Author: Ekmekjian Janet

Today, the Armenian Assembly of America (Assembly) called on the Department of Justice to investigate potentially illegal activities of U.S. groups with ties to foreign entities in Turkey and Azerbaijan.

The Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE) and the House Committee on Ethics concluded that 9 members of Congress and more than two dozen staff members accepted a trip that was improperly paid for by foreign corporations in Azerbaijan and Turkey. In addition to attending a convention in Azerbaijan, several Members of Congress and their staff also traveled to Turkey free of cost. The OCE’s review found that the congressional travel to Azerbaijan and Turkey was “not funded exclusively by the entities disclosed on travel forms submitted to the Committee on Ethics.”

A investigation discovered that Gülen groups, Turkish organizations who follow the leadership of Fethullah Gülen, “secretly funded as many as 200 trips to Turkey for members of Congress and staff since 2008, repeatedly violating House rules and possibly federal law.” Over the course of its review, the OCE obtained evidence that a Turkish organization, named the Bosphorus Atlantic Cultural Association of Friendship and Cooperation (BAKIAD), funded and coordinated the congressional travel within Turkey dating back several years.  Four of the Gülen groups sponsoring the 2013 conference in Azerbaijan also “used BAKIAD to arrange and finance all in-country expenses for congressional travel in Turkey,” OCE found. “Importantly, however, BAKIAD’s role does not appear to have been disclosed to the Committee on Ethics in 2013 or in other years.” Congressional disclosures show the Gülen-backed trips totaled more than $800,000 in free travel for lawmakers and staff. Both the Turkish and Azerbaijani Congressional Caucuses have significantly increased their membership over the last several years.

According to the USA TODAY, “A dozen different Gülen groups have sponsored congressional travel since 2008 and have filed forms with the House certifying that they were paying for the trips. The House Ethics Committee approved all the trips in advance based on the forms the Gülen groups submitted. But a USA TODAY investigation found many of those disclosures were apparently false. Some of the Gülenist groups claimed to be certified nonprofits, but they do not appear in state or IRS databases of approved charities. Groups that did register with the IRS filed tax forms indicating that they did not pay for congressional travel. And five of the groups admitted to congressional investigators earlier this year that a Gülenist group in Turkey was secretly covering the costs of travel inside Turkey for lawmakers and staff.”

The OCE investigators received documentation that the lawmakers accepted donations by two Texas-based nonprofit corporations, the Turquoise Council of Americans and Eurasians (TCAE) and the Assembly of the Friends of Azerbaijan (AFAZ). They found that TCAE and AFAZ concealed the true source of the funding for travel and other expenses for the U.S. officials. Instead, much of the cost of travel and funding for the convention was paid for by undisclosed entities including the Republic of Azerbaijan through its national oil company, the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR). Evidence revealed that SOCAR founded AFAZ in the month prior to the Convention, transferring $750,000 to an AFAZ bank account.

“The revelations by the USA TODAY investigation, in addition to the Office of Congressional Ethics investigation, are remarkable,” the Assembly said in its . “We respectfully request a full and thorough investigation by the Department of Justice into these groups and the full application of the law. The reported activities constitute plainly illegal behavior and strikes at the core of our Constitutional government through blatant foreign influence peddling.”

The Azerbaijani government’s crackdown on independent and critical voices has a particularly damaging effect ahead of the country’s 1 November parliamentary elections, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly’s democracy and human rights Chairperson, Isabel Santos (MP, Portugal), said today.

“Citizen election-observer Anar Mammadli cannot monitor the vote from inside a jail cell. Journalist Khadija Ismayilova cannot report on the campaign from behind bars. Intigam Aliyev, Rasul Jafarov, Leyla Yunus — the list of human rights defenders and government-critics who have been made political prisoners in Azerbaijan goes on and on. On the eve of parliamentary elections, when independent voices are crucial for having an informed debate about the country’s direction, Azerbaijani citizens will especially suffer from the silence their government has imposed,” Santos said.

The Chairperson also expressed concern regarding recent reports that opposition leader Ilgar Mammadov has been abused in prison. He was sentenced in March 2014 to 7 years in jail on charges widely considered to be politically motivated.

“I urge Azerbaijan’s leaders to engage with their citizens and with the international community in an open and honest dialogue aimed at bringing human rights and rule of law back to the country,” Santos said.

