Accordimg To SCC, Improper Fulfilment Of Their Tasks By Some Leading

ACCORDIMG TO SCC, IMPROPER FULFILMENT OF THEIR TASKS BY SOME LEADING EMPLOYEES OF ZVARTNOTS CUSTOM-HOUSE WAS REASON FOR THEIR DISMISSAL

Noyan Tapan
Feb 21 2007

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 21, NOYAN TAPAN. According to the press service
of the RA State Customs Committee (SCC), improper fulfilment of
their tasks by a number of leading employees of Zvartnots Airport’s
custom-house was the reason for t heir dismissal. However, according
to NT’s information, smuggling of some goods was the reason why the
director and the staff of the airport’s customs point were dismissed
from their jobs.

NT was informed from the SCC press service that this year customs
revenues of the RA state budget are programmed to make 180.1 bln drams
(about 500 mln USD) and "with the aim of achieving such high indices,
special importance is attached to improvement of the administration
and efficiency of work of all regional customs bodies."

Gazprom Eyes Bigger Share In Armenian Gas Network

GAZPROM EYES BIGGER SHARE IN ARMENIAN GAS NETWORK
By Emil Danielyan

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Feb 21 2007

Russia’s state-run natural gas monopoly, Gazprom, revealed on Wednesday
plans to raise its controlling stake in Armenia’s gas distribution
network to 80 percent in the next two years.

The company’s press service told the Russian Regnum news agency
that this will be in line with a controversial and complex agreement
reached by Gazprom and the Armenian government in March 2006.

The deal enabled Armenia to avoid a surge in the price of imported
Russia gas until January 2009 in exchange for ceding more energy assets
to Gazprom, including an incomplete but modern thermal power plant
located in the central town of Hrazdan. The two sides officially
confirmed last November that the Russian giant has also seen its
share in the ArmRosGazprom (ARG) distributor rise from 45 to almost
58 percent. Consequently, the Armenian government’s ARG stake was
diluted to just over 30 percent.

According to Regnum, Gazprom plans to own 80 percent of ARG as a result
of buying additional shares in the Armenian gas operator that are due
to be issued by 2009. ARG spokeswoman Shushan Sardarian effectively
confirmed the information. "We plan to further expand our network
and have other investment projects," Sardarian told RFE/RL.

"We will need to attract more capital in order to implement them."

Officials at the Armenian Energy Ministry could not be reached for
comment.

The Gazprom-controlled company is also widely expected to be granted
ownership of a gas pipeline from neighboring Iran. The pipeline’s
first Armenian section is due to be inaugurated this spring.

The 2006 deal gave the Russians near total control over Armenia’s
energy sector, raising more concerns about the country’s economic
independence and energy security in particular. Armenian officials
have repeatedly dismissed such concerns. President Robert Kocharian
pledged last month to help boost Russian presence in other sectors
of the Armenian economy.

FT Report – FT Fund Management: One Share, One Vote Does Not Mean De

FT REPORT – FT FUND MANAGEMENT: ONE SHARE, ONE VOTE DOES NOT MEAN DEMOCRACY
By Arman Khachaturyan

Financial Times
Published: Feb 19, 2007

Establishing shareholder democracy and enforcing a mandatory
one-share-one vote rule in the European Union have drawn
controversy. In the pursuit of popular appeal for the proposal,
European Commission policymakers have tried to tie equiproportional
representation to corporate egalitarian sentiments underscoring
justice, fairness and ethics.

However, an economic justification of the move as a way of enhancing
value through corporate governance and fostering efficiency and
competitiveness across the EU has been stunningly absent from the
Commission’s agenda.

Proponents of shareholder democracy in the EU have erroneously
associated the conceptual doctrine of political democracy with a
corporate voting rule and, consequently, argued such a rule is needed
to promote more fairness, accountability, liquidity and more active
takeover markets. Such a perspective is flawed.

First, shareholder democracy, as it emerged and evolved in the US,
is generally associated with shareholder empowerment and managerial
accountability not with the one-share-one vote rule. In the US, where
a board’s response is disproportionate to a threat posed and defensive
measures create a preclusive or coercive effect on shareholders in a
takeover, the shareholders can discharge the board from effectively
continuing its fiduciary duties.

