Author: Ekmekjian Janet

Dozens detained in protests against Armenia’s prime minister

Ekmekjian Janet
Irish Independent
Dec 24 2020
 
 
 
Campaigners want Nikol Pashinyan to quit over the terms of a November 10 peace deal with Azerbaijan.
 
By Avet Demourian, Associated Press
03:25 PM
 
 
Police in the Armenian capital detained dozens of people during protests against the country’s prime minister, who is being pressured to resign over his handling of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with Azerbaijan.
 
Opposition politicians and their supporters have been demanding for weeks that Nikol Pashinyan step down over the November 10 peace deal that saw Azerbaijan reclaim control over large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas.
 
The Russia-brokered agreement ended 44 days of fierce fighting in which the Azerbaijani army routed Armenian forces.
 
Police detained 77 people following clashes when thousands of protesters converged on centre of the capital Yerevan and surrounded the heavily guarded government building.
 
Mr Pashinyan and other cabinet members were able to get into the building despite the unrest.
 
“Now our goal is that they don’t get out until Nikol Pashinyan resigns,” Ishkhan Saghatelyan, a leading member of the opposition Dashnaktsutyun party, was quoted as saying by the Russian state Tass news agency.
 
Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan but was under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994.
 
That war left Nagorno-Karabakh itself and substantial surrounding territory in Armenian hands.
 
 Demonstrators scuffle with Armenian police (Vahram Baghdasaryan/AP)
 
Heavy fighting erupted in late September in the biggest escalation of the decades-old conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, killing more than 5,600 people on both sides.
 
The Russian-brokered peace agreement stipulated that Armenia hand over control of some areas it holds outside Nagorno-Karabakh’s borders.
 
Azerbaijan also retained control over areas of Nagorno-Karabakh it had taken during the conflict.
 
The peace deal was celebrated in Azerbaijan as a major triumph, but sparked outrage and mass protests in Armenia where thousands repeatedly took to the streets.
 
Mr Pashinyan has defended the deal as a painful but necessary move that prevented Azerbaijan from overrunning the entire Nagorno-Karabakh region.
 
 

AFP: Tensions In Armenia As Thousands Mourn Karabakh Victims

Ekmekjian Janet
BARRON’S
Dec 19 2020
 
 
 
Tensions In Armenia As Thousands Mourn Karabakh Victims
 
________________________________
Mariam HARUTYUNYAN
AFP
 
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Saturday led thousands in a march in memory of those killed in a six-week war with Azerbaijan as the Caucasus country began three days of mourning.
 
Pashinyan has been under huge pressure from the opposition to step down after nearly 3,000 Armenians were killed in the clashes with Azerbaijan over the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh.
 
As Armenia began its period of mourning for the Karabakh war, the opposition kept up pressure on Pashinyan to resign over the handling of the conflict and what they say is a humiliating peace deal with Azerbaijan.
 
Accompanied by top officials, Pashinyan led a thousands-strong procession to a memorial complex in the capital Yerevan where victims of the conflict are buried.
 
“The entire nation has been through and is going through a nightmare,” Pashinyan said in a video address ahead of the memorial march.
 
“Sometimes it seems that all of our dreams have been dashed and our optimism destroyed,” he said.
 
The opposition has called the 45-year-old leader a “traitor” for agreeing to end the war on Azerbaijan’s terms.
 
Pashinyan, whose wife and son were at the front during the conflict, has said he has no plans to quit and the peace deal was Armenia’s only option, ensuring Karabakh’s survival.
 
The war ended in November with a Moscow-brokered peace agreement that saw the Armenians cede swathes of territory to Azerbaijan which has been backed by close ally Turkey.
 
Beg for forgiveness
 
Many critics said on Saturday the leader should stay away from the memorial cemetery.
 
“He must not desecrate the graves of our children,” Misak Avetisyan, who lost a son in the war, told reporters.
 
The grief-stricken father said the prime minister should get down on his knees and “beg for forgiveness”.
 
Many critics chanted “Nikol the traitor” as authorities dramatically beefed up security at the cemetery.
 
Later Saturday several thousands of opposition supporters gathered for a memorial rally in Yerevan’s Freedom Square.
 
“This war did not have to happen,” said former prime minister Vazgen Manukyan who the opposition says should replace Pashinyan.
 
He said Armenia under Pashinyan had lost “all allies.”
 
Pashinyan’s critics have called on supporters to stage a national strike from December 22.
 
