Kocharian discusses Karabakh settlement with mediators

Interfax News Agency
Russia & CIS General Newswire
January 26, 2007 Friday

Kocharian discusses Karabakh settlement with mediators

Armenian President Robert Kocharian met with the co-chairmen of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk
Group for the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict from
Russia, France and the United States on Friday in Yerevan, the
presidential press service told Interfax.

The parties discussed the current state of affairs and prospects for
the development of the Karabakh peace process, as well as certain
issues related to the settlement, the press service said.

Earlier, Kocharian stated that talks on the Karabakh settlement will
remained stalled until Armenia holds parliamentary elections in May.
Nevertheless, Yerevan claims that this does not mean the end of
talks.

Rwanda: Genocide Will Be Stopped If Perpetrators Are Punished

The New Times (Kigali)
Jan 24 2007

Rwanda: Genocide Will Be Stopped If Perpetrators Are Punished – Wallis

INTERVIEW

Gaaki Kigambo & George Kagame
Kigali

Andrew Wallis is the author of Silent Accomplice, The Untold Story of
The Role of France in the Rwandan Genocide, a new book detailed in
research and unwavering in pointing out the role of the French in the
Rwandan Genocide.

He was recently in Rwanda to continue his research into the truth
behind why the French were here and what their aims and objectives
were and how these aims impacted on the Rwandan people. The New Times
GAAKI KIGAMBO and GEORGE KAGAME caught up with him for an interview.
Below are the excerpts.

TNT: Your book has been published 12 years after the genocide and
behind so many others books about Rwanda. Don’t you think it’s a
little bit too late?

AW: You would hope that after 12 years lessons have been learned by
some of the western powers but as the current events in Darfur prove
genocide is still very much a reality and looking at the French
involvement in other Francophone countries and their heavy support
for dictators with appalling human rights records France seems to
have learnt very little. In fact it still denies heavily its
responsibility of what happened in Rwanda where some nations like
Belgium have made attempts to apologise. It’s still shocking 12 years
they are yet to admit in any way at all what actually they were doing
here and how their policies implicated in allowing the genocide to
happen.

TNT: Silent Accomplice has been launched in London and is scheduled
to be launched in the US this week. How has it been received?

AW: There has been shock from those who reviewed the book and people
have read articles in some of the newspapers I’ve written for. People
who knew very little about the genocide and certainly have no
suspicion at all that one of the five permanent members of the
Security Council could have been heavily involved in arming and
training those responsible for it. So the reaction has been really
absolute shock and almost all editors have taken the view that France
should not be allowed to get away with it and France has serious
questions it needs to ask itself and to come back and attempt in any
way possible to make amends.

TNT: Your book is detailed in research about the role of France in
the genocide unwavering in accusing France of aiding and abetting the
genocide. What has been the French response ever since the book came
out?

AW: There’s certainly been unofficial response; their ambassador in
London was very unhappy about the book and the articles in the
newspapers which proceeded it. However, I’m well aware that this book
is in no way meant to be anti-French. I have great regard for the
French nation but its politicians have for 40-50 years trampled
roughshod over the rights of African nations they say they are
serving. I have French friends who are working as hard as I am to
uncover the truth about what their politicians got up to in 1990-94.
Many of those politicians now incidentally are serving time in prison
or have been implicated in various corruption scandals in France
itself.

TNT: The French government passed a law which would penalise anyone
who failed to recognise the 1915 Armenian massacre in Turkey. It has
also acknowledged its folly in deporting Jews to their death back in
the 1950s. Why is it so silent on Rwanda even every voice out of
Rwanda implicates it?

AW: Genocide is a political crime and if it in any way admits its
responsibility here it would damage the French standing in other
African nations and it’s after all Africa that’s still France feels
makes it a great nation today. So to admit the reality of what
happened in Rwanda would impact on several other francophone
countries. It makes it easy to apologise for its role in deporting
over 100,000 Jews in the Second World War because that was 60 years
ago and most people involved are almost dead. It is also easy to talk
about the Armenian crisis but again that is a political issue and
should be seen in light of France’s bad relations with the Turkish
government and it’s using that particular issue to knock the Turkish
government out [of the EU]. It’s quite another thing to actually
admit something in such recent memory where most of the politicians
involved, apart from Mitterrand himself, are still alive. And for
them to admit that they had a hand in helping to train and arm a
genocide regime is not even something they want to lay in their
consciences. So it is easier to deny it at whatever cost to Rwanda
and its people…

I think after some of the leading players are no longer here it will
be much easier for a French President in 2050 or 2060 to admit the
reality of Rwanda in 1994. But I think while there are so many
strident players in the French military and politicians who are so
stridently anti the present government in Rwanda, it will be
impossible to admit their faults.

TNT: The French-Rwanda relations have soured in the recent months.
None of the western countries has said anything leaving Rwanda to
battle France in a scenario reminiscent of the biblical David and
Goliath epic. Is this another sense of betrayal and abandonment?

AW: In the West, I think that unfortunately Africa is a bit of a lost
continent. Certainly in the UK today Africa is little known about.
When people do find out about it, when it turns up in the news,
people show interest. But it is important that the West puts up its
hands and takes responsibility this is after all the 21st Century we
talk about globalisation and we talk about the world being a smaller
village with telecommunications and satellites maybe that now should
go into politics as well. The West should take the initiative on
this.

TNT: According to your book that the International Criminal Tribunal
for Rwanda (ICTR) operations need viewing. It has handled a few cases
since its inception and some of its judgments leave a lot to be
desired. It has become a source of minting huge sums of money. Are
you suggesting the UN is just trying to be seen to be delivering
justice when actually it has moved on to more serious matters?

