Pamuk: prophet or poseur?

The Globe and Mail
BELLE LETTRES

Pamuk: prophet or poseur?
CLAIRE BERLINSKI
December 22, 2007

OTHER COLORS
Essays and a Story
By Orhan Pamuk
Translated by Maureen Freely
Knopf Canada, 433 pages, $34.95

The novels of Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s most celebrated and controversial
man of letters, have been translated into some 20 languages. His
novels Snow and My Name is Red are widely considered world-class
achievements. The themes of Pamuk’s oeuvre include the conflict
between the East and the West, the tension between Islam and
modernity, and the intense melancholia of his native
Istanbul. Admirers find his style complex, multilayered and
allegorical; detractors find him faddish and incomprehensible.

On Sept. 11, 2001, writers treating the themes of East contra West and
Islam contra modernity hit the literary jackpot. Pamuk – Eastern
enough to write novels about Ottoman calligraphers and Islamic
radicals, Western enough to write them in a postmodern, magic-realist
style – became the darling of the Western literary establishment,
serially winning the most prestigious and lucrative literary awards in
the Western world: the IMPAC Dublin Award, the Peace Prize of the
German Book Trade, the Prix Médicis étranger, the Premio Grinzane
Cavour.

Then, in 2005, Pamuk remarked to a Swiss weekly newsmagazine that
"thirty thousand Kurds, and a million Armenians were killed in these
lands and nobody dares to talk about it." By "these lands" he meant
Turkey. By "nobody," it is not quite clear what he meant; as far as I
can tell – and I live in Turkey myself – nobody here will stop talking
about it. But the sentiment in Turkey, generally speaking, is that the
Armenians had it coming, and quite a few more Kurds want killing.

Pamuk seemed to be suggesting otherwise. The Turkish government
brought criminal charges against him under the infamous Article 301,
which forbids citizens from insulting Turkishness. Pamuk was in one
stroke elevated from symbolist writer to symbol. The European Union’s
Enlargement Commissioner called Pamuk’s case a "litmus test" of
Turkey’s commitment to European values; writers around the world
rightly denounced the charges as an outrage against free
expression. In the end, the case was dropped on a technicality.

Facing death threats at home, Pamuk sensibly decamped for New
York. But his prosecution, combined with his status as ambassador at
large for the westernized Islamic world, functioned like camembert in
a mousetrap to the Nobel committee, which in 2006 awarded him the
Nobel Prize for literature. Pamuk is a talented writer, but no one in
his right mind believes this was an award based on literary merit.

Pamuk has for the past three decades been filling his notebooks with
sketches, half-finished short stories, thoughts about literature and
reflections on the travails of life as a writer and a Turk. He has
compiled them, loosely edited, into Other Colors, "a book made of
ideas, images and fragments of life that have still not found the way
into one of my novels." Although it contains previously published
works, such as his Nobel acceptance speech and the transcripts of
various interviews he has granted over the years, it is mostly
comprised of non-fiction essays written some years ago but only now
seeing the light of day: literary criticism, reminiscences of his
boyhood and particularly of his father, reflections on the challenges
of quitting smoking, a discussion of his wristwatches, two short
meditations on seagulls and their sad fates, ruminations on the pathos
of being a Turk and the Turk’s endless, resentful fascination with
Europe. There are more descriptions of Istanbul in the melancholy vein
of his previous memoir, Istanbul: Memories and the City.

But this book is about Pamuk himself, particularly the challenges of
being a great writer and a severe depressive. The collection has been
received with rapture by many critics, who celebrate this offering as
a unique window into Pamuk’s interior life. Indeed, it is precisely
that. Unfortunately, it seems that Pamuk’s interior life is largely
that of a lugubrious poseur.

"In order to be happy I must have my daily dose of literature," Pamuk
gravely introduces himself. "In this way I am no different from the
patient who must take a spoon of medicine each day." If you didn’t
quite get the point, he repeats it again two sentences later: "For me,
literature is medicine. Like the medicine that others take by spoon or
injection, my daily dose of literature – my daily fix, if you will –
must meet certain standards." If he is forced "to go a long stretch
without his paper-and-ink cure," he feels "misery setting inside me
like cement. My body has difficulty moving, my joints get stiff, my
head turns to stone, my perspiration even seems to smell differently."

Is he serious? Yes, he is. For page upon page, Pamuk stresses in these
self-enamoured tones that he is a man who really likes to read
books. Good ones, too, by famous writers like Dostoyevsky and Borges –
not, you know, easy ones. He’s different from other Turks, you
see. But he’s not like the Europeans, either. He’s an outsider,
eternally apart, rejected by all, accepted by no one (the Nobel
committee aside). Life hurts. A seagull croaks.