Moreover, after being in place in the US for 60 years, the
one-share-one-vote mandatory rule was abolished because of the growing
recognition that it encouraged neither high standards of corporate
democracy nor individual standards of corporate responsibility,
integrity or accountability.

Second, academic literature is at best inconclusive on whether
differentiated voting rights lead to lower performance, managerial
entrenchment or impaired value. There is no clear evidence on whether
one-share- one-vote companies outperform those with multiple voting
rights.

Third, the mandatory one- share-one-vote rule can exacerbate
the dark side of institutional shareholder activism –
short-termism. Institutional shareholders have supported the rule
but for their own interests rather than for minorities.

With derivative techniques – stock lending, equity swaps, direct
and indirect hedges – hedge funds in particular can retain formally
more voting control compared with cash flow rights. This, in effect,
allows them to vote more shares compared with cash flow ownership and
compromises long-term profitability for the sake of short-term payoffs.

Fourth, the one-share-one- vote rule combined with these derivative
techniques will allow hedge funds to destroy shareholder value through
proxy fights for corporate control if the hedge fund’s net holding
position of shares is negative.

This destruction can take two forms. The hedge fund with a net negative
position can block value-enhancing takeovers since any value-enhancing
takeover will result in a net negative cash flow and hence losses
from short positions.

Alternatively, the hedge fund can vote for suboptimal tender offers
to maximise payoffs associated with net short positions. In both,
the more stock prices slide and shareholder value is destroyed,
the more profits are made from short positions.

Generally, there is nothing undemocratic or unfair about differentiated
voting rights. It is no more "unfair" to protect shareholders through
differentiated voting rights structures than to invite destruction of
shareholder value by activist hedge funds. The one-share- one-vote
rule is simply one corporate decision-making rule among many, and
not necessarily the best one.

If EC policymakers opt for a one-share-one-vote rule across the board,
it will entail significant regulatory costs, foster inefficiency
and impair competition. Paradoxically it can also demote shareholder
rights and disenfranchise minorities.

One alternative is to minimise legal intervention constraining
investors’ and issuers’ choice with respect to voting and
decision-making rules. As soon as companies make their corporate
governance arrangements publicly available during the IPO and the
post-IPO stages, there is no reason to believe investors are unable
to make informed decisions and legal intervention is justified.

It remains to be seen whether an economic rationale will prevail over
political rhetoric and delusory traps on the way to making corporate
Europe more dynamic and efficient.

Arman Khachaturyan is a re-engineering director at the Armenia
Telecom Company and an associate research fellow at the Centre for
European Policy Studies. His paper, One-Share-One-Vote Controversy
in the EU (2006), is at _
( /abstract=908215)

http://ssrn.com/abstract=908215_
http://ssrn.com

ANKARA: Turkish PM To The U.S Congress: "Armenian Genocide Bill Woul

TURKISH PM TO THE U.S CONGRESS: "ARMENIAN GENOCIDE BILL WOULD SHADOW RELATIONS"

Sabah, Turkey
Feb 19 2007

Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdoðan has sent messages to the House
of Representatives in the U.S Congress about the pending Armenian
Genocide bill: "We are not expecting any negative decisions. However,
I have concerns that if you approve the bill, this would shadow the
strategic partnership of Turkey and the US government. For all of
our history, we have never lived and shall not live with such stain."

"Armenian genocide bill would shadow our strategic partnership"

Turkey’s PM has warned the House of Representatives about the bill
which would shadow the strategic partnership of Turkey and America,
if approved.

Prime Minister Erdoðan participated in a gala dinner held for the
American Firms Union in Ankara on Saturday night where he emphasized
the importance of Turkey’s services to the United States within the
framework of NATO.

Stating that both the Minister of Foreign Affairs Gul and the Chief
of General Staff Yaþar Buyukanýt have held meetings with American
authorities about the pending Armenian genocide bill in the U.S Senate,
the PM said: "We do not expect such a decision from the House of
Representatives. I am sure they will not approve such bill.

