Author: Ekmekjian Janet

AZERBAIJAN WAS RATED AS "NOT FREE" IN FREEDOM HOUSE SURVEY RESULTS

Today.Az
17 January 2008 [15:03]

A report released January 16 by the civil rights group Freedom House
laments that global democratization is in retreat after suffering
"a notable setback" in 2007.

The Freedom House survey ranked two Central Asian nations, Turkmenistan
and Uzbekistan, as among the "worst of the worst" when it comes to
government repression of individual rights. It also lambasted Russia
for conducting "patently unfair" parliamentary elections, and for
providing "political, moral and material support to [Central Asian]
authoritiarians."

The title of the annual Freedom in the World survey, Freedom in
Retreat: Is the Tide Turning?, conveyed a strong sense of unease
about the near-term future of civil society development in the world.

"For the past few years, and especially since Ukraine’s 2004 Orange
Revolution, a number of the world’s most important autocracies
have engaged in what has been called a pushback against democracy
promotion," the report asserted. "The pushback differs from past
strategies of repressive regimes in that it relies on the use of
legal restrictions, tax investigations, bureaucratic regulations and
the like to neutralize opposition political parties and civil society
organizations that seek political change."

The report, which has been published annually since 1972, rates
countries as ‘free,’ ‘partly free,’ and ‘not free.’ In Central Asia,
only Kyrgyzstan is rated as ‘partly free.’ Kazakhstan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan are rated as "not free."

As for the three Caucasus states, Georgia and Armenia were ranked
as "partly free," and Azerbaijan was rated as "not free." Overall,
of the 193 countries surveyed, 90 were deemed "free," 60 were judged
"partly free" and 43 received the "not free" designation. The Freedom
House survey found "evidence of declines in freedom" in 38 countries,
while "only 10 showed positive shifts."

In all, eight countries were labeled "worst of the worst." Joining
Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan were two perennial rogue states – North
Korea and Libya – along with Burma, Cuba, Somalia and Sudan.

The report by the New York-based organization warned of a "resurgence
of pragmatic, market-oriented, or energy-rich dictatorships,"
a reference to countries like Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan.

"Strengthened by petroleum-based riches or capital amassed through
long-term trade surpluses, these autocracies are unapologetic and
increasingly assertive, at home and abroad, in declaring that the
paradigm of rights-based governance, as the international community
has long understood it, is not relevant for the 21st century," the
report added.

Russia is the font of much mischief in Central Asia, working actively
to undermine the development of civil society in the region, the report
indicated. "In Kyrgyzstan, Russia has used its influence to obstruct
political reforms in the wake of the country’s 2005 political opening,
which was unique in Central Asia," the report stated.

At home, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s brand of "managed
democracy" is, in reality, sham democracy, the Freedom House
report suggested, pointing to the country’s recent parliamentary
elections. "The Putin regime went out of its way to force parties and
candidates with strong democratic credentials off the parliamentary
ballot," it said.

Jennifer Windsor, executive director of Freedom House, said that the
world’s leading democracies were not doing enough to support civil
society development around the globe. "Democratic governments have
not worked together effectively to counter these [negative] trends,"
Windsor said in a written statement. "Those who support freedom – both
governments as well as non-governmental actors – must get serious
and redouble their efforts to support the frontline defenders of
democracy who are under duress."

The report expressed particular disappointment with President Mikheil
Saakashvili’s administration in Georgia, saying the country’s
democratization image "was sullied" by the imposition of a state
of emergency and a violent police crackdown on demonstrators." [For
background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. "Georgia saw both its
political rights and its civil liberties ratings decline due to
the imposition of a state of emergency following antigovernment
demonstrations in November, restrictions on press freedom, and a
systematic campaign to marginalize the political opposition," the
report said.

Although painting a bleak picture for 2008, Freedom House concluded
on an upbeat note. "We should remember that freedom endured dark days
during the time of [Nelson] Mandela [in South Africa] and [Lech] Walesa
[in Poland], much darker than is the case today," the report said.

"The solidarity of democrats from around the world is essential if the
broader momentum toward freedom is to be regained," the report said.

Deirdre Tynan is a freelance journalist who specializes in Central
Asian affairs.