AW: Unfortunately, the ICTR is just another institution and like all
institutions it rarely quite manages to hold up to the ideal that it
should be holding up to. It must first of all bring justice to those
who suffered appallingly in 1994. The fact that in many cases
justice, as people would say, has failed. For example, in the very
recent case of Fr Seromba who was convicted of knocking his church on
top of his congregation and killing several thousand people, and he
received a meagre 15 years in prison. There has to be a degree of
thought that the court is bowing to political pressure from outside
countries. In some of the sentencing, sentencing guidelines don’t
seem to count for anything; sometimes people [are] getting life other
times getting 10 years for the same crime. So the problem is politics
coming before justice that cannot always make a right outcome.

TNT: Rwanda is in advanced stages of scrapping the death penalty.
Wouldn’t it be right for some of the cases in Arusha to be
transferred here since the death penalty has been cited as a
hindrance?

AW: The court’s ends it mandate in 2008 so certainly some cases will
now comeback to Rwanda. That’s good; they should face justice in the
country before the countrymen and women where they perpetrated their
alleged crimes. For example, last month four alleged genocide
suspects were arrested in London and the chances are now because of
the removal of the death penalty they will come to stand trial in
Rwanda, which is good for everyone. The Rwandan people can see
justice before their own eyes. Most Rwandans do not know what happens
at the court in Arusha. They’ve never been there. They hear news
reports. In a way justice is denied if you cannot see it happening.

TNT: What is the inspiration of your book?

AW: I was in Rwanda in 1991 just as a tourist going to see the
gorillas and I got fascinated by the country then and indeed fell in
love with the country and its people. Later I went on to do a masters
degree [and] the subject of Rwanda and France relations [came up] and
I think the more I learned about what had happened the more shocked I
was and even more shocked by the fact that there was nothing written
in English about this matter and there was almost complete ignorance
about this matter of injustice. So to me it is a matter of justice
that it is on record what happened. And I think there’s alot more
information still to come out on this matter both in France and
people who witnessed what happened in this country. So it’s an
ongoing project. Genocide can only be stopped if the perpetrators
cannot get away with it anymore. It is very necessary for western
countries to understand that to arm and train people far away still
implicates them. The fact they cannot see the killing doesn’t make
their implication what happened any less.

Hopes for reconciliation fade following funeral of slain Turkish jou

Hopes for reconciliation fade following funeral of slain Turkish journalist
By SELCAN HACAOGLU, Associated Press Writer

The Associated Press
January 25, 2007 Thursday 6:54 PM GMT

As mourners streamed through the streets this week to honor slain
ethnic Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, many liberal Turks were swept
up in a sense that an unprecedented chance for ethnic and political
reconciliation was at hand.

But a darker reality already has set in: Many Turks are rejecting
the appeals for solidarity and democratic reform.

They say the tens of thousands who joined Dink’s funeral procession
in Istanbul on Tuesday were mainly urban intellectuals, hardly
representative of a nation of more than 70 million people where
conservative Islamic values are deep-seated and nationalist pride in
"Turkishness" is strong.

Many support the views of nationalists who are becoming increasingly
strident in their condemnation of Western values that they feel are
being imposed on them by the European Union, which is considering
Turkey’s membership bid.

Dink had been forced to stand trial by nationalists angered by his
calls to recognize the killings of Armenians in the waning days of
the Ottoman Empire as genocide. He was shot down Friday, allegedly
by a teenager who incited to the crime by four ultrarightists also
charged in the case.

During his funeral procession, mourners chanted "We are all Armenians,"
urged liberal reform and called for the repeal of the law used to
convict Dink on charges of "insulting Turkishness."

The pleas fell on deaf ears, with most Turks interviewed by The
Associated Press on Thursday voicing opposition to making concessions
to Armenians on the sensitive issue of the killings.

"They should speak for themselves, they cannot speak on behalf of
Turks," Filiz Un, 32, said of the marchers honoring Dink. "I am sorry
for him as a human, but they cannot pretend that all the Turkish
public is behind them."

A headline in the right-wing newspaper Tercuman said anyone who isn’t
proud to be Turkish "should clear off and leave."

Turkey’s largest nationalist party responded to the mourners’ chants
by posting its own slogan "We are all Turks" on a digital display
outside a local party branch in the Mediterranean resort of Antalya.

And in a chilling sign that the suspects in Dink’s killing have
their supporters, a fake bomb was left outside the Turkish parliament
building Thursday saying they should be set free, private CNN-Turk
television reported.

That came a day after one of the men charged in the slaying issued
a threat against Turkish author Orhan Pamuk, a Nobel literature
prize-winner who also has been charged with insulting Turkey.

The defiant tone from nationalists alarmed mainstream politicians.

"You don’t recognize any laws, you go and kill defenseless people?

That’s not nationalism," Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said.

"If you do that, you are murderers and monsters. No one but God can
take a life."

Turkey’s expulsion of ethnic Armenians during World War I which
Armenians say claimed 1.5 million lives is a dark chapter rarely
discussed publicly in Turkey or taught in its schools.

Turkey vehemently denies that many died or that it was genocide, saying
the bloodshed came during the chaos of a disintegrating empire. It is
battling Armenian diaspora groups that are pushing European governments
and the United States to declare the killings genocide.

"There is a fault line passing right through the middle of society,"
wrote Turker Alkan, a columnist for the center-left newspaper Radikal.

"Those who cannot reconcile Hrant Dink’s murder with humanity,
consciousness and moral values are on the one side; those who don’t
really oppose the murder because of their nationalist sentiments and
their religious beliefs are on the other," he added.