There is a fleeting moment of insight when he later remarks that he
wants "to say a few things about my library, but I don’t wish to
praise it in the manner of one who proclaims his love of books only to
let you know how exceptional he is, and how much more cultured and
refined than you." He negates this half-hearted essay at modesty in
the very next sentence: "Still, I live in a country that views the
non-reader as the norm and the reader as somehow defective, so I
cannot but respect the affectations, obsessions and pretensions of the
tiny handful who read and build libraries amid the general tedium and
boorishness."

Sentiments such as these may make the reader suspect that Pamuk was
prosecuted in Turkey not because he spoke the truth about Armenia and
the Kurds but because he is a patronizing pest. But let’s not quibble:
Pamuk needs to read or he will die. That, surely, is the mark of a
particularly excellent reader. And he is, moreover, caught between
East and West, which makes his affliction all the more acute.

Pamuk lived and wrote in Cihangir, a lovely neighbourhood on the
European side of Istanbul. This happens to be where I now live and
write. From Cihangir, if your window faces the Bosphorus, on a clear
day you can see Asia. So I’m caught between East and West myself, not
to mention caught between north and south, and caught, at least twice
a day, between daytime and nighttime. (By the way, you would not know
it from reading Pamuk, but it is usually a clear day here. Istanbul is
a bright, vibrant, cheerful city.) It is physically impossible not to
be caught between East and West, actually. We all are. So may I take
this opportunity to beg Pamuk, everyone who writes about Pamuk, and
indeed, everyone who writes about Istanbul, to retire forever the
phrase "caught between East and West"?

Yes, Istanbul is located geographically between Asia and Europe. Yes,
Turks tend to be rather aware of this. Turkey, as Pamuk observes – and
if you think about it for even a second, it should not come as a
surprise – exhibits both Oriental and Occidental qualities. But this
"caught between East and West" business – how much more literary
mileage does he plan to get out of it? First time: a fair
observation. Thousandth time: 999 times too many. (Next up: New York
is a melting pot; Paris is the City of Lights; there’s nothing in
Texas but steers and queers.)

Even the hamburgers of his youth were, for Pamuk, "like so much else
in Istanbul, a synthesis of East and West." So were the frankfurters,
in fact. And like everything in Istanbul, they made him feel
gloomy. "I would look at myself standing there, eating my hamburger
and drinking my ayran, and see that I was not handsome, and I would
feel alone and guilty and lost in the city’s great crowds."

For this is his ultimate subject: his very sad mood. Forget for a
moment the literary accolades and imagine what it would be like to go
on a date with this melancholy egomaniac. He shows up at the café
wearing a black turtleneck, brandishing his annotated copy of Notes
from Underground, making sure the title faces out. Within minutes he
tells you that, unlike everyone else in Turkey, he reads. "Books are
what keep me going," he says.

"Really? I like books too," you say politely.

"Let me explain what I feel on a day when I’ve not written well, am
unable to lose myself in a book," he adds gravely. "First, the world
changes before my eyes; it becomes unbearable, abominable."

"Oh," you say. "That sounds very painful."

"I feel as if there is no line between life and death," he
continues. "It’s worse than depression. I want to disappear. I don’t
care if I live or die. Or if the world comes to an end, even. In fact,
if it ended right this minute, so much the better."

It is a bright spring day in Istanbul. He tells you that he hates the
springtime.

Pamuk is a creature of Istanbul’s haute bourgeoisie, a class of Turks
much given to examining their own misery and alienation and finding
them intensely significant, much in the way the 19th-century romantics
admired their own tuberculosis. The Turkish elite is, as Pamuk is
painfully aware, a parvenu class.

What seems to escape him is that in stressing how much he reads and
the quality of his taste, he does not display his distance from the
social cohort from which he emerged. Rather, he marks himself as its
caricature. Young women from this social class dye their hair purple
and weep a lot. The older women complain of migraines. The young men
are sent by their parents to psychiatrists who trained in the United
States; they wear black trench coats, rarely shave and tell everyone
who will listen that no one in Turkey understands them.

"Time passes," Pamuk scribbles in his notebook. "There’s nothing. It’s
already nighttime. Doom and defeat. … I am hopelessly
miserable. … I could find nothing in these books that remotely
resembled my mounting misery." I suppose sentiments like these are not
uniquely Turkish; teenagers around the world fill their diaries with
this kind of drivel. But usually they read those diaries when they
grow up, cringe, then throw them out along with their old Morrissey
albums.

Mind you, Pamuk is not all gloom; he is immensely cheered by the
thought of his own moral gravity: "A novelist might spend the whole
day playing, but at the same time he carries the deepest conviction of
being more serious than others." He brightens up when he considers his
own accomplishments, too: "Having published seven novels, I can safely
say that, even if it takes some effort, I am reliably able to become
the author who can write the books of my dreams." Sometimes he works,
he tells us, "with the incandescence of a mystic trying to leave his
body."