DREAM DEFERRED

Financial Times, UK
Jan 17 2008

Mia Farrow is deeply concerned about the plight of Sudan’s Darfur
region, where government-backed militias are engaged in genocide
against the population.

The 62-year-old actress is part of the advisory committee for Dream
for Darfur, which is trying to pressure Beijing – a leading patron
of the Sudanese regime – to use its leverage in Khartoum to stop the
persecution of civilians in the blighted region.

It may have seemed logical for Darfur campaigners to expect sympathy
for their cause in Cambodia, which was devastated by the 1970s genocide
overseen by the Beijing-backed Khmer Rouge.

But Phnom Penh has vetoed Farrow’s plan to hold a ceremony and light
an Olympic-style torch this weekend at the Khmer Rouge’s notorious
former Tuol Sleng prison as part of a campaign to draw attention
to the Darfur crisis. Similar ceremonies have already taken place
in other countries touched by genocide including Rwanda, Armenia,
Germany and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Cambodia explained its decision by saying that the activists were not
"doing this for humanitarian reasons but because they have a political
agenda against China".

China is Cambodia’s largest trading partner and one of its biggest
aid donors – which is perhaps why Phnom Penh is willing to let bygones
be bygones.

MANOYAN DOING IT BY THE BOOK

Waukegan News Sun, IL
Jan 16 2008

Waukegan native and former News-Sun sports writer Dan Manoyan has
recently penned his first book.

Manoyan, currently on the college beat for the Milwaukee Journal
Sentinel, chronicles the inspirational story of the 1940 boys
basketball team from Granite City in his book "Men of Granite."

The five starters on that team will first generation Americans
who overcame long odds – on and off the court – to win a state
championship.

A Hungarian, two Armenians, a Yugoslav and a Macedonian came together
in the southern Illinois community to become the first team in Illinois
high school history to suffer a tournament loss and emerge as a state
champion, despite the old-school perception that basketball was an
American game and foreigners didn’t have the "essentials" necessary
to succeed.

"Their hard-knock background prepared them to be the quintessential
comeback kids of high school sports," said Manoyan.

The interesting book can be purchased in hard cover or paperback at
or at

Granite City Warriors 1940 Illinois State Champions starting lineup:

* Andy Phillip G

* Evon Parsaghian F

* Andy Hagopian G

* Dan Eftimoff F

* George Cages C

ts/743469,WA16_manoyanbook_s1.article

Dram consolidation allowed to avoid sharp turnaround in prices for oil
products in Armenia

2008-01-15 11:32:00

ArmInfo. Dram consolidation allowed to avoid sharp turnaround in prices
for oil products in Armenia, deputy Director of the biggest Armenian
"Flash" oil trading company Mushegh Elchyan told ArmInfo.

As he said, if the world prices for petrol in 2007 grew by 45% on
average, they raised by 35% due to the dram consolidation in Armenia.
Some jump in prices in Armenia was marked on January 1-2, 2008, and the
prices at present are the same as of the midst, December, 2007, M.
Elchyan said. By his forecasts, they will hardly change till late
January, 2008.

As of January 15, 2008, 1 l of petrol "Super AI 98" costs 400 drams,
the "Premium AI 95" – 370 drams, the "Regular AI 91" – 340 drams, the
diesel fuel – 320 drams.

Dennis Summut: `The conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny
Karabakh hang like the `sword of Damocles’

14 January 2008 [15:55] – Today.Az

A speech of Mr. Dennis Sammut (Executive Director, LINKS) made on
`Wider Black Sea: Perspectives for International and Regional Security’
conference held in Yerevan, Armenia (14-15 January 2008).

A holistic approach to security and conflict resolution in the
Caucasus Caspian Region

I am pleased to be participating in this important conference on the
topic of the Wider Black Sea and perspectives for regional and
international security. I am particularly pleased that this conference
is taking place in Armenia. It is right that Armenia should be
considered as a Black Sea Region country as indeed is the case with the
other countries of the South Caucasus. The region is a natural
extension of the Black Sea Area.

Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia have been sovereign nation states only
for a short time in modern history. In this period they have been
trying to develop their international profile and define themselves in
the context of the international community. This has not been an easy
process. The relations between the three countries are at best
complicated. Trilateral relations are weak or non existent, bilateral
relations between Georgia and Armenia and Georgia and Azerbaijan are on
many issues difficult and Armenian-Azerbaijani relations are as you all
know at the moment based on a fragile cease fire.

For this reason we have seen a trend in the last three years whereby
the three countries have stopped describing themselves as South
Caucasus countries or from even discussing South Caucasus regional
co-operation, to other frameworks that they find more comfortable.
Georgia now prefers to define itself as a Black Sea country. Azerbaijan
emphasises its membership of GUAM and of the Islamic Conference
Organisation. Armenia describes itself as part of Eurasia and boasts of
its ability to develop special relations with Europe and the Middle
East, thanks largely to the well entrenched Armenian communities.

Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia benefit from optimising their
relationships with nearby regional frameworks depending on whatever
they perceive to be their national interests and security. This process
is ongoing and all three countries now have a multi tiered network of
relations. The strategic geographic location of the South Caucasus
means that the three countries can have a foot in both East and West,
both north and south. Indeed this may be the time to zoom out and see
the region from a wider angle. However there is an important caveat
that needs to be made and I want to flag this up right at the beginning
because if ignored this can be an extremely negative factor. Whatever
configuration may exist in terms of regional cooperation, alliances, or
participation in international organisations there will always remain a
need for the three countries of the South Caucasus to organise the
relations between them bilaterally and trilaterally. History,
Geography, demography and a range of other issues necessitate this and
the full potential of the three countries will never be able to be
fully realised until this is achieved. In the last two or three years
all attempts to build relations between the three South Caucasus
countries seems to have stopped. The Saakashvili government in Tbilisi
that sees its neighbourhood as a constraint on its declared ambitions
of full integration with the Euro-Atlantic institutions rather than an
opportunity. This approach is wrong. Georgia should feel equally
comfortable as a European, Black Sea and Caucasian country, simply
because it is all three. For as long as the Karabakh conflict remains
unresolved and Armenian ` Azerbaijani relations remain problematic the
onus is on Georgia to maintain the necessary dialogue in the South
Caucasus, a process that needs also to be supported by the
international community. They also seem to be taking the line of least
resistance and shunning South Caucasus co-operation and opting for
easier options.

Having stated this in clear terms I know want to move on to discuss why
this notwithstanding we need to zoom out to a wider region if we want
to consider both the problems of the region and their solutions and the
potential of the region and the proper use of this potential for the
benefit of its inhabitants.

What is going on in the South Caucasus cannot be seen any more simply
from a local perspective. The regions prospects cannot be understood
unless the potential of the region as a connector between Asia and
Europe and Russia and the Middle East is appreciated and understood.

Last year I had the honour to serve as co-rapporteur for the Caucasus
Caspian Commission. Chaired by the Foreign Minister of Slovenia it
brought together twenty distinguished personalities from the European
Union, the United States, Russia and the Region. Its ten thousand word
report was published last month. As is sometimes the case with these
kind of initiatives where one is trying to build consensus between
people of very different views the report is in many aspects a fudge:
stating the obvious and not quite following through on some key ideas.
The report does however for the first time discuss this global
potential of the South Caucasus and invites the local governments to
have the foresight and vision to see beyond the present problems to a
future that can potentially be much brighter.

Nowhere is this more necessary than in Armenia. If I am to understand
correctly some of the arguments I have heard over the years the
security of Armenia as a country, and of the people of Nagorno Karabakh
in particular, is forever going to be dependent on hundreds of square
kilometres of empty land that has been cleansed of its population and
heavily mined. This cannot be right. The greatest asset of the Armenian
nation is its ability of its people to interact with others and pursue
commerce, culture and business. The highly successful Armenian
communities from Los Angeles to Beirut, from Moscow to Tehran, from
Paris to Aleppo are a proof of this. Armenia’s strength does not come
from barbed wire and mine fields, it comes from its ability to develop
as a trade and commercial hub for the region. This requires open
borders and good relations with all neighbours. Armenia must therefore
look at its security from a different paradigm. The question therefore
is how does one embark on building a security framework that can allow
this to be achieved.