A member of the Pashinyan-led procession said the prime minister should not be blamed for the mistakes of previous leaders.
 
“He is not guilty of anything,” said Karo Sargsyan.
 
Pashinyan, a former newspaper editor, was propelled to power in 2018 after he channelled widespread desire for change into a broad protest movement against corrupt post-Soviet elites.
 
But after the war with Azerbaijan, many now say Pashinyan has betrayed Armenia’s interests.
 
Numerous public figures including the influential head of Armenia’s Apostolic Church, Catholicos Garegin, have called for Pashinyan’s resignation.
 
As part of the peace deal Russia deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeeping troops to Karabakh.
 
More than 5,000 people including civilians were killed during the fighting between the ex-Soviet rivals, who also fought a war in the 1990s over the mountainous region.
 

 

CivilNet: Dozens of Armenian Soldiers Missing in Karabakh’s South

Ekmekjian Janet
CIVILNET.AM

01:36

The fate of 73 servicemen in Karabakh’s southern Khtsaberd-Hin Tagher area continues to remain unknown, reports the Artsakh Defense Army, while denying rumors that the number is 171.

The exact number remains unclear.

On Tuesday evening, videos began circulating in Azerbaijani media, claiming to show dozens of captured Armenian servicemen. Following public anger and outcry, Armenia’s Ministry of Defense demanded clarification from the Artsakh Defense Army.

“From the very first hours of the incident and with the support of Russian peacekeepers, urgent work is being done to find out the fate of our servicemen,” reports the Karabakh Defense Ministry, adding that the head of the General Staff of Armenia’s Armed Forces, Colonel-General Onik Gasparyan, has also arrived in Artsakh to investigate and to take necessary action.

Artsakh Human Right Ombudsman Artak Beglaryan said it was highly likely that roughly 60 servicemen have been captured.

Families of the missing soldiers blocked a main road in protest, demanding to know more details about the fate of their loved ones.

Nagorno-Karabakh Becomes The Scene Of A Clash Between Turkey And The West

Ekmekjian Janet
Greek City Times
Dec 13 2020
by Guest Blogger

The OSCE Mink Group Co-Chairs are visiting Yerevan and Baku this weekend to discuss the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement with the political leadership of Armenia and Azerbaijan.

It was announced by Assistant Secretary of State Philip Riker pointing out the lack of alternative to the existing diplomatic format to resolve disputes around Nagorno-Karabakh.

The speech by the American diplomat clearly shows notes of dissatisfaction with Turkey’s extreme activity towards Nagorno-Karabakh.

After the tripartite agreement was accepted, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev have been working towards the legalization of Ankara’s status as a full participant in the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan meeting with his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev in Baku for last Friday’s victory parade.

As soon as Turkey gets this status, Ankara will probably send a peacekeeping contingent to Nagorno-Karabakh along with the Russian troops already transferred to the conflict zone.

At first Erdoğan had unsuccessfully tried to negotiate with Vladimir Putin to create an independent Turkish center to monitor the ceasefire with the aim of strengthening Ankara’s role in the South Caucasus.

Then Turkish officials announced a rapid transfer of engineering units to Nagorno-Karabakh to clear the area.

Meanwhile, among Russian and Armenian military experts, arose reasonable fears that Ankara would send Special Forces under the guise of sappers for diversionary operations.

Erdoğan turned to the “creeping denunciation” of a tripartite agreement adopted with the decisive role of Russian diplomacy and was furious at the Kremlin’s inconsistency.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (R) and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (L) in Sochi, Russia on 22 October 2019. EPA-EFE/ALEXEI DRUZHININ / SPUTNIK / KREMLIN POOL MANDATORY CREDIT

In particular, Aliyev began to stubbornly insist on the adoption of a new document fixing the status of Nagorno-Karabakh as a territory of Azerbaijan that is absolutely contrary to the previously accepted formula.

Now Baku demands the agreement to include Russian peacekeepers in “Azerbaijani soil.”

The Azerbaijani leader unlikely dared to do it without considering Erdoğan’s position, who had been the political overlord of Baku for a long time.

Meanwhile, Moscow and Ankara stopped trying to hide their diplomatic conflicts. This fact gives an opportunity for the West to seize the initiative in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Certainly the West is unlikely to be able to be the only regulative factor in Nagorno-Karabakh amid the enormous economic turmoil caused by the coronavirus pandemic.