And did he mention that he really, really likes books? – although I do
have to wonder, occasionally, just how carefully he is reading them;
in his discussion of Nabokov, for example, he describes Humbert
Humbert as a man who "searches for timeless beauty with all the
innocence of a small child." Beg pardon? Humbert searches for timeless
beauty by molesting an innocent small child. There is quite a
difference.

There are, here and there, flashes of the gloomy talent for which he
is rightly admired. Reading the vignette A Seagull Lies Dying on the
Shore, I felt quite bad for the seagull (although I am pleased to
report that those same seagulls, which I see from my window, look
perfectly healthy).

And there is one excellent section, quite chilling for those of us who
live here, about the great earthquake of 1999. Pamuk recalls wondering
whether, come the next big quake, the minarets of the Cihangir mosque
would fall on his roof. I live next door to that very mosque. I had
not thought of that. His comment prompted me to step outside and
contemplate those minarets with a certain unease. Discussing the
aftermath of the earthquake, Pamuk for a brief moment removes his gaze
from the mirror and observes his surroundings with interest and even a
hint of irony: "One rumour had it that the earthquake was the work of
Kurdish separatist guerrillas, another that it was caused by Americans
who were now coming to our aid with a huge military hospital
ship. (‘How do you suppose they made it here so fast?’ the conspiracy
theory went.)" Yes, there at last is an honest line; it will certainly
sound familiar to anyone living in Turkey these days.

But the rest of the book is the kind of thing you can only publish if
you have won a Nobel Prize and feel entirely confident that no matter
what you say, everyone will buy it and the critics will be too afraid
to point out the obvious: Sometimes it is best to keep your interior
life to yourself.

Claire Berlinski is a writer living in Istanbul. She is the author of
Menace in Europe: Why the Continent’s Crisis is America’s, Too, and
Lion Eyes, a novel set in Paris and Istanbul.

Oh so weary

I come home dead tired in the evenings. Looking straight ahead, at the
roads and the pavements. Angry at something, hurt, incensed. Though my
imagination is still conjuring up beautiful images, even these pass
quickly in the film in my head. Time passes. There’s nothing. It’s
already nighttime. Doom and defeat. What’s for supper?…

What’s on television? No, I’m not watching television; it only makes
me angry. I’m very angry. I like meatballs, too – so where are the
meatballs? All of life is here, around this table.

The angels call me to account.

What did you do today, darling?

All my life … I’ve worked. In the evenings, I’ve come home. On
television – but I’m not watching television. I answered the phone a
few times, got angry at a few people; then I worked, wrote. … I
became a man … and also – yes, much obliged – an animal.

What did you do today, darling?

Can’t you see? I’ve got salad in my mouth. My teeth are crumbling in
my jaw. My brain is melting from unhappiness and trickling down my
throat. Where’s the salt, where’s the salt, where’s the salt? We’re
eating our lives away. And a little yogurt, too. The brand called
Life."

From the essay Dead Tired in the Evening, in Other Colors.

© Copyright 2007 CTVglobemedia Publishing Inc. All Rights Reserved.

ANKARA: MFA Discontent Over Rejection Of Perincek’s Appeal By Swiss

Turkish Press
Dec 22 2007

Turkish M.F.A. Expresses Discontent Over Rejection Of Perincek’s
Appeal By Swiss F.S.C.
Published: 12/21/2007

ANKARA – Turkish MFA said the rejection of the appeal of Dogu
Perincek, leader of Worker’s Party (IP) by The Federal Supreme
Court(FSC)of Switzerland was "a serious violation of freedom of
expression".
FSC of Switzerland had announced its rejection of the appeal of
Perincek, IP leader, against the verdicts of Lausanne Court of First
Instance and Regional Court of Appeal on 19 December 2007.

"We maintain the same views put forward in our press release which
was made following the verdict of Lausanne Court of First Instance.
We consider the verdicts of these courts, above all, as serious
violations of freedom of expression," said a press release issued by
Turkish MFA on Thursday.

Turkish MFA noted that ‘an understanding which was predicated on
subjective assessments’ prevailed in the said verdicts instead of
universal norms, principles and rules of law.

"In these verdicts, the historical facts have been replaced by the
self-constructed memory of Armenian circles and the erroneous
convictions of some circles concerning the 1915 events," said the
press release.

Turkish MFA recalled the proposal it had made in 2005 to Armenia for
the establishment a joint commission of historians to study the
incidents of 1915 and said, "history should be evaluated and
commented by historians and not by judicial or legislative organs."