The report of the Caucasus-Caspian Commission speaks of a need for a
`more holistic approach to security involving all the states of the
region and other interested parties. This approach should aim to
establish a new security arrangement that can help build trust between
the states of the Caucasus-Caspian region and their neighbours,
introduce where appropriate a European perspective as an alternative
and put to a halt the slow but steady process of militarisation of the
region’. The report than talks about the need `to start an
international debate that could lead to an inclusive CSCE type process
that will consider the region’s security challenges’.

In this second and last part of my presentation I want to discuss
further this idea and how it can be taken forward, emphasising that
since the Caucasus-Caspian Commission has finished its work and
dissolved I now speak only as Executive Director of LINKS.

Many believe that the time has come for a CSCE type arrangement for the
region that would create a mechanism for the countries of the region,
plus the interested outside powers, to come together in a framework
that, like the CSCE was comfortable for all players and with an agenda
wide enough for all participants to see a benefit. Nearly two decades
after the dissolution of the Soviet Union there are still issues
arising from the new situation created by that process that need to be
resolved. Issues of borders and citizenship between the ex Soviet
republics, the future of the unrecognised entities, relations with
third countries and the all important issue of the security of the
countries of the region from new and old threats.

The success of the CSCE was based on its inclusivity and on the
principle of consensus. A Caucasus-Caspian Security and Co-operation
Conference can only succeed if all the interested parties are
represented and if they all see some benefit in the process.

One may ask why this role could not be taken on by the OSCE. Others
disagree, saying that the OSCE whilst bringing in the experience of the
last decades also has certain baggage that it would be better for the
new arrangement not to have to carry. Also important players like Iran,
and possibly China will need to be brought into the new arrangement if
it is to be taken seriously.

Iran poses a particularly challenging problem given its stand off with
the international community on the issue of nuclear energy development.
However Iran in the Caucasus has overall been a constructive player.
Its participation in a Caucasus-Caspian security arrangement is not
only essential given the geography and its ties with the region, but
may even be a positive way in which it can be engaged on an issue of
common interest.

Many questions arise on the timing and remit of such a new arrangement.
The CSCE took more than a decade to come to fruition with the approval
of the Helsinki Final Act. A process in the Caucasus-Caspian Region
need not take so long but will nonetheless be complex and difficult to
negotiate.

The remit of a new initiative also poses questions.

¢ Should it, like the CSCE, have three baskets or should it focus on
raw security?
Whilst issues of governance and human dimension will pose tremendous
challenges to any new framework, given the diversity of political
systems now straddling each other in the region, many believe that what
is needed is a holistic approach that addresses security threats from
all its angles, including for example environment
¢ Should it limit itself to the South Caucasus or should it look at the
Caspian Region and also deal with sensitive issues such as Caspian Sea
delineation? Azerbaijan has security concerns related to the Caspian
that would make consideration of the issues surrounding this part of
the region essential

¢ And finally can the issue of the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia
and Nagorno Karabakh also be dealt with in this framework. Here again
there are two schools of thought ` the first argues that putting these
three complicated conflicts in the remit of the new initiative will
essentially kill it before it starts given the failure of the
international community so far to solve these problems. However a
counter argument is that there is a better chance of these conflicts
being solved within the broader framework of a Caucasus Caspian
security arrangement where everybody’s concerns can be addressed and
where concessions can be mutually negotiated as part of a wider
framework.

The conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh hang like
the `sword of Damocles’ over the South Caucasus. They have drained the
region politically, economically and emotionally. Different sides have
different views as to how the conflicts started and why. They
articulate this in long expositions that are not always rational nor
historically sound. Yet despite the fact that to the outsider it is
clear that the region must move on and start tackling the wider, even
more serious challenges, it would be a big mistake to underestimate the
deep emotions that underpin the intransigent positions of the different
sides.