However, I have worries that such a surprise would shadow our strategic
partnership with the U.S. We, as Turks are exhausted by the lobbies
made by the Armenian Diaspora. But it is obvious that they will never
give up. They seem to be taking great pleasure form doing this. What
we are saying is that it is a historian’s job to decide whether
there was a genocide or not. No one has the right to defame Turkey
via political lobbies. We have never lived with a stain throughout
our history and we shall not live with such stain."

–Boundary_(ID_W4TG1bw0+jkvTI9S4eyFL g)–

Dyck Is Interested in RA Economic Growth

A1+

DYCK IS INTERESTED IN RA ECONOMIC GROWTH
[06:35 pm] 16 February, 2007

Paul B. Dyck, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Europe at
the U.S. Department of Commerce, visited Armenia
February 14-16. During his trip, Mr. Dyck met with
government officials including Minister of Trade and
Economic Development Karen Chshmaritian, Senior
Economic Advisor to the President Vahram Nercissiantz,
and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Arman
Kirakosian. He also met with representatives of the
American Chamber of Commerce, U.S. investors in
Armenia, local business, and alumni of U.S.
government-funded exchange programs.

Mr. Dyck focused on issues related to Armenia’s
economic growth, commercial developments, the
investment climate, and business opportunities for
foreign companies. He also discussed customs
administration issues, as well as legal measures and
enforcement mechanisms related to the protection of
Intellectual Property Rights.

Paul B. Dyck was appointed to serve as Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Europe at the U.S. Department
of Commerce in June, 2006. Mr. Dyck is responsible for
directing the Department’s efforts to open markets and
ensure fair treatment for American exporters in 50
countries, including all of Europe, Russia, and
Eurasia. He is also responsible for developing
strategies and programs to enhance the United States’
commercial position in the region, as well as engaging
with foreign government officials to resolve
commercial disputes. Before joining the Department of
Commerce, Mr. Dyck served at the U.S. Department of
State as senior advisor to Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice. In this position, Mr. Dyck helped
coordinate the Secretary’s strategic planning efforts
and transformational diplomacy agenda.

Mahnmal Fur Die Armenier: "La Masseria Delle Allodole" Von Paolo Und

MAHNMAL FUR DIE ARMENIER; "LA MASSERIA DELLE ALLODOLE" VON PAOLO UND VITTORIO TAVIANI
Alexandra Seitz

Berliner Zeitung
14. Februar 2007 Mittwoch

Der wohl brisanteste Film der 57. Berlinale ist "La Masseria delle
Allodole (The Lark Farm)" von Paolo und Vittorio Taviani. Er basiert
auf dem Roman "Das Haus der Lerchen", in dem die italienische
Literaturprofessorin Antonia Arslan teilweise die Geschichte ihrer
eigenen armenischstammigen Familie rekonstruiert. Geschildert wird das
Martyrium der Avakians, die dem Volkermord an den turkischen Armeniern
zum Opfer fallen. Je nach Schatzung forderten die Massaker und
Todesmarsche, die sich zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts im Osmanischen
Reich zutrugen, eine halbe bis eineinhalb Millionen Tote.

Nach wie vor tut sich die turkische Regierung außerordentlich schwer
damit, einen angemessenen Umgang mit den historischen Ereignissen
zu finden: Von einem "Genozid" konne keine Rede sein, heißt es,
vielmehr habe es sich um Reaktionen auf armenische Ubergriffe oder
Kollateralschaden des turkischen Befreiungskrieges gehandelt. Wie
heikel das Thema ist, wurde erst vor wenigen Wochen wieder deutlich,
als der armenisch-turkische Journalist Hrant Dink ermordet wurde.

Kurz darauf bedrohte der Attentater auch den turkischen
Literatur-Nobelpreistrager Orhan Pamuk. Der war wegen seiner
Kritik an der Leugnung des Genozids bereits einmal wegen
"Beleidigung des Turkentums" angeklagt. Auch die EU meidet, um die
Beitrittsverhandlungen mit der Turkei nicht zu belasten, das Wort
"Volkermord".