On the other hand, Jean-Philippe Jeanneraz, Spokesperson of the Swiss
MFA told A.A that the Swiss Government was of the belief that
formation of a commission of historians would be beneficial for
shedding light to the incidents that had occured in the last period
of the Ottoman Empire, on Thursday.

Turkish MFA welcomed the statement made by the Swiss MFA following
the verdict of FSC.

IP leader Perincek, who had been fined to 9,000 francs for breaching
the disputed Swiss law on "denying" Armenian allegations of genocide
saying "Armenian genocide is an imperialist lie", had filed an appeal
with the FSC in March 2007.

CBA licenses Mega Pantera for transfer services in Armenia

ARKA News Agency, Armenia
Dec 22 2007

CBA licenses Mega Pantera for transfer services in Armenia

YEREVAN, December 22. /ARKA/. The Central Bank of Armenia (CBA) has
registered the Mega Pantera Ltd for money transfer services in
Armenia, the CBA Press Service reports.

The company has also been licensed for processing and clearing
transactions. Alongside with commercial banks, six non-banking
organizations have carried out money transfer activities in Armenia
so far.

These are: HayPost (Armenian Post), Depi Tun, Elver, Parvana Payment
& Account Organization, Tandem Payments, Tell Cell. The last two
organizations, as well as the Armenian Card Processing Center offer
payment & account and clearing services. Z. Sh. -0–

Hey waiter, there’s an I in my soup!

The Santa Fe New Mexican (New Mexico)
Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News
December 21, 2007 Friday

Hey waiter, there’s an I in my soup!

by Elizabeth Cook-Romero, The Santa Fe New Mexican
ENTERTAINMENT NEWS

Dec. 21–Once upon a time, a literary critic, a mezzo soprano, a
painter, a novelist, and a few other people shared a summer rental.
Someone put apple juice in a bottle labeled "maple syrup" and stuck
it in the refrigerator. The next morning, the novelist made waffles
for everyone. The yellow stuff in the bottle looked too watery to be
maple syrup, so she didn’t use it. The painter noticed it wasn’t the
color of real maple syrup. The singer heard the sound of juice
sloshing in the bottle, and she too realized it wasn’t syrup. Before
anyone could stop him, the literary critic read the label, opened the
bottle, and dumped apple juice on his waffles.

Artist Peter Sarkisian thinks we are all too much like the
literal-minded critic. Sarkisian calls his works — which incorporate
videos projected onto shaped plastic screens — perceptual traps.
They are designed to push viewers into realizing that many of the
things we see or hear in the media are either invented or pale
reflections of real life.

A show of four works by Sarkisian opens at James Kelly Contemporary
on Friday, Dec. 21. Their screens are molded of clear plastic that
has been sandblasted to create softer white surfaces for
high-definition video projection. They’re set into the walls, and the
gallery is darkened.

Ten days before Sarkisian’s show is to open, his artworks are stored
in a garage that has served as his temporary Santa Fe studio for the
past two years. Only one piece, Extruded Video Engine # 1, is
assembled and in working order. It is switched off and hidden behind
a white curtain. Pieces of other works — plastic screens that evoke
toy guns jumbled and stuck together, wooden frames, and video
projectors — sit on shelves and lie against walls.

The artist is not afraid of drama. He not only explains the concepts
behind his work, he pretty much tells his life story before turning
off the lights and unveiling Extruded Video Engine #1. It buzzes and
squeaks. Backlit, it glows in jewel tones of yellow, red, blue, and
green. Its vacuum-formed screen is shaped like the innards of a
giant, cartoonish wristwatch. It’s animated by a video loop of gears,
flywheels, and rods, all moving at different speeds. Two blue ribbons
twist through the piece, and words set in white type momentarily
appear, zipping along the curving forms. People who are attracted to
the written word will probably try to make sense of the bits of
narrative, Sarkisian explains. He has spent months creating snippets
of information that will capture the imaginations of viewers. Words
and sentences scurry by and dissolve; stories begin, then disappear.
Like the mislabeled jar of apple juice, Sarkisian’s words are sure to
mislead us.

With his three-dimensional video assemblages and his lack of
discernible story lines, Sarkisian aims to make the viewer more
active. He wants to create artworks that, like books, make viewers
less passive than they are when watching TV or movies. "We bring
ourselves, our imagination, and our life’s experiences to reading a
book," Sarkisian says. "I’m giving viewers a set of ideas, but they
are not complete. You have to bring what you know — your sense of
history."

Sarkisian has been working with video sculpture for a half-dozen
years, but back in 2002, his screens formed cubes. Then, he says,
some of his works had a beginning, middle, and an end. One example,
Dusted, was featured at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art and
the 2002 Biennial at the Whitney Museum of American Art. Its five
screens formed a cube less than 3 feet square. At the beginning of
the video, the glass cube appeared to be lined with soot. As dancers
in the video moved, their shoulders, feet, and hands attracted the
soft, black powder. As a result, the cube became more transparent,
but the dancers’ darkened bodies became harder to see, and viewers
became more perplexed. Much like the text in Extruded Video Engine
#1, Sarkisian wanted the soot in Dusted to leave viewers unsatisfied.