Selami Ince, news editor of the Istanbul-based Su TV, run by the
Alawite Muslim sect, answered by saying few of the funeral marchers
were Turks with roots in the Anatolian heartland.

"Unfortunately, they do not represent the Turkish public," Ince said.

"The Turkish public has not filled the streets with demands of
democracy and freedom. They were leftists, Armenians, Kurds and those
intellectuals who favor multiculturalism."

Associated Press writer Suzan Fraser in Ankara contributed to this
report.

PACE Approves Report on Fulfillment of Commitments by Armenia

PACE APPROVES REPORT ON FULFILLMENT OF COMMITMENTS BY ARMENIA

AZG Armenian Daily #013, 25/01/2007

Armenia CE Relations

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has approved,
by an almost solid vote: 32 votes "for" and 1 – "against", the report
on fulfillment of commitments by Armenia, presented by co-reporters
Georges Colombier and Mikko Elo. In the course of the debates on a
draft resolution, the European parliamentarians have highly appreciated
the report quality and Armenia’s efforts in fulfilling its commitments
on the way of reforms implementation.

Nevertheless, the European parliamentarians stated that the monitoring
on fulfillment of commitments by Armenia will not be stopped, since,
in their opinion, "it is not enough to pass a law but also to assure
mechanisms for the law to function ". According to a Netherlands
parliamentarian, Leo Platvoyet, Armenia has made the first steps
forward on the way of reforming the legal system, the Electoral code
and granting of freedom to Mass Media. "However, still much is to
be done. Monitoring is not a punishment but a continuous process of
advising", L. Platvoyet said.

Moreover, the European parliamentarians underlined that adoption of
this document is a preliminary examine for Armenia, while the main
examine will be a conduction of democratic parliamentary elections in
May, 2007. In his turn, a French parliamentarian Francis Rochedloine,
having positively assessed the fulfillment of commitments by Armenia,
noted that despite the fact the Armenian state is very ancient, it has
got the independence only 15 years ago and it is unreal to require an
ideal compliance to the structure commitments. "As for the issue of
determining the status of Yerevan, the provisions of mechanisms of
election of the capital Mayor and other implemented reforms, France
had been working for two centuries to achieve the results Armenia
has achieved within 15 years of independence, and no one considered
the French Republic undemocratic", Francis Rochedloine.

AWOL (Armenian Weekly On-Line), Volume 73, No. 3, January 20, 2007

The Armenian Weekly On-Line: AWOL
80 Bigelow Avenue
Watertown MA 02472 USA
(617) 926-3974
[email protected]

http://www.a rmenianweekly.com

* * *

AWOL (Armenian Weekly On-Line), Volume 73, No. 3, January 20, 2007

1. Hrant Dink (1954-1915)
By Khatchig Mouradian

2. The Armenian Genocide and Our Faith in God
By George Aghjayan

3. Could ‘Musa Dagh’ Ever Hit the Video Game Screen?
By Andy Turpin

4. The Spokesman Speaks of Genocide-Old and New
By K.M.

5. ‘Tis a Far Better Thing I Do.’
Book Details One Armenian-Canadian’s Fight Against Fascism in Civil War
Spain
By Andy Turpin

6. New English-Language Paper in Turkey Hosts Well-Attended Debut Ceremony

7. Your Weekly Fix Of Poetry
Muted Message
By Tatul Sonentz

8. Winding Down Toward Retirement
By Tom Vartabedian

————————————- —————————————
——-

1. Hrant Dink (1954-1915)
By Khatchig Mouradian

The above date, 1915, is not a typographical mistake.

On Saturday, April 24, 1915, Ottoman-Turkish soldiers arrested about 200
Armenian intellectuals-writers, journalists and community leaders-in
Istanbul, exiling them to the interior of the Ottoman Empire where they
would be killed. The plan was to behead the Armenian community by
annihilating its leadership and then to cleanse the entire population. The
day of the arrests marks the beginning of the Armenian Genocide.

On Friday, Jan. 19, 2007, also in Istanbul, another prominent Armenian
intellectual, Hrant Dink, was assassinated in front of the editorial offices
of his Armenian weekly newspaper Agos.

Hrant Dink is a victim of the Armenian Genocide.

And the Armenian Genocide continues.

Not only because denial is the last phase of Genocide.

But because the killing continues.

It was not an individual who killed Hrant Dink. So while Turkish authorities
are looking for a killer out loose in the streets, the real killer is the
Turkish state, which continues to foster a culture of violence,
assassinations, killings, oppression, and denial. The killer is the Turkish
state, which indoctrinates its citizens from an early age that the Armenian
Genocide is a myth, an agenda, pushed by the West to destroy Turkey.

"A bullet has been fired at democracy and freedom of expression," said
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Yes, the bullet was Article 301
of the Turkish Penal Code, under which Dink was prosecuted.

The person who pulled the trigger was executing the will of the Turkish
state. Like his Prime Minister, government, army and the so-called
"Deep-State," he wanted to make the world believe that there was no Armenian
Genocide. Like Talaat Pasha, he believed that the Armenian question could be
solved by killing those who made demands.

We shall remember you, Hrant, together with Varoujan and Siamanto and all
the victims of the Armenian Genocide.
—————————————- ————————————
—-

2. The Armenian Genocide and Our Faith in God
By George Aghjayan

"In my young mind I kept asking myself why we had been born Armenians, and
why our God and Jesus Christ were apparently unprotective and less powerful
than the so-almighty Allah and Prophet Mohammed of the Turks." (Rebirth: The
Story of an Armenian girl who survived the Genocide and found Rebirth in
America by Elise Hagopian Taft.)