However, it can moderate Erdogan’s appetites if unites with Moscow.

The Kremlin, paradoxically, can make a deal with its partners in the OSCE Minsk Group in order to hold back an overenthusiastic Turkish president.

The first joint step of the anti-Turkish tandem of Moscow and the West is likely to be the granting of Russian peacekeepers stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh with the OSCE mandate.

This will instantly destroy Erdoğan’s hopes of sending his “blue helmets” to the region, bypassing international institutions.

Against this backdrop, Vladimir Putin’s _expression_ of respect for the efforts of France and the United States to promote mediation in Nagorno-Karabakh looks like a prologue of the future alliance during an interview with Kremlin journalists.

American expert Bradley Reynolds points to Moscow’s interest in forming an “ad hoc” coalition with Paris and Washington.

“Russia has been investing in the geopolitical game in Transcaucasia, in which the stakes are rising, therefore Moscow may have a need to contribute to its efforts for a long-term political settlement of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh,” the political scientist stated.

The White House also does not deny its readiness for “building bridges” with the Kremlin to keep the Turkish president out of the game.

“We are concerned about the role of Turkey, the participation of foreign militants, the supply of weapons to Azerbaijan by Ankara. These issues are on the agenda of our dialogue with Russia,” acting assistant of US Secretary of State for Eurasia Philip Ricker emphasized.

Under these circumstances, Nagorno-Karabakh, which recently was the battleground between Armenia and Azerbaijan, has been rapidly becoming an arena, where Turkey and the West clash each other.

At the same time, Erdoğan, in pursuit of growing geopolitical ambitions, could be alone in face of a Western-Russian coalition, which may temporarily forget about previous disagreements in order to squeeze the Turkish leader from his advance in world politics.

The views of the author does not necessarily reflect those of Greek City Times.

Kemran Mamedov is a Moscow-based Azerbaijiani journalist born in Georgia with a focus on South Caucasus issues.

Armenian Parliament’s discussion on return of POWs from Azerbaijan to be held in closed format

Ekmekjian Janet

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 10:59, 8 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 8, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Parliament’s urgent debate scheduled today relating to the issue of the return of Armenian prisoners of war and captured citizens from Azerbaijan will be held in a closed format.

The respective decision was approved by the Parliament with 68 votes in favor and 2 votes against.

The ruling My Step faction has made this proposal.

Meanwhile, the opposition Bright Armenia faction said the debate must be held in an open format so that citizens will be fully informed about the issue.

The opposition Prosperous Armenia faction is not participating in the session.

 

Edited and Translated by Aneta Harutyunyan

Is Armenia about to become part of Russia so it doesn’t get betrayed again?

Ekmekjian Janet
EU Repórter
Dec 9 2020
December 9, 2020

By Guest contributor

There is now peace in Nagorno-Karabakh. Can either of the warring sides be considered a victor – most certainly not. But if we look at controlled territories before and after the conflict, there is clear a loser – Armenia. This is also confirmed by the dissatisfaction expressed by the Armenian people. However, objectively speaking the peace deal can be considered Armenia’s “success” story, writes Zintis Znotiņš.

No one, especially Armenia and Azerbaijan, believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh has been resolved completely and forever. Therefore, it’s no surprise that Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has invited Russia to expand military co-operation. “We hope to expand not only security cooperation, but military-technical cooperation as well. Times were difficult before the war, and now the situation is even more severe,” Pashinyan told the press after meeting with Russian Minister of Defense Sergey Shoygu in Yerevan.1

Pashinyan’ words made me think. Russia and Armenia are already cooperating on multiple platforms. We should remember that after the collapse of the USSR Armenia became the only post-Soviet country – Russia’s only ally in Transcaucasia. And for Armenia Russia is not merely a partner, because Armenia sees Russia as its strategic ally that has significantly helped Armenia on numerous economic and security matters.2

This co-operation has also been established officially on the highest level, i.e. in the form of the CSTO and CIS. More than 250 bilateral agreements have been signed between both countries, including the Treaty on Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance.3 This poses a logical question – how do you strengthen something that has already been established on the highest level?

Reading between the lines of Pashinyan’s statements, it’s clear that Armenia wants to prepare its revenge and requires additional support from Russia. One of the ways of strengthening military co-operation is to purchase armaments from one another. Russia has always been the largest provider of weapons for Armenia. Moreover, in 2020 Pashinyan criticized former president Serzh Sargsyan for spending $42 million on metal scraps, instead of weapons and equipment.4 This means that the Armenian people have already witnessed their “strategic ally” betray them regarding armaments deliveries and participation in different organizations.