She reiterated her openness to constructive engagement with Azerbaijan’s authorities on these and other democracy-related issues.

The Chairperson further expressed hope that the Azerbaijani government will choose to abide by its OSCE election-monitoring commitments and allow the Organization to conduct full, unrestricted observation missions to future elections in the country.

The leadership of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly cancelled a planned observation mission to the upcoming parliamentary elections after its traditional observation partner, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), was forced to cancel its mission due to restrictions imposed on its work by Azerbaijan’s authorities.

President Serzh Sargsyan, who is visiting the United States of America to take part in the 70th session of the UN General Assembly, had a meeting with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on September 29. The president congratulated the secretary-general upon the 70th jubilee of the organization, stressing that when Armenia joined the UN 23 years ago, it has felt supported by the organization from the very first day.

Serzh Sargsyan expressed his satisfaction with the successful end of the final summit of the program “Transforming our World: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development” a few days ago, in which the UN secretary-general has played his role. Armenia’s president expressed the hope that the new comprehensive program will help raise the quality of living conditions for all people on the planet.

At the meeting, the parties touched upon the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. The president informed Ban Ki-moon about the current stage of the conflict, the present problems and especially about the tensions at the Armenian-Azerbaijani border and the contact line with Nagorno-Karabakh caused by the resent ceasefire violations of Azerbaijan, which he had also touched upon at the 70th session of the UN General Assembly. The UN secretary-general expressed his concern over the current tensions, stressing the need for a settlement mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs.

The interlocutors exchanged views on present-day international issues, and on worrisome events occurring in the world – new conflicts, increasing terrorism and extremism, the growing tensions in the Near and Middle East. Ban Ki-moon welcomed and thanked our country for the steps to provide refugees from northern Iraq and Syria with safe haven in Armenia. The UN secretary-general attached importance to the forum on global challenges of peacekeeping to be held in Yerevan in the near future.

On 29 September Artsakh Republic President Bako Sahakyan received Defense Minister of the Republic of Armenia Seyran Ohanyan, Central Information Department of the Office of the Artsakh Republic President reported.

A number of issues related to army building and cooperation between the two Armenian states in this sphere were discussed during the meeting.

NKR Defense Minister Levon Mnatsakanyan was present at the meeting.

The sixth hearing in the retrial of defendants accused of assassinating Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was held at the 5th High Criminal Court in İstanbul on Thursday morning, only to be adjourned until December with minimal progress having been made, reports. 

Despite eight years having passed since the murder of the journalist, efforts to pinpoint suspect Osman Hayal in the security camera footage stills from the incident have failed. Dink, the late editor-in-chief of Turkish-Armenian weekly Agos, was shot and killed in broad daylight on Jan. 19, 2007, by an ultranationalist teenager outside the offices of his newspaper in Istanbul.

Evidence discovered since then has led to claims that the murder was linked to the “deep state,” a term that refers to a shadowy group of military and civilian bureaucrats in Turkey believed to have links with organized crime. Now, the Dink family lawyers are intent on having the identity of Osman Hayal verified from the security camera footage taken from the Akbank Bank and Saray Drapery, located near the Agos headquarters during the incident. Osman Hayal, who was released pending trial, is the brother of Yasin Hayal, who confessed to telling then-minor Ogün Samast to murder Dink.

The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey claimed after initial investigations that there are too many people in the frame to identify the suspect. During Thursday’s hearing, the court accepted Dink’s family’s lawyer Hakan Bakırcıoğlu’s request that newly marked men in the security footage be identified by Council

The next hearing will be held on Dec. 22.

A group of activists called Friends of Hrant who are closely following the case held a demonstration outside the Caglayan Courthouse prior to the hearing, also making a statement.

“We will continue to stand on duty for justice. This case will not be over until the real suspects are tried and our friend’s murderer receives the punishment they deserve. We are tired of repeating our request for the true suspects to be tried. In fact, we are not the only ones requesting this,” stated Baran Seyhan on behalf of the activist group.

“The state and its State Supervisory Board have also clearly identified those who need to be tried. As the lawyers have shared, Article 83 of the Turkish Penal Code deals with negligence causing death due to the failure to take appropriate action to prevent the death, and the state is protecting those who are behind the murder,” Seyhan stated.

South Korea has halted its propaganda broadcasts into North Korea as part of a deal to defuse tension, the BBC reports.