"Only God in heaven, who looked down upon that pitiful death march, and
permitted it, we are sure, for some good purpose, knows how far we walked."
(Exiled: Story of an Armenian Girl by Serpohi Tavoukdjian.)

"Yeran had learned now the hard lesson that life without faith and hope is
meaningless, and that courage is one of the most important virtues of
mankind." (Destined to Survive by Negdar K. Tabibian.)

Faith in God is a frequent theme contained in the accounts of Armenian
Genocide survivors. However, I find very little written on the subject of
the existence of an all-powerful, benevolent God and evil of the magnitude
manifested in the Armenian Genocide. This is particularly surprising given
the strong adherence of the Armenian people to Christianity.

Theodicy, as defined in Wikipedia [The biggest multilingual encyclopedia on
the Internet], is a specific branch of theology and philosophy that attempts
to reconcile the existence of evil in the world with the assumption of a
benevolent God, i.e. the problem of evil. It is not my aim here to recount
the enormous literature on the subject of theodicy, but instead to discuss
some points of interest from the perspective of Armenians.

On the surface, it might seem amazing that Armenians would retain any faith
in an all-powerful, benevolent God after witnessing the horrors of the
Genocide. Many did lose their faith, but one can also understand how
surviving would lead to a renewal or strengthening of faith. Those being
subjected daily to the horrors of the Genocide continually prayed to God for
deliverance-thus, the ultimate deliverance would serve as justification for
not having lost faith.

Given how miraculous it was that any survived, one could also reason that it
was the intervention of God that led to their survival. It follows that God
must have had a purpose for them in life that was for others in death. I am
sure this view weighed heavily on the minds of survivors. The dedication of
many in the Armenian community to this day, whether in the religious,
political or cultural sphere, can probably be traced to a sense of
responsibility to God and those that perished.

While my own commitment probably stems in large part to the responsibility I
feel towards those in my family that suffered and survived, I still reject
the notion that those who suffered unspeakable horrors did so for some
higher purpose. More specifically, that such a plan would be so detailed as
to pick one person over another.

Some survivors attributed survival to their purity of heart and actions. I,
personally, have trouble accepting this line of reasoning which sniffs of a
"holier than thou" attitude. Those that survived were not somehow more
worthy than those that perished.

Perhaps a more honest assessment is given by those survivors that believed
they would have perished if not for the hope that faith supplied. Once all
hope was lost, the will to survive and ultimately the person would die.

Mental strength, physical strength, luck, hope and faith were all needed to
survive the Armenian Genocide. But none of this really addresses the
question of how evil can exist. How can those who profess a Christian belief
suffer while those who denounce Jesus Christ be rewarded?

I have read many unsatisfactory answers to this question and maybe there
cannot be a truly fulfilling one in this age of reasoning. For me, the only
perspective I can draw upon is the view of God as a parent who must allow
his children to make mistakes in the process of maturing. Mankind is still
in its infancy. Hopefully, as we mature, we will outgrow the evil of our
childhood.

To do so will require a strong faith in God and a commitment to live good
lives.
————————————– ————————————–
—-
3. Could ‘Musa Dagh’ Ever Hit the Video Game Screen?
By Andy Turpin

Video games are not what they used to be.

That statement is both nostalgic and loaded. It may seem infantile to ponder
the future of video games when there are so many crucial real-world issues
today to worry about that haven’t upped American tension levels this much
since the Cuban Missile Crisis. But for the teenager beside you, all the
would-be Orwellian fates in the world aren’t as important as the video game
title releases on their calendar.

In no way are these sentiments a blessing to any parent or adult, but one
should be abreast of where video games are headed-not to stop the train per
se, but to have some control and say in the content.

Video games are more realistic and cinematic than ever before; their
die-hard creators are now highly educated and well-read individuals with
just as much eye for detail and accuracy as lust for gore.

And the people, not just the children, are riveted. Video games are becoming
celluloid reality. Note last year’s film release of "Crank," an obvious
staging of the "Grand Theft Auto" video game series, and the film version of
the classic video game "Doom," which surprised many with its didactic plot,
related in its deconstruction of evil to Christopher R. Browning’s 1992 book
Ordinary Men.

In an age where journalism and publishing industry jobs have become ivory
tower ranks, more young writers are turning in their pens and keyboards, and
scripting video games instead.

History and cult audiences are big business in this industry when you look
at the success of games like the "Call of Duty" series, which lets people
fight the Battle of Stalingrad as a Communist soldier, or the much
anticipated release this year of the game "Civil War: A Nation Divided" by
the History Channel and Activision.

Now, whether parents will admit it or not, there is a trend of apathy among
Armenian youth when it comes to political issues. Perhaps not quite at the
gut wrenching level that exists among American youth, but it’s alarming
enough for a people that have always made their voice heard. I’m not
advocating for teens to play video games instead of being involved in
activism or writing their Congressmen, but if they’re going to spend their
time at the game console, why not "hit them where they live" with politics,
as well.

A large budget film version of Franz Werfel’s "The Forty Days at Musa Dagh"
is currently in the works by producer Sylvester Stallone. It’s much needed;
but to play devil’s advocate, how much more would a historically accurate
and interactive game version of the battle resonate with people?

Of course, the rub would be to create the game in such a manner that it
detailed the form of the resistance and didn’t trivialize the Genocide
itself. But didactic games have been created successfully about the French
resisting the German Vichy government in Steven Spielberg’s "Medal of Honor"
series, and they’ve even cornered the market on a yet unfought future war to
liberate North Korea in Lucasart’s "Mercenaries." In both games, the
dynamics between war and genocide are either touched upon just enough to be
valuable learning tools, or skirted around just enough to be politically
correct-depending on which side of the parental fence you stand on.