If Armenia was already doing worse than Azerbaijan before the conflict, it would be unreasonable to assume that Armenia will now become richer are able to afford better armaments.

If we compare their armed forces, Azerbaijan has always had more weapons. What concerns the quality of these weapons, Azerbaijan is again a few steps ahead of Armenia. Additionally, Azerbaijan also has equipment produced by countries other than Russia.

Therefore, it’s unlikely that Armenia will be able to afford enough modern weapons in the next decade to stand against Azerbaijan, which will also likely continue modernizing its armed forces.

Equipment and weapons are important, but human resources are what really matters. Armenia has a population of roughly three million, while Azerbaijan is home to ten million people. If we look at how many of them are fit for military service, the numbers are 1.4 million for Armenia and 3.8 million for Azerbaijan. There are 45,000 soldiers in the Armenian Armed Forces and 131,000 in the Azerbaijani Armed Forces. What concerns the number of reservists, Armenia has 200,000 of them and Azerbaijan has 850,000.5

This means that even if something miraculous happens and Armenia acquires a sufficient amount of modern equipment, it still has fewer people. If only…

Let’s talk about the “if only”.

What does Pashinyan mean by saying: “We hope to expand not only security cooperation, but military-technical cooperation as well?” As we know, Armenia doesn’t have the money to purchase any armaments. Moreover, all the previous forms of cooperation and integration have been insufficient for Russia to really wish to solve Armenia’s problems.

The recent events prove that Armenia gains nothing from being a part of the CSTO or the CIS. From this point of view, Armenia’s only solution is tighter integration with Russia so that the armed forces of Armenia and Russia are a single entity. This would be possible only if Armenia were to become Russia’s subject, or if they decide to establish a union state.

In order to establish a union state, the position of Belarus must be taken into account. After the recent events, Lukashenko has most likely agreed with all of Putin’s demands. Armenia’s geographic location would benefit Moscow, and we know that if there’s another country between two parts of Russia, it’s only a matter of time until this country loses its independence. This, of course, doesn’t concern countries that join NATO.

It’s difficult to predict how Armenians would welcome such a turn of events. They would surely be happy to defeat Azerbaijan and regain Nagorno-Karabakh, but would they be happy if Armenia returned to the Kremlin’s gentle embrace? One thing is certain – if this happens, Georgia and Azerbaijan must strengthen their armed forces and consider joining NATO.

1 https://www.delfi.lv/news/arzemes/pasinjans-pec-sagraves-kara-grib-vairak-militari-tuvinaties-krievijai.d?id=52687527

2 https://ru.armeniasputnik.am/trend/russia-armenia-sotrudnichestvo/

3 https://www.mfa.am/ru/bilateral-relations/ru

4 https://minval.az/news/123969164?__cf_chl_jschl_tk__=3c1fa3a58496fb586b369317ac2a8b8d08b904c8-1606307230-0-AeV9H0lgZJoxaNLLL-LsWbQCmj2fwaDsHfNxI1A_aVcfay0gJ6ddLg9-JZcdY2hZux09Z42iH_62VgGlAJlpV7sZjmrbfNfTzU8fjrQHv1xKwIWRzYpKhzJbmbuQbHqP3wtY2aeEfLRj6C9xMnDJKJfK40Mfi4iIsGdi9Euxe4ZbRZJmeQtK1cn0PAfY_HcspvrobE_xnWpHV15RMKhxtDwfXa7txsdiaCEdEyvO1ly6xzUfyKjX23lHbZyipnDFZg519aOsOID-NRKJr6oG4QPsxKToi1aNmiReSQL6c-c2bO_xwcDDNpoQjFLMlLBiV-KyUU6j8OrMFtSzGJat0LsXWWy1gfUVeazH8jO57V07njRXfNLz661GQ2hkGacjHA

5 https://www.gazeta.ru/army/2020/09/28/13271497.shtml?updated

The views expressed in the above article are those of the author alone, and do not reflect any opinions on the part of EU Reporter.

Turkey should withdraw its troops and terrorists from NK conflict zone – Armenian FM

Ekmekjian Janet

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 16:34, 7 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Foreign Minister Ara Aivazian says Turkey should withdraw its troops and terrorist groups from the Nagorno Karabakh conflict zone and the South Caucasus in general.