"Sometime around the Whitney Biennial, I felt I was going into the
same ground over and over," Sarkisian says. "I started thinking about
volume. I started to think about wrapping a screen around an image."
Turning to look at Extruded Video Engine #1, Sarkisian says he’s
still amazed at the way each "gear" fits into a raised, round portion
of the screen.

As a beginning filmmaker, Sarkisian was fixated on technical details
like camera angles. But he reached a point where he was bored by
technique. "You reach a certain level of control, and then you move
past it," he adds. "I’m not saying I’m totally in control. But I’m
trying to get past that romance with the medium. … Now I’ve come
full circle, and I’m interested in stories again."

But the stories in Sarkisian’s videos at James Kelly Contemporary are
impossible to follow. Sarkisian recorded the bits of narrative that
flash through Extruded Video Engine #1 from eyewitness accounts of
some of the 20th century’s greatest tragedies, including the
1915-1918 Turkish massacre of Armenians. Powerful fragments of that
story, based on the recollections of a survivor, can snag a viewer’s
attention, the artist says. But the story line devolves before the
survivor’s memories have time to unfold.

"Cameras all over the world are gathering information, and [those
filmed images are] passed off as experience," Sarkisian says. The
narratives in films and television programs are, in their own ways,
as fragmented as the text running through Extruded Video Engine #1,
but too often they are accepted as real.

Much of Sarkisian’s work springs from a make-believe world, and that,
he says, is part of its point. "All video is a cartoon — from the
moon landing to Bugs Bunny. It’s a soup of information without
reality." Sarkisian insists we have entered a world of such mediated
experiences.

Perhaps Sarkisian is naive, but he seems to be suggesting that art
can wake people from their secondhand dream worlds. Rather than wine
and cheese, he might serve waffles at his opening. Guests could be
asked to choose between bottles of apple juice and maple syrup, all
mislabeled. Stopping and looking at the color of the liquid,
smelling, and listening might put observers in the right frame of
mind to approach Sarkisian’s work. Those with sloppy, juice-soaked
refreshments might get the point that it’s time to stop waiting to be
entertained and start paying more attention to our senses.

details

–Peter Sarkisian

–Opening reception 5-7 p.m. Friday, Dec. 21; exhibit through Feb.
23, 2008

–James Kelly Contemporary, 1601 Paseo de Pe

Armenia Cannot Develop With Falsified Constitution, National Unity P

ARMENIA CANNOT DEVELOP WITH FALSIFIED CONSTITUTION, NATIONAL UNITY PARTY VICE-CHAIRMAN STATES

Noyan Tapan
Dec 20 2007

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 20, NOYAN TAPAN. The National Unity party
considers that the 2005 referendum of constitutional amendments was
grossly falsified, and the country cannot develop with a falsified
Constitution. Gagik Tadevosian, the Vice-Chairman of the National
Unity party, stated at the December 20 discussion on the subject
"Ways of Armenia’s Development Having Prospects."

According to him, the Constitution needs re-editing, and that
document of vital importance for the country should be adopted in
honest conditions and conditions of national agreement.

G. Tadevosian said that independence of judicial power is also one
of the important preconditions for country’s development. But we
do not have this independence in Armenia yet. The other important
precondition for country’s development, according to the National Unity
party, is passage to a parliamentary republic. In G. Tadevosian’s
opinion, an absolute proportional system should be stipulated by
the Electoral Code. "In the respect of our mentality and traditions,
in the majoritarian electoral system we have a parliament of clan,
oligarch representatives and those of the criminal system," he said.

The NU party Vice-Chairman said that the ways of solution of all these
problems will be mentioned in the preelection program under the title
Creation Program of Artashes Geghamian nominated as a candidate for
presidency by the party. It will be published in the first decade
of January. In G. Tadevosian’s words, "person’s conscience, hands,
soul, past, and biography should be free and clean." In this respect,
according to him, A. Geghamian is free of bonds: he has not taken
part in the robbery and crimes of either the former or the current
authorities.

Eduard Shevardnadze: Gorbachev And Yeltsin Confrontation Led To The

EDUARD SHEVARDNADZE: GORBACHEV AND YELTSIN CONFRONTATION LED TO THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION

RIA Novosti
16:00 | 20/ 12/ 2007

Ahead of the 16th anniversary of the formal dissolution of the Soviet
Union and establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States,
Eduard Shevardnadze, a former Soviet foreign minister, spoke to Besik
Pipia, head of the RIA Novosti Bureau in Georgia, at his residence
in Krtsanisi.