The international community has over the last decade and a half
struggled to manage the conflicts. Its best achievement has been in
stopping them flaring up again. The UN in Abkhazia, the OSCE in South
Ossetia and the United States, Russia and France, working in the
framework of the OSCE Minsk process in Nagorny Karabakh have put
considerable effort in resolving the conflicts, so far without any
results. Sometimes we are told that progress is being registered in the
negotiations on Karabakh and the co-chair are indicating the likelihood
of a breakthrough soon. Yet even if this happens, this is likely to be
the beginning of a difficult negotiation process rather than the end.

A political solution, even if one assumes the good will of all the
parties, is always going to be difficult, as the two principles:
territorial integrity and self determination compete for legitimacy.
The political discourse in the region ` both in the Armenia, Azerbaijan
and Georgia, and in the unrecognised territories, adhere to an
absolutist approach to sovreignity with little consideration for the
process of globalisation that increasingly push towards integration.
Some discussion is starting on alternatives to this absolutist vision.
It needs to be encouraged.

There is an urgent need to break the vicious circle that perpetuates
the problem and the trends described above may be creating an
opportunity for this to happen. For this to work there must be very
clear and tangible gains for all sides and concessions that will not
require any of the sides to abandon their entrenched positions. Whilst
the three conflicts are very different and have a different dynamic
there are common features and possibility for a common (or similar)
approach to their resolution.

This will require as a basic minimum

¢ the end of the isolation of the unrecognised entities;
¢ the end of even the pretence on the part of the unrecognised entities
that they are independent states, but without necessarily their
acceptance to being part of a larger state;
¢ a much more robust international commitment to the peace process and
to the region long term.

Another important regional issue is connected with the Turkish-Armenian
relations. I very much hope that in the near future we can see these
relations normalised. However if the two countries on their own are not
able to free themselves from the baggage of history, perhaps within the
context of a Caucasus-Caspian Security and Co-operation Conference they
will.

In the meantime both on Karabakh and Abkhazia, on Turkish ` Armenian
Relations and Caspian Sea Delineation a much more comprehensive debate
needs to take place amongst civil society. Security in the 21st century
is no longer the prerogative of diplomats and generals; it is no longer
about barbed wire land mines and buffer zones. It requires populations
that are aware of the issues and about leaders who have the vision, as
well as the strength and the courage to pursue difficult and sometimes
unpopular decisions.

NEVADA ARMENIAN AMERICANS WILL MAKE DIFFERENCE IN PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY SET FOR JANUARY 19TH

armradio.am
11.01.2008 10:43

The strong growth of the Armenian American community in Nevada will be
a factor in the upcoming Presidential primary slated for January 19,
2008. In a new development this Presidential election cycle, both the
Republican and Democratic Party primaries have been moved up the date
of the Nevada primary, bringing more attention and importance to the
Silver State’s upcoming primary.

A recent article in the Las Vegas Review Journal summed up the
increased relevance of Nevada in picking the next president. "The eyes
of the nation will be on the Silver State’s voters as never before in
2008, and those seeking the presidency of the United States will surely
be spending ample time in Nevada getting out their message and securing
support," remarked Las Vegas area Congresswoman Shelly Berkley (D-NV).

Since 1990, Nevada’s population and economy has grown at a remarkable
pace, as the state is the second fast growing in the country behind
only Arizona.

The 2006 census estimate puts the state’s population at approximately
2.5 million, a figure that has grown by more than 20% since 2000. The
state’s largest Armenian American advocacy group, the Armenian National
Committee of Nevada (Nevada ANC), estimates that the Armenian community
has increased five-fold over the last decade, with over 10,000 Armenian
Americans now residing in the state.

"Our community has continued to grow at a tremendous pace since the
last the presidential election in 2004," stated Nevada ANC Chairperson
Ara Shirinian.

"Armenian Americans will play an important role in the upcoming
presidential primary on January 19th. Clearly, we are all watching
the presidential race closely," he added.

Nevada is home to among the strongest supporters of Armenian American
issues in the US Congress. US Senators John Ensign (R-NV) and Harry
Reid (D-NV; Senate Majority leader) are currently cosponsors of
the Armenian Genocide resolution (S. Res. 106), in addition to US
Representatives Shelley Berkley (D-NV-01) and Jon Porter (R-NV-03)
who have cosponsored H. Res. 106.