Seoul had begun the loudspeaker broadcasts, which infuriate Pyongyang, after a landmine at the border injured two of its soldiers earlier this month.

The tensions bubbled over in a brief exchange of fire at the heavily guarded border last Thursday.

The deal was reached after the North, which initially denied planting the mine, agreed to express “regret.”

South Korea’s President Park Geun-hye said the deal “could serve as an occasion to resolve all inter-Korean issues through trust”.

The number of refugees fleeing the conflict in Syria to neighbouring countries has now passed four million, confirming that crisis as the world’s single largest refugee crisis for almost a quarter of a century under UNHCR’s mandate.

New arrivals in Turkey and updated data from the Turkish authorities on refugees already in that country have taken the total number of Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries to more than 4,013,000 people.

Furthermore, at least an additional 7.6 million people are displaced inside Syria – many of them in difficult circumstances and in locations that are difficult to reach.

“This is the biggest refugee population from a single conflict in a generation. It is a population that needs the support of the world but is instead living in dire conditions and sinking deeper into poverty,” said UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres.

Tragically, and with no end in sight to Syria’s war, now in its fifth year, the crisis is intensifying and the number of refugees are rising. The four million milestone comes barely 10 months since the total of three million was reached. At current rates, UNHCR expects the figure to reach around 4.27 million by the end of 2015.

“Worsening conditions are driving growing numbers towards Europe and further afield, but the overwhelming majority remain in the region,” Guterres added. “We cannot afford to let them and the communities hosting them slide further into desperation.”

Refugee outflows in June 2015 saw more than 24,000 people arriving in Turkey from Tel Abyad and other parts of northern Syria. Turkey is now home to around 45 per cent of all Syrian refugees in the region.

The figure of four million comprises 1,805,255 Syrian refugees in Turkey, 249,726 in Iraq, 629,128 in Jordan, 132,375 in Egypt, 1,172,753 in Lebanon, and 24,055 elsewhere in North Africa. Not included, are more than 270,000 asylum applications by Syrians in Europe, and thousands of others resettled from the region elsewhere.

Meanwhile, funding of the Syria refugee situation has become an equally pressing problem. For 2015 as a whole, UNHCR and partners appealed for US$5.5 billion. However, as of late June, only around a quarter of the humanitarian funds requested have been received. This means refugees face tough new cuts in food aid, and struggle to afford lifesaving health services or send their children to school.

Life for Syrians in exile is increasingly tough. Some 86 per cent of refugees outside camps in Jordan live below the poverty line of US$3.2 per day. In Lebanon, 55 per cent of refugees live in sub-standard shelters.

Throughout the region, hope of returning home is dwindling as the crisis drags on. Refugees become more impoverished, and negative coping practices such as child labour, begging and child marriages are on the rise. Competition for employment, land, housing water and energy in already vulnerable host communities is straining the ability of these communities to cope with the overwhelming numbers and sustain their support to them.

The Public Services Regulatory Commission deems the position of Inter RAO chief Boris Kovalchuk on the situation around the Electric Networks of Armenia unacceptable. In a statement released today the Commission said it’s ready to prove this during discussions with international consultants.

The Commission insists that the Armenian tariff regulation legislature fully complies with international experience and is widely used worldwide.

“The attempts to seek justifications for own mistakes and omissions is unacceptable,” the statement reads.

Inter RAO Chief Boris Kovalchuk that “losses of Electric Networks of Armenia, controlled by Inter RAO, are caused by the existing management system in that country.”

Nanore Barsoumian

Three weeks after his election into Turkey’s Parliament on the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) list, Garo Paylan spoke to the  about his path to parliament, and the challenges of being an Armenian in Turkey’s political scene.

During the interview conducted in Istanbul, Paylan also discussed issues that are close to his heart, including the HDP’s politics and commitment to creating what he terms a “new world” founded on equality.

In recent weeks, Paylan has been trying to save Camp Armen, the former Armenian orphanage in the Tuzla district of Istanbul that is facing demolition. He has vowed to work on the cases of Hrant Dink, the editor of the Turkish-Armenian newspaper Agos who was gunned down by an ultra-nationalist youth, and Sevag Balıkçı, the 25-year-old Armenian soldier who was killed on April 24, 2011, while serving in the Turkish Army. In both cases, justice has not been served.