– Eduard Amvrosievich, on December 21, 1991, in Almaty, the heads of
11 Soviet republics signed a declaration terminating the Soviet Union
and establishing a Commonwealth of Independent States. What preceded
that event?

Do you think the transformation of the Soviet Union into the CIS was
inevitable and if so, why?

– In the late 1980s, everything was heading towards the disintegration
of the Soviet Union. The disintegration was also accelerated by the
confrontation between Gorbachev and Yeltsin. Gorbachev, naturally,
was for a united Soviet Union, while Yeltsin was already president of
Russia. Perhaps he, too, was for preserving the Soviet Union, but he
and Gorbachev bitterly hated each other. We, the people close to them,
tried to somehow patch up things and end unpleasant conversations. But
we failed.

The process was hastened by a plot against Gorbachev, or rather against
the Soviet president. Before that there was my resignation. In the
Foreign Ministry, which I headed, about 30% of personnel were KGB
men. They informed me that a counter-revolution was being prepared. I
talked with the one and the other, but could convince neither. And
then, in protest against the counter-revolution, I resigned.

I made a public address and said it would be the shortest speech in
my life.

I said a dictatorship was coming and no one knew who the dictator
would be, and what would happen to perestroika, democracy and so
on. Gorbachev asked me to stay, but I left the hall, climbed into a
car, and was driven home.

About a month and a half later, Gorbachev went to Foros on
vacation. But on the way there I think he made a stopover in Minsk,
had a meeting with party activists and told them the threat of a
dictatorship was real and asked supporters of perestroika to show
more vigilance and not to let a dictatorship pass.

Then followed a putsch, exacerbating relations between the presidents
of the U.S.S.R. and Russia further. The disintegration of the state
could not be stopped.

– Georgia joined the CIS two years after the Commonwealth was
formed. Was it a forced move or a voluntary decision?

– I did not seek CIS membership: there was no great desire to do
so. Because after I read the Charter of the Commonwealth I saw it was
not the kind of organization to replace the Soviet Union. Yeltsin,
however, was insisting and several times rang me up, advising me to
join. I was not against it, but at that time Georgia already had
a parliament and 30 to 40 percent of its deputies were opposed to
entering the CIS, which they associated with the Soviet Union.

Then, about two years later, I was in Moscow and dropped in on Yeltsin
to tell him that I was ready to join the CIS despite opposition
in parliament.

There was the tragedy of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and I thought
the solution to the problem would depend on Russia.

– The problems remained frozen for many years, but recently Mikheil
Saakashvili, Georgia’s third president, said he could return South
Ossetia to Georgia’s jurisdiction within several months.

– I do not know. His friend, a former defense minister, said the same,
incidentally. Nothing came of that. Currently an election campaign is
under way, with presidential candidates lavishly handing out promises
right and left. He also said he would get Sukhumi back, but it would
not be simple.

And it can only be done through Russia. If Georgia could agree with
Russia and find solutions acceptable to Georgia, to Abkhazia and to
Russia, then the solution could be found.

I have talked with Putin. I am sure he is a man one can negotiate
with despite involved relations existing between Russia and Georgia
today. Putin is a man of his word.

Once when Putin was on vacation in Sochi, he rang me up and invited
me to join him in holidaying and even discuss some business. I came
and we met.

Putin proposed to me that the Abkhazian sector of the railroad be
restored to enable trains to run to Baku, Yerevan and even Turkey. I
did not object and made a reciprocal request: to return refugees to
the Galsky district.

The region in Soviet times had a population of 80,000 people, mainly
Georgians and was an area abundant in tea, citrus fruit, and nuts,
which fed nearly half of Abkhazia.

Putin picked up the receiver and called the Russian general commanding
the peacekeeping force there. He told him that settlers from the Gali
district were living in Mingrelian areas there. He instructed him to
collect those people and return them to the Gali district. He said
he had given his word to the Georgian president and would check the
fulfillment of his instruction in a few days’ time. The full number
could not be mustered, but 50,000 to 60,000 refugees were able to
come back to the Gali district.

– Can you see the Soviet Union being restored?

– Absolutely not. Not only Georgia, but also all the other former
Soviet republics have become independent states. Take Kazakhstan,
a very rich country with all the mineral resources of Mendeleyev’s
periodic table and Nursultan Nazarbayev as the lifetime president. It
is unlikely to give up its independence.

– Does the CIS have a future?

– Yes, it does, if it becomes truly effective and gains the ability
to influence the situation in all of its member countries.

– There are many rumors about your resignation from the post of
Georgia’s president. Some say that Mikheil Saakashvili is your pupil
and the "rose revolution" was a way to hand power over to him. Others
say that you did not have the power to suppress the demonstrations. And
still others claim that it was Moscow who forced you to resign. Which
of these rumors is true?