Vor diesem Hintergrund erhalt "La Masseria delle Allodole"
seine Bedeutung: als couragierte Absage an eine Verschworung des
Verschweigens. Ein Schweigen, das zahllose Tote ein zweites Mal auf
dem diplomatischen Parkett opfert. Ihr Film sei aus einem Gefuhl
der Schuld heraus entstanden, erklaren die Bruder Taviani: Schuld,
weil das armenische Volk schon viel zu lange auf eine angemessene
Erinnerung an das ihm zugefugte Unrecht wartet. Schuld, weil Suhne
immer noch aussteht. Nun mag das Werk der beiden Altmeister des
italienischen Kinos im Dienst einer guten Sache stehen. Allein,
es braucht auch guten Willen, um darin einen gegluckten Film zu sehen.

Die Handlung kommt schwer in Gang; spater verliert sie sich
wiederholt in Fragmenten von Parallelgeschichten. Zudem drohen
Kolportage-Elemente und Chargen-Klischees den außer Frage stehenden
Schrecken des Geschehens zu unterminieren. Alles ist immer deutlich
exemplarisch gemeint. In der Folge fuhlt man nicht mit den Figuren,
sondern entsetzt sich auf abstrakter Ebene uber ihre Situation. Das
Ganze wirkt gerade so, als seien die Tavianis erstarrt angesichts
des Grauens, das zu zeigen sie sich vorgenommen haben. Erstarrt wie
Frau Avakian, als man ihr den abgeschlagenen Kopf ihres Mannes in
den Schoß wirft.

Dass er das Verdrangte in Bilder fassen will, wird "La Masseria
delle Allodole" letztlich zum Verhangnis. Denn das Verdrangte dringt
hier mit einer Macht an die Oberflache, vor der mogliche filmische
Vermittlungsstrategien kapitulieren. Einen Film uber einen Volkermord
zu drehen ist riskant, weil seine reale Gewalt das Denken sprengt.

La Masseria delle Allodole: 14.2. 21.30 Uhr, Filmpalast; 15.2. 17.45
Uhr, Cubix.

–Boundary_(ID_rl4ATcMfbis5GKb9XJfeUQ)–

Karabakh’s Babayan Poised For Election Clash With Sarkisian Brother

KARABAKH’S BABAYAN POISED FOR ELECTION CLASH WITH SARKISIAN BROTHER
By Karine Kalantarian

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Feb 14 2007

Samvel Babayan, the former commander of Nagorno-Karabakh’s army,
is gearing up for an intriguing challenge against a controversial
brother of Defense Minister Serzh Sarkisian during this spring’s
Armenian parliamentary elections.

An aide to Babayan on Wednesday confirmed that the once powerful
general will run for parliament in a constituency in southeastern
Armenian on which Aleksandr Sarkisian has reportedly set his sights.

The single-mandate district No. 37 covers an area in the Syunik region
which is close to Karabakh.

"The party and its leader have decided that he will nominate his
candidacy in the district No. 37," a senior member of Babayan’s Dashink
(Alliance) party, Andranik Tevanian, told journalists. He said Babayan
will run there in addition to topping Dashink’s list of candidates
for the system of proportional representation.

Even though Aleksandr Sarkisian has not ascertained his election
plans, it is expected that he will seek a seat in the next National
Assembly from that constituency. Sarkisian, who is notorious for
his flamboyant behavior and extravagant lifestyle, was elected to
the current parliament from the proportional slate of the governing
Republican Party (HHK). The HHK is now headed by his powerful brother
and is therefore likely to throw its weight behind his bid.

It is not clear if Babayan will enjoy the backing of any government
factions in the potentially tense race between the two Karabakh-born
men. The Dashink leader, who commanded the Karabakh army during its
victorious war with Azerbaijan, claims to be in opposition to President
Robert Kocharian. But some opposition leaders and commentators suspect
him of secretly cooperating with Kocharian.

There are also lingering questions about Babayan’s eligibility to
contest the May 12 elections. Under Armenia’s constitution, only those
Armenian citizens who have permanently resided in the country for the
past five years can run for parliament. Although Babayan received an
Armenian passport during the early 1990s, he moved from Karabakh to
Armenia less than three years ago.

Still, Tevanian insisted that Babayan is eligible to be a candidate.