A former, longtime member of an Armenian school board, Paylan is also deeply dedicated to working on some of the challenges facing Armenian schools—issues ranging from discriminatory laws that humiliate Armenian parents to ensuring that school administrators have a say in which teachers are assigned to their schools.

NANORE BARSOUMIAN: First, congratulations. Armenians all around the world, I think, are quite excited to see your name, because you’re not just an Armenian name in parliament, but you are a member of a [political] party that’s very open to Armenians and Armenian rights, and that is very important. So, let me ask you a basic question: Why did you decide to run for office?

GARO PAYLIAN: Actually, I was not trying to run for office. I was and still am an activist. It is what I consider myself—an activist. And I feel proud whenever someone calls me an activist.

Before Hrant Dink’s murder, I was an activist mostly struggling for Armenian rights. I was a board member of an Armenian school, and was thus concerned with Armenian schools and issues. Then I became a supporter of the BDP [Peace and Democracy Party], a Kurdish party, and worked for their campaigns. I supported them because they were suffering as well, like us. Then, at the 2011 [parliamentary] election, we came together—a coalition of feminists, greens, etc. All the identities came together.

After that, we decided to create a congress, which we called the People’s Democratic Congress. I became the person representing the Armenians at the Congress. We put all the identities, all the leftist parties together, and we put all their agendas on the table. A new environment was born out of that. Step by step it developed; and everybody pointed at me to be a member of the Central Committee of the Congress. Sometime later, I became one of the founders of our party, HDP.

I was not going to run for any position, but the path opened in front of me, and everyone thought I should be the representative. And I was happy to be there because I was not only involved in Armenian issues, but other issues too. It healed me as well, because if you work only for Armenian issues, it’s a disease. I didn’t want to be that, but the situation forced us to speak only about Armenian issues.

With this new movement, the Kurds and other politicians also spoke about our problems, and I was involved with their problems as well. Anyway, we founded a new environment, and we came to this election with our message—and our message won.

So no, I was not trying to run for office, but we came together on this road, and we succeeded in these elections. Our discourse succeeded.

N.B.: The HDP received 13 percent. You were aiming for 10 percent. Why do you think you got such a good response from the people?

G.P.: Because it is a new world. Thirteen years ago, the AKP [Justice and Development Party] was willing to change the system. They said the conservatives and the Muslims are suffering because of the Kemalist system. They said they would change the system and create a democratic system that’s for everybody. In the first period—until 2009—everybody believed in them, that they would actually change the system. After the 2011 election, [it was clear that] they were not the ones to change the system. They were in charge, in power, but they didn’t change it.

Turkish citizens want the change—so they will vote for whoever speaks the new language for them. We wanted equality, and they heard us. It’s the radical democrats that for the first time are offering equality. We are radical democrats and we have everyone sitting at our table. This is why we have to struggle for LGBT rights, for the Armenians, the Kurds, and the Alevis. We have to offer equality to every identity.

Of course, we had some concerns. For instance, we were concerned that people were not ready to hear about the Armenian Genocide. Yet, we are vocal about the Armenian Genocide. We also support LGBT rights, and equality between men and women—everything that is considered radical about democracy. This is about [creating] a new world.

Many young people of every identity voted for us. And that is the important thing—that young people are voting for us. At least 90 percent of Armenians, young and old, voted for our party. [President Recep Tayyip] Erdoğan badmouthed us on several occasions. However, this message of equality was new, and people just opened their ears and hearts to us.

N.B.: So it wasn’t just those who are marginalized that voted for you. You think you reached out to the larger community.

G.P.: Yes, and the good thing is that 4 years ago, 90 percent of the country hated us. They thought we were marginal, and that we were terrorists, etc. Now what’s good is that although we earned 13 percent of the votes, we have 60 percent of people sympathetic to us. They are not ready to vote for us yet. Maybe in the following elections we can have their votes as well.

N.B.: What do you think changed in the Turkish reality that made these marginalized and radical ideas more acceptable for the general public?

G.P.: The system—as well as conservative Muslims—didn’t accept some identities, or didn’t accept them enough. After 2001, the AKP took over. They said we are firstly Muslims, and so let’s come together as such. To the Kurds, they said you are Kurds but you are Muslims, so we are brothers. They failed to understand that the Kurds also want a national identity. They want their identity to have that honor as well. The AKP thought that being a Muslim was going to be enough. But it wasn’t enough. The Kurds witnessed the developments with ISIS. Moreover, the government didn’t do anything for Kobane. After Kobane, the Kurds were disappointed, and most of them turned to us.