– Moscow had nothing to do with it.

– Why then did Igor Ivanov, then foreign minister of Russia, come
to Georgia?

– He came as a friend. First he met with the opposition, and then
we discussed the situation. But he could not do anything for me. He
asked me to give him a plane to fly to Batumi and on to Moscow. This
is how his mission ended.

I was addressing parliament when Saakashvili, [Zurab] Zhvania and
other conspirators rushed in. I saw people armed with submachine guns,
handguns, knives and truncheons.

– Not roses?

– No, and I don’t know why they called it the rose revolution. I
didn’t see a single rose.

The situation was dangerous, and my bodyguards led me into the yard,
where I saw the opposition and my supporters, about 2,500 people in
all. I was told that I should brace up, that they would rally 100,000
people in my support the next day.

I saw it as an attempted coup, announced the state of emergency, and
went home. As I was riding in the car, I thought that I could do it,
because I still was the president and commander-in-chief, and so had
the power to issue orders to the army. The army had guns and tanks;
it was not a very large army, but it had enough weapons to win. But
there would be victims on both sides, and I could not allow anyone
to be killed.

I phoned the secretariat from the car to revoke the state of emergency
order. When I came home, my wife said: "What are you going to do? I
know what a state of emergency is: there will be blood."

I told her that there would be no bloodshed, but I would not be
president the next day because I would resign.

My son called from Paris, where he works for UNESCO, asking if there
would be bloodshed. I told him: No, there wouldn’t be any.

The next day I invited the conspirators – Zhvania and Saakashvili –
and asked them how we would live after what happened yesterday.

Zhvania told me my resignation would be the least painful solution,
but they could not suggest it because they are my pupils.

I replied that we were wasting time, because I had decided to resign
the day before, adding that I was ready to help them with advice,
if they needed it.

Then there were elections, and Zhvania became prime minister. He was
later killed.

– Did they kill him or was it really "gas poisoning from a faulty
heater"?

– He was killed. They said he died of carbon monoxide poisoning,
but when our and American experts investigated the circumstances of
his death, they concluded that it was not gas poisoning. I don’t know
where or how he was killed.

– Can you explain why the people demanded the resignation of
Saakashvili in early November?

– There is hunger in Georgia. I know that not all Russians are rich,
and there are problems in some Russian regions. But there is no hunger
in Russia, thanks to Vladimir Putin. He is a smart man and his policy
has helped to improve the people’s living standards. But Georgians
are impoverished and hungry.

– What do you think about Tbilisi’s reaction to public protests?

– When they learned that the people were coming to Tbilisi, the
president should have talked with them the same day. Had he promised
them half, or even one third, of what he is promising now, the people
would have gone home peacefully and there would be no problems.

The decision to close down the Imedia TV channel was a gross mistake;
nobody does this in other countries. Do all TV channels in the United
States praise President George W. Bush? No, many criticize him, but
nobody closes down TV channels in the US, or in any other country
for that matter.

– What is the lineup of forces at the upcoming presidential election
in Georgia? Which candidate would be best for the country?

– I cannot rule out that the people will reelect Saakashvili. But
the opposition may rise against such a decision. It has influential
leaders supported by many people. Nobody knows what Saakashvili would
do if he loses the election. There could be unrest and the danger of
a civil war again.

– What can you say about Badri Patarkatsishvili?

– Badri came to Georgia thanks to me. He was on the wanted list,
together with Boris Berezovsky.

I had a connection to Badri, or rather our embassy in Russia did. When
we learned that Russia’s First Channel (ORT), where Badri was a
commercial director then, was making a negative show about Georgia,
we only had to call Badri and he took the show off the air.

I once told Putin that we had granted a Georgian passport to the man
wanted in Russia. Putin asked if I was referring to Berezovsky. I
told him, No, Badri Patarkatsishvili. Oh Badri, he’s not a bad guy,
Putin said.

Badri is now running for the presidency in Georgia. I once said
that if I were president of Georgia I would appoint Badri my prime
minister. He is a very clever man, he knows all about money and spent
a lot on charity. He is respected and loved in Georgia.

He is not in Tbilisi now. They have unearthed some information against
him, I don’t know if this evidence is legitimate or not. Some say it
is not.

– A few words about the presidential election in Russia. Do you think
it is right that its outcome is almost predetermined?

– It is very important to me that Putin will remain at the helm,
one way or another, because he has a majority in parliament and the
people respect him.

Russians do not know [First Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry] Medvedev as
well as they know Putin. So if Putin becomes prime minister, he will
actually be the top power in the country. I have heard that Medvedev is
an educated and well-informed man, but I have never met him personally.

– Do you have a formula for improving relations between Georgia
and Russia?