“Turkey as the main instigator and inspirer of the Azerbaijani aggression against the people of Artsakh today as well continues running a destructive policy for the region. This obliges the international community to take all possible actions to force Turkey to refrain from any activities which could further escalate the tension. Turkey should withdraw the staff of its armed forces and the armed terrorist groups from the Nagorno Karabakh conflict zone and the South Caucasus in general”, the Armenian FM said during a joint press conference with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Moscow.

The Armenian FM said there are still no concrete signs of the withdrawal of the foreign armed terrorists.

“Quite the contrary, there are confirmed reports that Azerbaijan is planning to expand the geography of spreading armed terrorists and mercenaries and populate the occupied regions of Artsakh with them”, Ara Aivazian said.

Azerbaijan has unleashed a large-scale war against Artsakh from September 27 to November 10 with the direct support and participation of Turkey and foreign mercenary-terrorists.

Edited and Translated by Aneta Harutyunyan

POSTPONED: Journalist Simon Ostrovsky Will Delve into Latest Conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh

Ekmekjian Janet
Pulitzer Center, Chicago
Nov 3 2020

Unfortunately, the University of Chicago has decided to postpone this event. They hope to post a new date in the near future.

Pulitzer Center grantee Simon Ostrovsky will speak at a panel titled “What Just Happened in Nagorno-Karabakh: Deja Vu or Geopolitical Trend?” The virtual event will be presented by The University of Chicago.

The panel will consider the causes and repercussions of the fighting that broke out on September 27 between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh, how this violence should be viewed in light of the region’s history, and whether the conflict should be understood as part of larger geopolitical trends.

Ostrovsky reported on the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis for PBS NewsHour as part of a Pulitzer Center-supported project. The project looks at the humanitarian consequences of the war, the process of brokering a cease-fire, and the geopolitical implications for the region. 

The panel also will feature Dr. Nerses Kopalyan, an assistant professor-in-residence at the Department of Political Science at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and Arman Grigoryan, associate professor in the International Relations Department at Lehigh University.

The University of Chicago is part of the Pulitzer Center’s Campus Consortium network. The event will be presented by The University of Chicago’s Center for East European and Russian/Eurasian Studies, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, and the Pozen Family Center for Human Rights.

Register for the panel discussion here.


The Surrender of Artsakh—An Eyewitness Account

Ekmekjian Janet

December 1,  2020



5 hours ago

BY DICKRAN KHODANIAN

KASHATAGH/STEPANAKERT, Artsakh – Imagine having to take the key to an Armenian church from Kashatagh in order to hand it to parish priest Rev. Fr. Aharon Melkumyan in Goris because potentially you may have been the final Armenian to visit before the region was surrendered to Azerbaijan’s control.

This is the reality we’re facing as an Armenian nation right now. As part of the deal made on November 9, Aghdam was ceded on November 20, Karvachar on November 25 following a 10 day delay, and Kashatagh on December 1.

From November 27 to 29 as I stayed in Goris. I was able to visit, explore, and help document the region of Kashatagh one final time prior to its transfer to Azerbaijan in addition to also visiting Stepanakert as well. Kashatagh is one of the 7 provinces of Artsakh and is the largest province by area (3,376.60 km2). The region’s capital is Berdzor and according to the last population count, its population was close to 10,000. The region bordered Armenia to the west and Iran to the south and was well known for accepting close to 200 Syrian Armenian refugees following the Syrian Civil War.

On December 1, 2020, a majority of Kashatagh was transferred to Azerbaijan with the exception of the Lachin Corridor, containing the localities of Berdzor, Sus, and Aghavno. Therefore, I had the opportunity to travel to northern Kashatagh, where I was able to visit multiple villages, churches, and other historic sites. After passing a heavily damaged bridge once entering Artsakh, my journey began with the village of Hochants. Hochants is home to the 17th century St. Stepanos Armenian Church that was reopened and reconsecrated in 2019 through the efforts of the Artsakh’s Ministry of Culture, Youth and Tourism, the Armenian Apostolic Church, and the Tufenkian Foundation. It was the key to this church that I had to take back to Goris.

The journey then continued to the Tsitsernavank Monastary, a 5th-6th century monastery that’s 5 kilometers of the border of Armenia’s Syunik province. The basilica of Tzitzernavank was believed to contain relics of St. George the Dragon-Slayer. Tsitsernavank’s church of St. George was reconsecrated and renovated in October 2001.