"Armenian-Americans throughout the United States are prepared to vote
in this pivotal and heated race," remarked ANCA-WR Executive Director,
Andrew Kzirian. "The outcome of the upcoming presidential election
will depend on mobilizing voters who care deeply about specific issues
that affect their communities," he added.

TRAFFIC ACCIDENT KILLS ONE TESEV ASSISTANT, WOUNDS 3

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Jan 10 2008

A traffic accident claimed the life of a program assistant for the
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) and wounded
three others late Tuesday.

Derya Demirler, a program assistant for TESEV’s Democratization Program
and assistant to Armenian-Turkish weekly Agos Editor-in-Chief Etyen
Mahcupyan, died in a traffic accident late Tuesday in the Bismil
district of southeastern Diyarbakýr province. Dilek Kurban, Taner
Aker and Elif Kalaycýoðlu survived the accident with injuries.

Sources noted that a vehicle carrying four TESEV researchers, working
in the foundation’s Democratization Program, were involved in the
accident near the Coltepe village in Bismil. Demirler, Kurban, Aker
and Kalaycýoðlu were rushed to nearby hospitals, but Demirler died
despite medical attention.

Demirler was laid to rest Wednesday amid tears in a cemetery in
central Eskiþehir province.

Officials from Dicle University’s department of medicine noted
that Aker and Kalaycýoðlu are recovering whereas Kurban is still in
critical condition.

Diyarbakýr Mayor Osman Baydemir and Diyarbakýr Bar Association
President Sezgin Tanrýkulu have paid visits to the injured at the
hospital.

Demirler received her bachelor’s degree in political science and
international relations from Bosporus University in 2004 and was doing
a master’s program in human rights law at Ýstanbul Bilgi University.

–Boundary_(ID_0mWy+erLAb+BuftlMGB63A )–

ORGANIC FOOD PRODUCING FARMS HAVE OPPORTUNITY TO USE BIOFERTILIZER OF DOMESTIC PRODUCTION

Noyan Tapan
Jan 9, 2008

YEREVAN, JANUARY 9, NOYAN TAPAN. "Biotechnology" Scientific Research
Institute CJSC operating under the jurisdiction of the RA Ministry
of Trade and Economic Development has started selling nitrogen
biofertilizer "Azotovit-1", which is produced in small amounts at
the institute, to Armenian farms. The scientific secretary of the
institute Gayane Avetisova told NT correspondent that the sale is
organized through Green Line NGO, which buys this fertilizer and
provides it to farms – members of the organization. These farms are
mainly engaged in production of organic food.

In testing "Azotovit-1", Biotechnology cooperated with Yerevan State
University (YSU) and Armenian Tree Project organization.

The technical terms of production of "Azotovit-1" were approved
by the National Institute of Standards. According to G. Avetisova,
Biotechnology has not yet reached agreements with foreign companies
on transfer of the nitrogen biofertilizers production technology,
while it is inexpedient to build a plant with the envisaged capacity
in Armenia for sale in foreign markets.

Nitrogen biofertilizers can fully replace chemical nitrogen fertilizer
(nitre), which is imported and widely used in Armenia. Unlike chemical
one, nitrogen biofertilizer contributes to soil reproduction.

The bids for financing the programs on further development of
technologies of obtaining nitrogen biofertilizers and soluble
melanin conducive to growth of plants have been rejected by
the International Scientific and Technical Center. G. Avetisova
said that financing would allow, in particular, to develop fully
the technology of producing "Azotovit-1" which would create the
opportunity to expand production. Besides, financing would allow to
patent abroad the technological know-how used in the production of
this biofertilizer. Thanks to the use of the know-how, "Azotovit-1"
is saturated not only with microorganisms representing a source
of nitrogen but also with fertilizing microelements of phosphorus,
calcium and potassium.

Biotechnology CJSC envisages to patent this know-how in Armenia.

The scientific research work on improvement of the technology of
obtaining soluble melanin is continuing in cooperation with YSU Chair
of Biotechnology and the Institute of Physiology of the RA National
Academy of Sciences.

During this work, the effect of melanin both on plants and humans is
being studied.