The AKP thought that insulting Armenians will gain them the Muslim votes, but it didn’t work. They tried to spotlight the fact that we had an LGBT candidate, thinking that it would affect the conservative vote, but it didn’t. There were other similar attempts, but they also failed. This is important. Our words won. We trust our words. This is what’s most important.

N.B.: That your message won them over?

G.P.: Yes, that HDP’s message won. This is the new world. The young citizens, they don’t know much about the 1980’s and the early 1990’s. They are the new Gezi youth. They want freedom. They all want freedom, and they are here, ready to hear about this new world. That is why we got their vote.

We received 13 percent of the total votes, including around 6-7 percent of the votes of the older generation, but we earned 25 percent of the votes of the young generation, the 18- to 25-year-olds. This is why we can say that if we continue this discourse [of equality], we can increase our votes in the fut
ure.

N.B.: What were the challenges of running for office as an Armenian?

G.P.: I didn’t encounter any challenges within my party. I don’t feel like I am Armenian Garo; I am just Garo for my peers. It’s what makes me normal, and I need it. Every Armenian needs it.

The AKP also has an Armenian candidate, as does the CHP [Republican People’s Party]. But they act as symbols. They are not really seen as equals. It allows the party to say, “See, we also have an Armenian in our party.” However, they are not really part of the politics; they are only Armenians at the table.

On the other hand, I am an equal member. I have my message and my politics. Of course, in some ways, if an Armenian issue is on the table, they ask my opinion. Similarly, if an issue pertaining to Alevis is on the table, they ask the Alevi colleagues for their input. However, in the broader issues like the economy, education, and politics, I have my say. They see me as Garo; and on those types of broader issues my opinion is valued. I suppose that this is what every Armenian needs.

Being an MP is new for me. Whatever the responsibilities are, if I am in it I will go all the way.

N.B.: What types of Armenian issues are you going to focus on in parliament?

G.P.: Nowadays, we are working for Camp Armen.

N.B.: And you were at the protest yesterday…:

G.P.: Yes. About a month ago, I heard the news that there is a bulldozer at Camp Armen. I was the first one to go there and stop the bulldozer. I simply talked to the driver, and told him, “This is the property of Armenians. Stop the demolition.”

N.B.: Describe those few moments. Did you run in front of the bulldozer?

G.P.: Yes. First, I thought to myself, I am going to die here. The bulldozer was still running and I was the one who stopped it. I just explained to the driver that this is the property of Armenians. It’s Hrant Dink’s property. I asked him to stop. I told him how the children constructed this building. Then, the driver stopped and said that he has children of his own, and that he can’t finish this job even if they offer him a million. And he just drove the bulldozer out of the camp. It really was something. It also shows something about the conscience of Turks. This was not about the past, it was about today.

They always say, leave [the Armenian Genocide] to the historians. But when it’s about the present…it’s a symbol of genocide again, and it’s why we say that the genocide is still continuing.

It’s been more than eight years since Hrant Dink’s [murder]. I am one of the organizers of the Friends of Hrant Dink organization. I will work on the Hrant Dink case. I will also work on Sevag Balıkçı’s case. It is hard to start with 100 years ago. I can start with today: Camp Armen, Hrant Dink, and Sevag. If we can be successful with these cases, we can perhaps go back further and further. Of course, I will do a lot on the genocide issue. After all, my party recognizes it, and wrote it in their program—that we have to ask for recognition of the Armenian Genocide. We are very open about it. And this is why I think I am the luckiest one really, the luckiest Armenian MP.

I will also focus on Armenian schools. I know every detail about Armenian schools. The first day I really got to work with the Minister of Education, we discussed so many problems. He just gave me his word that he would address some of the problems. Yesterday, we dealt with two very important issues for the Armenian schools. Of course, we have more problems, and I will give reports to the new Minister of Education. I know these issues because I worked for the schools for 15 years, and I know every detail about them.

N.B.: What were the two issues you brought up that were signed?

G.P.: Unfortunately, there is an identity code in Turkey. It is a vicious thing.

N.B.: The three codes that citizens are assigned based on their identities.