The villages were already emptied at this point and most houses were abandoned. Scenes of Armenians cutting trees to take with them to Armenia and taking apart homes were common similar to my trip to Karvatchar approximately two weeks ago. However, during this trip, the presence of Russian troops was heavy. In addition to the Russians now using what was the checkpoint for the Artsakh Republic as you entered, Russian convoys, police cars, and other types of military vehicles were on the road and stationed at different locations.

On day two, I travelled to as north of the village of Hak and made an attempt to stop at as many churches and historic sites as I could on the way back south to the main road. Hak is home to the 17th century Armenian Church of St. Minas and is located in north-west Kashatagh. It was restored in 2009 by the Tufenkian Foundation. Hak was already emptied out without a single soul in site and the church is located in the center of the village.

Later that day, we made stops in the villages of Mirik, Herik, Bertik, and Mashatagh where I visited the local Armenian churches and witnessed various historic sites and Armenian cross-stones (khachkars). These villages were also emptied out. The only individuals present were construction workers present to take apart certain structures. These villages are fairly remote and require a dirt road to get there. Mirik and Herik specifically are deep in the hills of Kashatagh where one can overlook mountain after mountain and valley after valley in the region of Kashatagh. Church after church and village after village, it kept become even more excruciating to face the concession of these territories, which was only taking place a few days following my visit. During my visit, a group from TUMO and the Tufenkian Foundation were also traveling across all the regions that were being transferred to Azerbaijan in order to 3D scan the churches in the region.

On day three, I made the trek to Stepanakert. Traveling through Berzdor where the situation still seemed uncertain following the agreement, it was evident that not everyone had returned and the town had not returned to its normalcy. When I was there in the final days of November, news about which parts of Berdzor and Kashatagh were to remain under Armenian control were very mixed, which some outlets stating that the residents of Berdzor were also forced to leave when they were initially told not to.

However, on December 1, Berdzor Mayor Narek Aleksanyan stated that many residents of Berdzor are still there. He added that the Russian peacekeepers had told them to lower the flag because no flags from either side would be allowed to be raised. Russian peacekeepers are currently stationed in Berdzor.

One thing that’s certain is that as I passed by the “A Free and Independent Artsakh Welcomes You” sign at the border of Armenia and Artsakh, it certainly didn’t feel like a free and independent Artsakh.

On the way to Stepanakert there were multiple Russian checkpoints with their flags raised everywhere. As you come across the entrance to Shushi, the painful sight of Turkish and Azerbaijani flags hung around the sign of Susa dauntingly welcomes you. Prior to my trip, the pictures of the Azerbaijani flags around or at the entrance of Shushi were extremely disheartening and troubling. I genuinely wouldn’t wish this sight upon anyone in person. Shushi has been home. Shushi has been a site where young diasporans from around the world have come to volunteer, build relationships, and contributed its development. And now as images and videos of Azerbaijani soldiers vandalizing churches and Armenian properties surfacing, it could be traumatizing for many.

As I entered Stepanakert, surprisingly there was some type of liveliness and it was clear a great deal of families had returned. Residents were walking around town and many markets and stores were operating. Internet, electricity, and utilities were mostly available. I drove through the city to find heavily damaged areas and sites heavily affected by the shelling and attacks as reported by the Armenian government. However, it seemed like the damage was mostly repaired and there was not a great deal of damage that remained.

I visited the market where approximately half the vendors were present selling fruits, honey, mulberry vodka, jingalov bread, among other items. The main market had surely been hit and it had not been entirely repaired but was enough to be. Based on my visit and exchanges with several local individuals, there were many individuals from Hadrut who were displaced and lost their homes who were currently in Stepanakert.

Outside the city hall in Stepanakert, there was a massive line of people waiting in order to receive nutrition from the government. The International Red Cross had provided boxes of nutrition and these boxes were being divided by families in Artsakh. In the main Renaissance Square in Stepanakert, I also witnessed a demonstration that took place organized by the families of the missing soldiers.

Some of the other sited damaged included the electricity network building in Stepanakert, the maternity hospital, and various homes throughout the city. The Armenian Relief Society’s Sosse Kindergarten was also slightly damaged due to an explosion that took place nearby. The kindergarten had been hit by shrapnel pieces.