BALKAN CULINARY WARS I: TURKEY, BULGARIA, SERBIA AND GREECE IN A RUTHLESS FIGHT OVER A GREASY SNACK
by Albena Shkodrova

Balkan Travellers
ticle/272
Jan 9 2008
Bulgaria

A dozen modifications of the same dish are at the bottom of a deep
culinary dispute on the Balkans. The Bulgarian banitsa, the Serbian
gibanica, the Greek pita, the Macedonian maznik and the Bosnian-Turkish
borek are in constant competition over the hearts and stomachs of
millions of heavy dough snack fans. Not long ago, I went into a snack
bar in central Sofia with a friend. We were the only customers and
as soon as we approached the counter, the bored saleswomen greeted us:

"Would you like a banitsa or a borek?"

Because in Bulgaria the borek is not filled with meat as it is in
Bosnia and Turkey, but rather – similarly to banitsa, it is made
of phyllo sheets and cheese, I decided to clear up the confusion in
the terms.

"And what exactly is the difference?" I asked.

The saleswoman looked at me, cheerfully, and said:

"There is no difference!"

"Then why ask?" – that was the first question that came to mind. But
before I could utter it, it occurred to me that there was another,
much more interesting conundrum at hand:

"Then how do you tell them apart?"

The cheerfulness in the saleswoman’s eyes turned into genuine regret.

She had the expression of a mother who has just discovered that her
child doesn’t know the alphabet at the end of the first grade and
she was quick to disclose, very loudly, a fact that was apparently
a secret only to me:

"Well, one is turned over, isn’t it!" she explained condescendingly.

"That’s good!" I noted. "So, when you run out of borek, you turn some
banitsa over and then you have a bit of both again!"

My sense of humour was either not welcome or entirely missed, as it
led to an explanation about how the whole thing was like with sweets –
how in fact they are all sweets, made out of dough.

This conversation testifies not only for the complete chaos in
culinary terminology on the Balkans but also for the reason for
it – the similarity between the different cuisines of the people
in the region. This proverbial similarity makes people ignore the
differences. And Bacchus, without a doubt, is like the Devil – in
the details.

In Turkey

Turkish water borek with spinach

In Turkey, whose cuisine supplied all the Balkan nations with
inspiration, the borek is especially honoured – one is assured of
that upon seeing the sign on the unique International Borek Centre in
Istanbul. The word is used in reference to an assortment of stuffed
phyllo pastries. The water borek, su boregi, is prepared by boiling
the phyllo sheets before stuffing and baking them. Parsley is often
added to the cheese and it seems that Turks are the most creative
when it comes to vegetable stuffing. They use aubergines, nettle,
zucchini and many spices, with which the rest of the Balkan countries
traditionally have not had the courage and patience to experiment.

Despite that, all the varieties are all called borek, and the type
of stuffing is added as clarification.

Beside the water borek, other popular versions include the cigarette
borek, sigara boregi -it has the shape of a cigar, and the triangular
puf boregi.

In Bulgaria

The classic Bulgarian banitsa is made from pastry sheets of various
thickness, sprinkled with yogurt and oil, wrapped around a stuffing
made of cheese and eggs.

There are some variations, such as adding leek or spinach, or even
cabbage or rice. They are still called banitsa, though rarely one
can encounter names such as luchnik[ital], derived from the Bulgarian
word for ‘onion’, and zelnik – from ‘cabbage’. A definite exception
is the sweet banitsa with pumkin and walnuts, known as tikvenik –
from the word tikva, or ‘pumkin’.

Bulgarian Tikvenik

The introduction of mass eateries throughout Bulgaria dramatically
simplified the traditional banitsa recipe by leaving out one of the
four ingredients. The eggs were done away with (except, sometimes,
they are used in the phyllo preparation) and the feta cheese got
substituted with cottage cheese.

The introduction of pre-made multi-sheet pastry confused things even
more and any phyllo pastry stuffed with anything started going by
the name of banitsa, as long as it wasn’t croissant- shaped. It is
difficult to say what the word borek stands for in Bulgaria, as each
and every baker has an opinion on the issue. There are even internet
forums, where confused people ask about the difference between banitsa
and borek, without getting a proper answer. The consensus is that
the borek is "richer."