G.P.: Yes, those codes. Armenians are number “2’s”. If you are to send your child to an Armenian school, you have to prove that you are in fact Armenian. You have to submit a form, and they look if you are a number 2 or not. But there are many Islamized Armenians, and children of mixed marriages. Our parents have so many problems with the coding system. It’s actually humiliating. I argue that we know each other; we know who is an Armenian and who is not. You have to give us that permission. So [the Minister of Education] just signed it—it’s no longer going to be based on the code. We are going to decide who can attend our schools.

I will still open another case about the coding, because it’s not just about the education system. Whenever we go into military service or apply for public service positions, they look at the code again. We have to get rid of that code. Luckily, we got rid of the code in the education system. Our parents won’t have to prove that they are Armenian anymore.

There is another important issue. [The government] sends Turkish language and history teachers to our schools. The teachers can stay at our schools for 5 years each. We are arguing that there are some teachers that we are quite happy with, and 5 years are not enough. [The Minister of Education] just signed that if we are happy with a teacher, we can keep that teacher for longer. This is also important. They were sending us these teachers without our input. Perhaps we prefer Ayse, or Hasan, so now we can choose the teacher before they approve.

N.B.: Is that the same procedure with every school, or just the Armenian schools?

G.P.: This is the situation for the Armenian, Greek, and Jewish schools. Our demand is that we don’t want certain teachers. We don’t want you to send the teachers. We have to change the law. There is a law that gives the Ministry of Education the right to send the history and Turkish-language teachers, because they don’t trust us.

N.B.: The educational issues are very important, as the educational system can implant prejudices and discrimination in society. We know that in Turkish textbooks, for instance, Armenians are painted in a very bad light. They are portrayed as treacherous. Do you plan on working on this issue as well?

G.P.: Some things have changed. Let’s say there were 100 [negative] sentences 7 years ago, now we have 10-12 bad sentences. We still have to get rid of them. We need to instead show that we used to live together, and that something bad has happened. We need to show that Armenians are part of this land. Armenians belong here. The young generations don’t even know that Armenians used to live here, or they still live here, and they are part of the history. We need to get rid of the negative language, but we also need to replace them with positive language.

However, I don’t want to be involved only in Armenian issues, but in everything, and especially in issues pertaining to the education system. The Alevis, the Kurds, and the Armenians have the same problems. Also, the Armenian school system needs reform. We need to invest more in the Armenian schools. If we have autonomy—especially for the Armenian or Kurdish schools—it will be significant. It would be very significant if we can change the legislation on it.

When I go on television shows, sometimes I want to say more, but I stop and think to myself that I don’t have the right to cause more fear to my people—to the Armenians.
N.B.: Are you concerned about your own safety?

G.P.: Not at all. However, today, I went to an Armenian high school graduation party where everybody was afraid that something bad would happen to me. I don’t have any such fears. But I do have the fear in the sens
e that I don’t want them to go through something again. Everyone says that we lived through Hrant Dink, and we don’t want to live through it again. So, no, I have no fear because I am on this road, but I fear disappointing them; that’s why I am careful sometimes.

We need more people from the young generations. We need more people from the diaspora to come here. We need more [political] actors that work on these issues, and we need more Armenians to be more politically active. If I am the only target, that’s not good. Hrant Dink was a phenomenon. And being a phenomenon is sometimes a good thing and sometimes a bad thing. It’s not good to put all your expectations in one man or one woman. You have to have many [political] actors. I’d like to work with new groups, and with more people. I’m trying to give that courage to the younger generations. I hope that in the coming years we’ll have more people in politics.

Yerevan Zoo staff has announced that the 28 year old hippopotamus Manuk will be put down soon.

Though hippos’ life spin is estimated about 50 years, it is also known these animals cannot live long after their jaw-teeth are worn away.

“Manuk has been under medical treatment for the last years: the care and consistency of the vets prolonged his life for a few more years. However, the hippo is very weak these days and refuses to eat,” teh Yerevan Zoo said in a statement.

Manuk is one of the oldest inhabitants of Yerevan Zoo. He was brought to Yerevan in 1989 from Nikolayev Zoo at the age of 2.

There are two species of hippopotamus – the Common Hippopotamus (also called a River Hippo) (hippopotamus amphibius) and the Pygmy Hippopotamus (Choeropsis liberiensis or Hexaprotodon liberiensis). Yerevan Zoo hippos belong to the first species which is listed in the IUCN Red List as “Vulnerable.”