– Everything depends on the top leaders. I am not referring to
Medvedev as Russia’s future president, but to Putin and the man
elected in Georgia.

They should move towards each other, but the first move must be made by
the Georgian president. However, if Putin makes it, this will further
improve his image, and everyone will say that he is a generous man.

Karabakh Peaceful Resolution Possible, RA PM Says

KARABAKH PEACEFUL RESOLUTION POSSIBLE, RA PM SAYS

PanARMENIAN.Net
20.12.2007 14:45 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ "The potential of peaceful talks on the Nagorno
Karabakh conflict settlement has not been exhausted yet. It’s important
for Armenia to recognize the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan,
which for its part should recognize the right of Karabakhi people
to self-determination," RA Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan said at a
meeting with EU Envoy for the South Caucasus Peter Semneby.

"Presidential elections in Azerbaijan and Armenia should not hamper
the negotiations. Candidates should not conceal their views from the
publics because of the fear to lose supporters. Positions should be
voiced precisely," he said.

"The European Union is interested in maintenance of previous
achievements for efficient continuation of talks. I concluded that
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev sees resolution of the conflict
after the presidential elections in both states," Mr Semneby said
for his part.

Speaker Tigran Torosyan Invited To Visit Belarus

SPEAKER TIGRAN TOROSYAN INVITED TO VISIT BELARUS

armradio.am
19.12.2007 16:54

December 19 RA National Assembly Speaker Tigran Torosyan received
the Ambassador of Belarus to Armenia Marina Dolgopolova.

Mrs. Dolgopolova conveyed to Tigran Torosyan the joint invitation of
the Chairmen of the two chambers of the Belarusian Parliament to pay
an official visit to Minsk in 2008. The Ambassador highly assessed the
reforms implemented in Armenia and the great legal work the National
Assembly did especially after the constitutional amendments in 2005.

NA Speaker Tigran Torosyan expressed gratitude for the invitation and
expressed willingness to visit Belarus after the presidential elections
in Armenia. The Speaker underlined the high level of interparliamentary
ties and expressed confidence that the visit will be productive and
will promote the development of those relations. Mr. Torosyan asked
to convey his New Year congratulations and wishes to the Chairmen of
the Belarusian Parliament and the people.

Measures Taken At General Staff Of RA Armed Forces To Exlude Prevent

MEASURES TAKEN AT GENERAL STAFF OF RA ARMED FORCES TO EXLUDE PREVENTION OF RA OMBUDSMAN’S ACTIVITIES

Noyan Tapan
Dec 17 2007

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 17, NOYAN TAPAN. The fact of forbidding the visit
of a group of the RA ombudsman’s representatives to the republican
assemby point of the RA defence ministry was examined in detail
at the General Staff of the RA Armed Forces and measures have been
taken to exlude the possibility of such cases in future. According to
information of the RA Ombudsman Office, the head of the General Staff
of the RA Armed Forces Colonel General Seyran Ohanian sent a letter
about it to the RA ombudsman. He also informed the ombudsman that
instructions were given to the heads of the respective departments,
to the military commissar of the RA and the commanders of military
units to fulfil the requirements of Article 8 of the Law on Ombudsman
of the Republic of Armenia.

The RA ombudsman had applied to the RA minister of defence
Mikael Harutyunian, informing him that on December 3 a group of
representatives of the RA ombudsman went to the republican assemly
point of the defence ministry to familiarize themselves with
daily activities of the republican assembly point and the process
of recruitment. However, the deputy head of the General Staff’s
organizational and mobilization department Colonel A. Manukian did
allow the members of the group to enter the assembly point. He said
that a letter had been sent on behalf of the head of this department
to the RA ombudsman informing him that visits of this kind have to
be agreed on beforehand with the General Staff’s organizational and
mobilization department.

The ombudsman had asked to call to account the guilty officials and
take steps in order to ensure fulfilment of the requirements of the
Law on Ombudsman of the RA and to exclude violations preventing the
activities of the RA ombudsman in the future.

Police Report Slight Decrease In Number Of Registered Murders

POLICE REPORT SLIGHT DECREASE IN NUMBER OF REGISTERED MURDERS

ARMENPRESS
Dec 18 2007

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 18, ARMENPRESS: The Armenian police reported today
a slight decrease in the number of registered murders in the first
nine months of this year.

According to the press office of the police, 51 murders were reported
in that time span, down from 54 from a year before.

Some 20 murder cases were promoted by hooliganism.

Thus, out of 4 murders reported in Yerevan’s Kentron district, 3 were
prompted by hooliganism.

The press office said many of the victims were stabbed to death. It
said 11 murders were prompted by routine reasons, the cause of 15
others were not clear yet.

Eight of the killed were women. Killed were also three newborn babies.