It isn’t possible to de-program the nature of evil from humanity. But it may
be a question of "when" and not "if’ you’ll get to create a 3D working image
of your fedayi great-grandfather on screen.
—————————————— ———————————-

4. The Spokesman Speaks of Genocide-Old and New
By K.M.

WATERTOWN, Mass. (A.W.)-Issue number 93 of the Spokesman, a publication of
the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation based in England, deals with the theme
of genocides-old and new. Among the featured articles are "Genocide" by
Raphael Lemkin, first published in 1946, and "The First Holocaust," the
chapter on the Armenian Genocide from Robert Fisk’s recent book The Great
War for Civilization. (For a complete list of the articles or for more
information on the Bertrand Russell Foundation, visit
and )

In "Genocide," Lemkin, the Polish-Jew who coined the term "genocide," talks
about the "mass obliteration of nationhoods" throughout Nazi occupied
Europe, noting that although the Nazi experience is "the most striking,"
there are other examples: "The destruction of Carthage; that of religious
groups in the wars of Islam and the Crusades; the massacres of Albigenses
and Waldenses; and more recently, the massacre of the Armenians." Arguing
that mass murder is not an adequate name for such phenomena, Lemkin says he
felt the need to coin a new term: genocide. "This word is made from the
ancient Greek word genos (race clan) and the latin suffix cide (killing),"
he explains. The rest, as they say, is history.

"But why have we chosen a chapter on the Armenian genocide to represent this
great book here, when it is also alive with reports of contemporary traumas,
in Afghanistan or Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, or Algeria?" asks Spokesman editor
Ken Coates in his editorial, referring to Fisk’s book.

"There have been, in short, innumerable cruelties in the conquest of the
Middle East, but in one sense the most shocking thing about these often
criminal acts is that the screams of their victims have so frequently gone
unheard. The great warriors who have sought to impose their own mean
civilization on peoples whose culture is as old as time, have also imposed
selective hearing, discriminate memory. A celebration of happy
indifference," Coates continues.

"Fisk has unerringly homed in on the Armenian massacres as a classic symbol
of these responses. with his help, we can try to count the dead. But far
more significantly, we can begin to understand the vital necessity of memory
in defending the humanity of its victims," concludes Coates.

During his 30 years as news correspondent in the Middle East, Fisk
interviewed many survivors of the Armenian Genocide and visited death sites
like Der Zor and Margada. He also acquired many British private papers
discussing the Genocide. In "The First Holocaust," Fisk masterfully narrates
the horrors of the first genocide of the 20th century through survivor
accounts, reports of foreign diplomats, documents unearthed by historians,
and the press. Serpouhi Papazian is one of the survivors he interviews.
"Ten years after the Armenian Holocaust, Serpouhi returned to the hill at
Margada to try to find the remains of her father and sister. ‘All I found in
1925 were heaps of bones and skulls she said. They had been eaten by wild
animals and dogs. I don’t even know why you bother to come here with your
notebook and take down what I say.’"

Because the truth must be told, and justice must be served.
—————————————— ———————————-
—–
5. ‘Tis a Far Better Thing I Do.’
Book Details One Armenian-Canadian’s Fight Against Fascism in Civil War
Spain
By Andy Turpin

Now is a time of reckoning in world politics. Genocide recognition is
gaining international momentum, nuclear ambition tides are rising, and
hybrid indigenous Catholic-Communism is taking hold in South America-all in
the shadow of the U.S.-Iraq quagmire and a powder keg of death and
displacement in Africa.

Thus perhaps more than ever, the veterans who fought against the Fascist
forces in the Spanish Civil War need to be remembered, for their heroism and
foresight into the monster that would soon become World War II.

Coupled with a sizeable number of vigilant Jews, some of the resistance
fighters were Armenian. The story of one such Armenian, Pat Stephens, is
recounted in the book A Memoir of the Spanish Civil War: An
Armenian-Canadian in the Lincoln Battalion, published by the Canadian
Committee on Labor History in 2000, 13 years after Stephens’ death. The book
details his military career as a Republican-Communist soldier in Spain from
1936 to 1939, with Franco’s defeat of the resistance. Richard Rennie,
professor of history at the Memorial University of Newfoundland, wrote the
introduction, detailing Stephens’ family background. "Stephens was born in
Armenia on 22 November 1910. His given name was Badrig der Stepanian, and he
was the fourth of five boys born to Esther Bedrossian and Solomon der
Stephanian. .Stephen’s father and his uncle, Mugerditch, were active in
local politics, and early in the war [WWI] Mugerditch was taken away and
executed. Stephen’s father narrowly escaped the same fate, but died shortly
after."

In 1921, Stephens and his family left Armenia and moved to Syria and then to
Windsor, Ontario. Prior to the outbreak of the war in Spain, Stephens
foraged his way through the Depression by working any job, no matter how
minute. Just before the stock market crash of 1929, he started working as an
accountant with General Motors, and was able to bring his mother to Detroit,
though she died the same year. Stephens lost his job soon after to massive
layoffs and was forced to return to Canada. In Toronto, he picked up jobs
selling refrigerators and electric signs, or working in restaurants. It was
at this point that he joined the Canadian Communist party-which is
noteworthy, because many of the volunteer fighters who went to Spain did so
assuaging their reservations against Communism to work towards the greater
good of combating Fascism.

Stephens volunteered to fight alongside the International Brigades in Dec.
1936 and arrived in Spain in Feb. 1937. "As such, he was one of those
approximately 500 Canadians who went to Spain before the promulgation of the
Foreign Enlistment Act in July 1937," writes Rennie. Stephens was first a
machine gunner, then Chief of Intendencia and later a military investigator.
He was older and more literate than many of his counterparts, and advanced
quickly through the rank and file troops.