Although the city was attempting to reach normalcy, it was apparent that it wasn’t entirely normal. The mood was somber and the people confused. Confused about what their future holds and unsure of the new developments that may or may not even take place regarding the deal that was made on November 9.

One thing that’s certain is that as I passed by the “A Free and Independent Artsakh Welcomes You” sign at the border of Armenia and Artsakh, it certainly didn’t feel like a free and independent Artsakh.

Those who wish to enter Artsakh now are welcomed by a heavy presence of Russian peacekeepers, an Azerbaijan controlled Shushi overlooking Stepanakert, and for the time being, only one Armenian controlled road that takes you to Artsakh from Armenia, the Lachin Corridor, since Karvachar was transferred to Azerbaijan.

War crimes show the consequences of the Azeri policy of hatred against Armenians

Ekmekjian Janet
Greek City Times
Nov 27 2020
By Guest Blogger


The Azeri invasion of Artsakh that began on September 27 exemplifies a demonstration of their decades-long policy of hatred against Armenians.

“Is it a defeat or a victory? The target of the Turko-Azeris was never only the territories. They have always been the Armenian people. It was the destruction of a people, which, however, like the Phoenix, is reborn through its ashes. Now what is she? Defeat or victory?” Maria Lazareva wondered, as previously published on Greek City Times.

The Russian-mediated ceasefire agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan includes the surrender of the territories to the Azerbaijani military that they never even captured, and the territories they already captured with assistance from Syrian jihadist mercenaries and Turkish military forces during the conflict.

This makes up 15-20% of the total territory of Azerbaijan, as well as the historic city of great religious and strategic importance, Shushi.

Specifically, three regions of Artsakh will be put under the Azeri state-control by December 1: the regions of Aghdam, Kalbajar and Lachin.

Specifically for the latter region, the Lachin Corridor, the mountain pass connecting Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh is a combination of Russian, Farsi and Turkish to mean “black mountain garden”) with mainland Armenia, is being monitored by Russian peacekeepers.

Also, the territory under Armenian control since the 1990s, outside the territory of Artsakh, will be handed over to the Azeris.

In a speech, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev stressed:

“The enemy who has been illegally occupying our territories for 30 years sees the strength of the Azerbaijani army on the battlefield. We are fighting in our lands, we are defending our land and we will continue to drive the ‘invaders’ from our land.”

For the city of Sushi, the Azeri president wrote on Twitter:

“DEAR SHUSHA, YOU ARE FREE! Dear Shusha, we have returned! Dear Shusha, we will reinvigorate you! Karabakh is ours! Karabakh is Azerbaijan!”

During the conflict, the inhumane torture and atrocities against Armenian prisoners that took place during the period from November 4-18 alone are recorded by the mediators of Armenia and Artsakh, Arman Tatoyan and Artak Beglaryan.

Through these documents, which will be sent to state authorities and international organizations to reflect on the irrefutable evidence of war crimes by the Azeris against war prisoners, showing the painful consequences of the Azerbaijani policy of hatred and ethnic cleansing against Armenians.

And we are not just talking about the loss of land and human lives, where according to estimates, for the Armenian side, amounts to at least 2000 dead, while there are many missing.

We are referring to the cultural “genocide”, the desecration and destruction of cultural and religious monuments by the Azerbaijani army and its allies, in order to eliminate any trace of the undeniable presence, existence and property titles of the Armenian people in their homeland.

They want to rewrite the story….

In the Nakhichevan region alone, according to satellite images and other incontrovertible evidence from archaeologists and researchers, 89 churches, 5,840 khachkars and 22,000 tombstones were desecrated and destroyed between 1997 and 2006, as was the largest ancient Armenian cemetery, Djulfa.

President of the Union of Greek Communities, Maria Lazareva, on media panels commented on the military defeat in Artsakh and said the following Armenian proverb: “The victory has a thousand bosses but defeat is an orphan.”

The first priority for the Armenian people of Artsakh and for their homeland is the de jure recognition, first by Armenia itself, Russia and then the entire international community.

“Victory or defeat” says Lazareva…

The response from the proud heroic people of Karvachar who, temporarily, leave their ancestral homes, writing in Russian “welcome” messages to the new owners of their property and land:

“Azeris, remember, we will be back.”

The article was authored by Natalie Glezou and first appeared in Greek on Politis Press.

Glezou is a journalist and an international relations expert.


This post was last modified on 9:47 pm