He pointed to a 1989 act by the Soviet Armenian parliament that
declared Karabakh a part of Armenia. Kocharian, who also comes from
Karabakh, invoked the same declaration when he was controversially
registered as a presidential candidate in 1998.

Critics have argued that the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic declared itself an independent state after a referendum
in 1991, something which was reaffirmed by its recently enacted
constitution. They also note that Karabakh residents have not been
allowed to vote in elections held in Armenia since then.

Vartan Oskanian To Visit France And Ireland

VARTAN OSKANIAN TO VISIT FRANCE AND IRELAND

ArmRadio.am
13.02.2007 14:40

February 17 in Paris RA Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian will
participate in teh events to be organized in the framework of teh
Year of Armenia in France within the delegation headed by President
Robert Kocharyan. Preceding that, on February 16 together with the
leadership of "Hayastan" Fund he will meet with representatives of
community organizations engaged in the restoration of villages in
Armenia and Atrsakh.

February 27-28 Minister Oskanian is scheduled to pay an official
visit to Ireland.

ANKARA: `Nationalism race’

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Feb 10 2007

`Nationalism race’

by
MÜMTAZ’ER TÜRKÖNE

`They shall digest Turkishness!’ says Republican People’s Party (CHP)
Leader Deniz Baykal, speaking about the controversial Article 301 of
the Turkish Penal Code.