To take his account at face value, one would gauge that part of this
advancement was due to the amount of nurturing care and competence he showed
the men under his command. One example is when he notes, "I noticed someone
I knew," wrote Stevens in his accounts. "An Armenian-American from
Worcester, Mass. This man was one of the worst bitchers in the Battalion. I
was always trying to cheer him up and bolster his morale whenever we got
together. I told him as soon as we got to Alvarez, I would buy a lamb and
prepare a nice meal for some of our boys."

The fact that he was Armenian most likely played a part in the internal
politics and relations of his unit. Every organization has its own system of
advancement, favoritism and nepotism. Within the International Brigades, it
was an asset to be Armenian, Jewish, Italian, Basque or Greek, as these were
all tightly knit cultures that had a vested interest in defeating Fascist
and genocidal enemies. Thus, degrees of ethnic solidarity existed next to
genuine fraternal and Communal values.

Stephens notes that being Armenian helped him secure his machine gunner
position. "I put in a request to be transferred to the machine gun company,
which was regarded as the elite of the Battalion," he wrote. "I asked
Comrade Sahagian, who was in charge of the ammunition detail, and he said he
would speak to Comrade Davidian, who was in charge of the machine gun
company. Davidian was also an Armenian, like myself and Sahagian. .He told
me to get my gear together. Then he took me to Number One machine gun
section and I became a member of that group. Soon I was taught how to take
the machine gun apart, clean it, and put it together again. I was also shown
how to shoot it. Our guns were all World War I relics, but they worked."

Those in the International Brigades, like those in the French Foreign
Legion, joined for any number of political reasons, which created an even
more diverse and resourceful body of men and indeed women, as well. Jews
joined to fight German influence in Spain and anti-Semitism; Basques fought
to preserve their communities, which were under smaller attacks, such as
that on Guerica by Nazis forces assisting Franco in 1937); and many Irish
volunteered to flee terrorist arrest warrants issued by the British
authorities.

Stephens mentions one such man who later became a turncoat both to the
Communist party, the British Empire, and the Spanish Republicans he fought
beside. "Another top IRA man was Frank Ryan. He had played a leading role in
the Irish uprisings [Easter, 1916]. . Frank Ryan was eventually captured.
Because of his connections to the IRA, he was not executed. He was shifted
from Spain to Berlin and placed at the disposal of the Germans. Even then
the Germans had plans to use Ryan for their purposes against Britain. I
don’t know what happened to him in Berlin, but he’s buried there."

Such acute memories of the various personalities he encountered in Spain are
historically important, as they illustrate that seeds of distrust and
duplicity existed alongside palates of patriotic and ideological loyalty.
Similar to many accounts of the First World War, Stephens writes that the
Spanish Civil War was in many ways a trench war; as such, soldiers endured
many of the same hardships their brethren faced on the earlier fronts of
Gallipoli and the Somme. Stephens had a front row seat to history while in
Spain, and an unabashed preview of the carnage that would follow on its
heels when the Wiermacht marched across Europe.

He wrote of the "lousy" conditions of everyday life, including how he and
his men coped with outbreaks of dysentery throughout the camp. "The more
serious cases were sent to hospitals in the rear. It was strange that the
native Spaniards were not affected at all. One day I asked the commander of
the Spanish contingent why the Spanish comrades were not affected by these
outbreaks. He took me to his dugout and showed me the strings of garlic
hanging on the walls. He said they ate some every day and never got sick.
Soon our entire battalion was eating raw garlic."

Stephens had the ability to speak plainly about those he met, including
Ernest Hemingway, who is often romanticized, to say the least. Stephens met
Hemingway and spoke of their encounter, saying, "We went to Madrid in a
truck and arrived there before noon. Our group was to stay at the Florida
Hotel, where a kitchen had been arranged for the American boys. A few tables
away from us sat Ernest Hemingway, and Herbert Matthews of the New York
Times. . These reporters never lacked the comforts of life. The discussion
took the form of a press conference. They wanted to know if we had
experienced hand-to-hand combat with the enemy, how the food was at the
front, whether we regretted volunteering, and so on. None of these men
really impressed me, not even Hemingway. They were cold and impersonal, and
seemed not to care much what happened in Spain, or for that matter in the
world."

At one point Stephens mildly probes Hemingway to gauge his genuine combat
experience. "I asked Hemingway how our war compared with his experience in
Italy during the war [WWI]. He replied that he couldn’t really answer that
because he really hadn’t been away from Madrid long enough to formulate an
opinion. He said, however, that from what he had seen in Madrid and his
visits with Spanish units at the front, the Spanish war seemed to be a more
cruel war."

The culmination of Stephens’ Spanish Civil War experience, like the
correlating experiences of other International Brigade volunteers, is
bittersweet. Similar to the Hungarian anti-Soviet uprising that would occur
in 1956, much of the world had their eye on Spain, but officially their
hands stayed at their sides and erred on the side of caution when it came to
intervention.

After the defeat of the International Brigades and the solidification of the
Franco government, volunteers were sent home. What added insult to injury
for these brave men and women was the fact that their own governments
treated them with suspicion and distain because they had directly
collaborated with the regime of Stalin, who footed the armament’s bill to
the International Brigades during their campaign.

Stephens’ ends his memoir disheartened and disillusioned by the apathy of
the world. He tells of his journey home to Canada. "We traveled in locked
cars to the Port of Dieppe, and there we were met at the station by a
contingent of the French Guard Mobile, to make sure that none of us escaped
into France itself. . We had to wait a few hours until the tide came in, and
then we started for England. In a few hours, we docked at Newhaven, and were
on English soil again. We read the giant headlines on the local newspapers,
‘Barcelona Fallen to Franco.’ That was the end of my romantic attempt to
make the world safe for democracy."

