desecration and destruction of the identity of the Armenian cultural and religious heritage by Azerbaijan in the territories fallen under the control of Azerbaijan as a result of the 44-day war remain of particular importance. The latest such example is the desecration of the St. Harutyun Church in Hadrut. For the prevention of these recurring cases of vandalism, currently the visit of the UNESCO assessment mission to the region remains urgent,” Ararat Mirzoyan said.

Opposition youth hold protest actions at Yerevan universities

Elizabeth Jabejian
NEWS.am
Armenia –
11:45, 26.04.2022

The opposition youth held protest actions, with the flags of Artsakh Nagorno-Karabakh), at the Yerevan universities.

First, they placed the flag of Artsakh at the yard of the Armenian State University of Economics, after which they released colored smoke into the air—and as a sign of their fight.

The participants of this protest action urged the university students to join the fight that has started for Artsakh and sovereignty.

Holding a huge flag of Artsakh, they then continued their awareness campaign in the other Yerevan universities as well.

These youth are informing the university students that a big march will take place in Yerevan later today.