The said article defines the crime of `insulting Turkishness,’ whose
commission entails an imprisonment of up to three years. With the
murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, the long-debated
article became the focal point of political discussions. Political
identities and attitudes were divided along the support/opposition
line to the article. Most importantly, some discussions referred to
the provocative climate created by the article as the primary reason
for Dink’s murder. He was prosecuted under the article on the grounds
that he insulted Turkishness.
The crime of `insulting Turkishness’ as outlined in Article 301 may
have different meanings because of speculation as to what
`Turkishness’ connotes. The majority of Turkish citizens are of
ethnic Turkish origin. The Constitution transforms this ethnic
identity to an expression of citizenship bonds. By providing that
`Everyone bound to the Turkish state through the bond of citizenship
is a Turk,’ Article 66 of Turkish Constitution transforms the term
`Turk’ from an ethnic reference to a legal description. For this
reason, skeptics argue that the `Turkishness’ invoked in Article 301
reconstructs the ethnic references and thus contradicts with the
Constitution.
Last November, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoðan called on civil
society organizations to work on possible amendments to Article 301.
While initial attempts failed, after Dink’s murder, the amendment
process was revitalized. Last week, another meeting attended by civil
society organizations was held to address the issue, but once again,
the attempt was unsuccessful. Just recently, the organizations
announced they reached an agreement on an amended text. The statement
provides that because of the vagueness of the present text, different
meanings could be inferred; hence `Turkishness’ should be replaced by
`Turkish nation.’ The newly invented formula will apparently not work
out. Because the notion `Turkishness’ is preserved intact, the
accompanying term `Turkish nation’ will unlikely eliminate the
different interpretations and change the definition of the existing
crime. Those who put forward this proposal, while using the notion
`Turkishness’ in the ethnical sense, think they use `Turkish nation’
as the match of modern `nation.’ But the problem is not in the
description of the `Turkishness’ notion but in the description of
`Turkish nation’ so as to embrace all Turkish citizens. As such,
those who interpret this article may demand the interpretation of the
`Turkish nation’ in parallel with the ethnic content of
`Turkishness.’
Because they did not agree with the proposal, the leftist Turkish
Physicians Association and labor union DÝSK left the meeting. In its
present form, the amendment proposal lags even behind the already
controversial existing article text.
The entire discussion process shows that supporting the full
preservation of the article in its present form is cited as the
benign manifestation of an extreme nationalist and even chauvinist
stance. Baykal’s remark, `They shall digest Turkishness,’ represents
this extreme nationalist view. CHP asserts Article 301 should be kept
as it is. The only leftist party of Turkish political landscape
aligns itself with the extreme nationalist circles. Let us recall CHP
is a member of Socialist International.
Citing Matt Bryza from the US State Department, Yasemin Çongar noted
that nationalism was viewed by the US administration as the only
common concept of Turkish politics. Bryza asserted the rise of
nationalism was not at an alarming level. He is not so wrong.
Nationalism has already created the discussion ground on which the
upcoming elections would be based. The primary actors of the
political landscape question the nationalist stance of their
opponents. Prime Minister and AK Party leader Recep Tayyip Erdoðan,
while openly accusing the MHP, the party that managed to transform
the nationalist ideology into a political movement, of racism,
asserts that his party adopts a positive nationalist approach. In
order not to lag behind in the race, the only leftist party CHP, as
already noted, adopts an ethno-centric nationalist paradigm as a
political discourse.
Apparently, the secularism-reactionary movement debate that has long
dominated the realm of political discussions is being replaced by the
conflicting views on nationalism. The message President Ahmet Necdet
Sezer gave last week on the occasion of 70th anniversary of the
inclusion of secularism principle in the constitution harbored some
elements that certainly need further discussion. Quite unusually, the
president barred the judiciary from making comments on secularism.
The lack of attention to this message, which did not trigger new
debates, demonstrates how busy the political environment is with the
nationalism discussions.
How does the domination of competition by all political actors along
nationalist lines affect Turkey’s future?
The answer to this question should be sought in the sociological base
that feeds nationalism. Society — particularly the younger
generations — are experiencing a state of common anomie in
connection with the crash of the tradition under modernity’s impacts.
Unemployment, poverty and the huge income disparities as reflected
through the TV screens lead the youth to hatred and anger. They seek
a scapegoat to blame for all mistakes. Nationalism serves as a
channel to embrace this anger. Every challenge in foreign or domestic
policy is transformed into a concrete enemy. The already growing
anti-Americanism is further fostered by nationalism. The developments
in northern Iraq since the US occupation and the likely division of
Iraq in three separate states rise serious concerns. The Kirkuk issue
has become the most important foreign policy issue of the Turkish
state. The EU is accused of double standards and hypocrisy vis-à-vis
Turkey. The Cyprus issue has become the most favorite discussion of
nationalist politics.
The nationalist race among political parties will inevitably deepen
the already existing nationalist concerns. A race that will take
place between the different tones of nationalism will most probably
create a much more serious breakdown than secularism debates did in
the near past. The race that took place along the secularism debate
was easy to control because of its state-oriented character. When the
generals became reluctant to express their concerns over secularism,
the tension was eased in its natural course. Conversely, nationalism
has the potential to politicize the social issues and create distinct
sides by partitioning the entire society into opposing poles. It is
already evident that nationalism embodies strong feelings. A
political discourse seized by sentiments and emotions will only
promote hatred and enmity.
To resolve a political equation with multiple unknown variables, we
must be able to provide a satisfactory answer to this question: Will
the tension that politics creates be reflected in the society in its
entirety? Or will the competition that fosters nationalism remain a
political fantasy detached from the public?It seems that society’s
anticipation of political stability is strong enough to suppress the
herein reviewed nationalist race.

Vineyards, Fruit Gardens of Ararat & Armevir Not Frost Affected

VINEYARDS AND FRUIT GARDENS OF ARARAT AND ARMEVIR MARZES NOT AFFECTED
BY FROST

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 9, NOYAN TAPAN. Observations of fruit gardens and
vineyards in Ararat and Armavir marzes showed that these gardens and
vineyards were not affected by frost. Garnik Petrosian, Head of the
Plant Cultivation Department of the RA Ministry of Agriculture, told
NT correspondent that apricot and peach trees were not damaged because
of the low temperature (minus 20-25 degrees) in Armenia from December
29 to January 2. According to him, most of the vineyards are covered
by a sufficient layer of soil. At the same time, he did not rule out
that no work on covering with soil was done in some vineyards of these
marzes. He assured that the number of such vineyards is small and, by
the way, grape vines survive in the temperature of up to -16 degrees.

G. Petrosian noted that late March and early April are considered as
a dangerous period for fruit gardens in Armenia, as perennials are
greatly damaged by sping frost. He added that measures will be taken
to prevent trees from being affected by frost.