A Memoir of the Spanish Civil War stands today as a testament to a bygone
era in democratic history, and a milestone-perhaps under researched-chapter
in Diasporan Armenian history. It represents yet another window into the
minds of the younger Genocide survivors and of the immediate offspring of
the older ones.

Stephens’ memories may hold fast today as a standard to combat political
apathy among the present generation of young Armenians, even if at times it
reveals itself as evidence of the Sicilian proverb, "No good deed goes
unpunished."

I prefer to see it as a manifestation of kith and kin to the words uttered
both by Socrates and Thomas Paine: "I am neither an Athenian, nor a Greek,
but a Citizen of the World."
————————————- —————————————

6. New English-Language Paper in Turkey Hosts Well-Attended Debut Ceremony

WATERTOWN, Mass. (A.W.)-On Jan. 15, the Turkish government stars were out in
the sky to roll out the welcome kilim for the debut ceremony honoring the
establishment of Turkey’s third English-language daily newspaper, Today’s
Zaman.

In attendance at the ceremony, held at the Ankara Sheraton, were Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, foreign minister Abdullah Gul, state
minister and chief EU negotiator Ali Babacan, education minister Huseyin
Celik, energy and natural resources minister Hilmi Guler, and state minister
Kurshad Tuzmen.

In its coverage of the event, Today’s Zaman noted that Gul’s "excitement
could be seen in his eyes"-so much so that the paper recorded it twice.

Expectations for the new paper ran high as Erdogan expressed that "Plurality
in the media is of great importance in a democratic society." He continued
by saying, "Today’s Zaman will increase the richness and diversity of the
Turkish media. Such a strong publication, with a substantial content, will
add strength to the attempts carried out to promote Turkey in the world. It
will be a window for diplomats who closely follow Turkey as well as foreign
public opinion. I see this in Today’s Zaman. Turkey has experienced a
dramatic image revolution in the last four years. Yet, it is evident that we
have a problem concerning effective promotion of our country in the world.
We better understand it from the prejudices of other nations towards Turkey.
Despite the efforts, we will ask, ‘Are we still there?’ With its principled
and constructive publication, Today’s Zaman will contribute to the promotion
of Turkey, the Turkish nation and to overcoming the biases and cliches about
Turkey."

Gul spoke before Erdogan took the stage and praised the paper’s release. "We
will do our best to support this endeavor," he said. "I see the rise in the
number of papers published in English in Turkey to three as a signal of
Turkey’s importance and greatness. Foreign politicians and economic circles
are following what is going on in Turkey. Our country became worthy of being
followed. Rest assured that you will achieve a high volume of circulation.
You will be followed with interest, and sometimes you will be quoted by
others."

Ekrem Dumanli, and editor-in-chief of the Zaman Daily, the Turkish-language
counterpart of Today’s Zaman, gave special thanks to Erdogan for his support
of Turkish journalism, particularly on the occasion of the Daily’s 15th
anniversary on Nov. 3, 2001. Dumanli was heavily involved in attempting to
gain journalistic respectability for Turkish papers. "We invited a number of
guests to our anniversary six years ago," he recalled. "Some did not show up
despite our insistence. We felt resentment back then because we did not
expect special favors from anybody. All we wanted was emotional support for
the paper. I would like to offer a special thank you to a very special
person who attended that meeting and gave an eloquent address. That day he
was excited about the founding of a new political party; today, he
administers this beautiful country. I would like to thank our Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who is honored this evening."

Today’s Zaman own editor-in-chief, Bulent Kenes, set community-oriented
goals for the fledgling paper, stating that "Today’s Zaman, determined to
convey Turkey’s realities to the international stage, was designed to
reflect all colors of life, and not as a publication only with columns and a
diplomatic content."

Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Turkey, Muhammad R Al-Hussaini, lauded the
paper similarly. when he commented, "Now we will have three papers, each
with a different perspective. I believe Today’s Zaman will be more
successful than the others. What will distinguish it is its transparency and
integrity. Hopefully its news will meet the demands of the individuals as
well as the envoys. First thing first, I will buy the paper. I will be a
regular reader." Turkey’s other two English-language papers are The Turkish
Daily News and The New Anatolian.

Various new agencies expressed interest in the paper’s launch, including the
Chinese news agency Xinhua, the Lebanese communication group Al-Manhar TV,
and the IRNA official Iranian news network. European or American news
agencies did not attend the ceremony.

Today’s Zaman can be accessed online by visiting www.todays zaman.com.
————————————— ————————————-
———— —–

7. Your Weekly Fix Of Poetry
MUTED MESSAGE

First snow of the year
life is muffled like the sounds
made by a string ensemble
playing to frozen eardrums
out of sight out of reach to those
stranded in the lone recesses
of a receding lifeline.
Nothing can speak louder
or freeze colder than silence.
no curse emoted or whispered
can cause the pain that silence can
without emitting a word without
being here – where once a song
of a shared passion steamed
the windowpanes of this place
where I now reside alone
dismissed sheltered
yet. homeless
With the meandering flakes
silence descends like a shroud
on the love that was my home
for what seemed like eternity
uninterrupted – it seemed –
from lullaby to taps.
First snow of the year
desires are muted now like
murmured prayers to gods
long departed.

Tatul Sonentz
Dec. 2001
——————————————— —————–

8. Winding Down Toward Retirement
By Tom Vartabedian

Had I known my retirement from the newspaper industry would create this much
of a stir, I probably would have been more discreet about it.