In Serbia

The traditional Serbian dish is the gibanica. It is very similar to
the Bulgarian banitsa – the phyllo sheets are prepared with eggs,
the traditional stuffing consists of feta cheese, though it could
also be made with onion, potatoes or spinach.

In Serbia, the word borek stands for a special pastry, the sheets of
which are hand-made through tossing them up in the air. The stuffing
could consist of meat, vegetables, leek or anything that one might
also put in a Bulgarian banitsa.

A popular version is the round borek from Ni~Z. Apparently, it has a
history spanning over five centuries- approximately since the Ottoman
Empire’s conquest of the Balkans.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina

Here the borek is very popular, but the word is used only in reference
to phyllo stuffed with ground meat. Even though the bakeries, known
as pekara, offer many kinds of pastries, they all have distinctive
names – krompirusa for potato-stuffed pastry, zelianica and sirnica
for pastries stuffed with cabbage and cheese respectively.

In Greece

Here the word borek is used in reference to small pastries. The cheese
and egg variety is called tiropita (tiro means ‘cheese’) and the
spinach one – spanakopita. Another version is the bougatsa, called
Μπου&am p;#947;άτσα in Greek –
in it, the phyllo sheets are not wrapped around but rather laid out
horizontally, with the stuffing spread between them, like lasagna,
and then baked. Other varieties are sweet – with a vanilla and egg
cream, with cheese and with minced meat.

The bougatsa – whose name is related to the Bulgarian word pogacha
and the Turkish bogaca, meaning a round loaf of bread, originated
in the Thessaloniki region. Today, it is still sold there and in two
other places in Greece – in Heraklion on Crete and in Khania. It is
said that Armenian refugees from Asia Minor brought it to Heraklion.

P.S. In Bulgaria, this dish is also called banitsa! Actually, in
Bulgaria anything can be called banitsa – even the country itself.

When media report on a redistribution of power between politicians,
they metaphorically claim that the latter are "splitting the banitsa."

PRE-ELECTION HEADQUARTERS OF LEVON TER-PETROSIAN SET UP IN ALL ARMENIAN MARZES

Noyan Tapan
Jan 8, 2008

YEREVAN, JANUARY 8, NOYAN TAPAN. The first sitting of the central
pre-election headquarters of the first Armenian president, a
presidential candidate Levon Ter-Petrosian took place on December 29,
2007. The chairman of People’s Party of Armenia (PPA) Stepan Demirchian
also participated in the sitting.

L. Ter-Petrosian informed those present that Alexander Arzumanian
was appointed the head of the Central Headquarters that is composed
of the chairman of the political board of "Republic" party Aram Zaven
Sargsian, the chairman of the board of the Armenian National Movement
(ANM) Ararat Zurabian, the secretary of the PPA Grigor Harutyunian,
member of "Alternative" social-political initiative Davit Matevosian,
member of "Alternative" social-political initiative Nikol Pashinian,
Manushak Petrosian and Ashot Sargsian.

NT was informed by the office of the civil initiatives on nomination of
L. Ter-Petrosian that National Assembly deputy Khachatur Sukiasian was
appointed the head of the Yerevan city headquarters. Davit Arakelian
was appointed the head of the headquarters of Yerevan’s Kentron and
Nork-Marash communities, Tigran Ter-Petrosian – the head of Erebuni
and Nubarashen communities’ headquarters, Suren Abrahamian – the head
of Shengavit community headquarters, Vahagn Khachatrian – the head
of Malatia-Sebastia communities’ headquarters, Rafik Mkrtchian – the
head of Ajapniak-Davitashen communities’ headquarters, Aram Manukian
– the head of Arabkir community headquarters, Manuk Gasparian – the
head of Kanaker-Zeytun communities’ headquarters, Pargev Ohanian –
the head of Nor Nork community headquarters, and Hovhannes Igitian
was appointed the head of Avan community headquarters.

The central pre-election headquarters of L. Ter-Petrosian will be
located at 19a Koryun Street (Yerevan). The central headquarters of
the city of Yerevan will be located in the area of the Ayrarat Cinema
(from Arshakuniats Avenue). Headquarters of L. Ter-Petrosian have
been also set up in all Armenian marzes.