I’ve always shyed away from such attention, preferring a more secluded
lifestyle. Of course, that didn’t prevent me from attending other people’s
retirements and wishing them well.

Actually, if you want to know the truth, I’ve been retired ever since I
started with the Gazette 40 years ago. I’ve never considered my work a job
but more of an enjoyable recreation that quenched my thirst for writing and
introduced me to many fine friends both inside and outside the media.

I remember one time sitting in the dugout of a high school baseball game
with a scorebook in my hand, puffing away on my pipe with my feet extended
on the bench. The weather was warm and I was soaking in the sun.

"That’s my kind of a job," a player remarked. "You actually get paid for
doing this?"

"Tough work, but somebody’s got to do it," I joked.

What the boy didn’t realize was that the real work was yet to come. That

meant figuring out the box score and writing a story that was positive, even
if the score was lopsided.

So when does a man with a lifetime profession retire? Well, it’s time. Four
decades of deadlines was actually the easy part. I was never one to buckle
under pressure, even if it meant being six feet under water without a
snorkel. The creative part was just as much fun. The challenge came in
finding the good stories. For that, you have to play detective.

The big concern toward retirement is how to spend a lot of time doing what
you might enjoy without spending a lot of cash.

"You could always volunteer," a working colleague told me. "Or you can spend
your days at the senior center playing pool and going on trips."

What I don’t want to be is "chairman of the bored." Since word got out about
my retirement, I’ve been invited to join four service clubs in the
community, three bank boards, two planning committees and an offer to hike
the Appalachian Trail.

The hiking part is out of the question, unless I want to spend six months
trudging across 2,100 miles of rough terrain.

Truthfully, I wanted to cash in before it was too late. I’ve seen too many
who were besieged by medical problems and couldn’t enjoy their golden years.
My father died at 66-the year he was thinking about leaving the restaurant
business. My brother succumbed at 54 while still employed. He never got the
benefit of a happy retirement.

A good time to retire is before it’s too late to enjoy the rewards.

I see the friendly folks at my local YMCA fitness center and they’ve

struck up a worthwhile routine. They spend their mornings exercising for
themselves and the afternoons exercising for their wives.

"She gives me a honey-do list," said one chap. "Honey do this. Honey do
that. After awhile, you may want to become re-employed."

Others agree that once I’m retired and get into the flow, I’ll begin to
wonder how I ever found the time to hold down a job. The fact I was able to
survive this long at one job was another miracle, considering the changes
and the takeovers over my tenure. Just an educated guess, I’ve worked for
more than 100 editors over that span and none are around today to bid me
farewell.

People are asking me what my last story will be. I remember the first. It
turned out to be an obituary after I was hired as a sportswriter. I took
offense to that.

"Son," my editor said. "When you work for a community paper, you do it
all-sports, obits, politics, police, school and society. Nobody
specializes around here."

If anything, it’s taught me to be a better craftsman at

my art, certainly more versatile and all the more oriented to my profession.

My wife retired from the teaching profession two years ago. At the time, she
encouraged me to continue doing what I loved. I owe this retirement to her,
my children and a 95-year-old mom inside a nursing home that welcomes the
attention.

Most of all, I owe it to myself. We are often the architects of our own
destiny and selfish as it may sound, we should often put ourselves first. No
one else can dictate your pleasure.

With two weeks remaining, the last story has yet to be written, much less
determined. But I’ll tell you this much. I hope it’s a story that will do
some good for somebody because that’s what newspapers should be all about.
I’ve always tried to be a good news type, even when I was called upon to be
a critic.

As the days wind down to a precious few, I have one last thought about my
imminent retirement-and that’s a disadvantage. Now I’ll be forced to drink
coffee on my own time.

***
(c) 2006 Armenian Weekly On-Line. All Rights Reserved.

www.spokesmanbooks.com
www.russfound.org.

Supreme Court Of Cyprus Rules In Favour Of Agbu In The Matter Of Mel

SUPREME COURT OF CYPRUS RULES IN FAVOUR OF AGBU IN THE MATTER OF MELKONIAN PROPERTY

NICOSIA, JANUARY 22, NOYAN TAPAN. On December 11, 2006, the Supreme
Court of Cyprus (Judicial Review Jurisdiction) rescinded the so-called
Conservation Order, by which the Ministry of the Interior of Cyprus
tried to prohibit the sale of Melkonian institution by AGBU. The
sentence was passed "for lack of justification" of the Conservation
Order.

The Conservation Order had been issued by the Interior Minister of the
Republic of Cyprus in 2004, later upheld by the Council of Ministers,
restricting the use of the AGBU Melkonian property in Nicosia.

Earlier, the Supreme Court of Cyprus (Appellate Jurisdiction) in a
unanimous opinion dated December 21, 2006, has ruled in favour of
AGBU in its appeal of an Interlocutory Order that the District Court
of Nicosia had issued on February 3, 2006, upholding the petition
of His Beatitude Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan, Armenian Patriarch of
Istanbul and All Turkey, to restrain AGBU from selling, alienating,
or changing the use of the Melkonian property. Patriarch Mutafyan was
seeking a declaratory judgement that the Melkonian property was held
by AGBU "in trust" and "the re-registration of the said property in
his name as trustee for the Armenians all over the world."

According to the Cyprian Armenians periodical, the Supreme Court
of Cyprus has recognised AGBU’s full ownership rights to the
property. Quoting extensively from the relevant parts of the Deed of
Transfer of 1926, the Court states that AGBU’s "ownership [of the
Melkonian property] and the right of disposal etc…..was without
the conditions and restrictions invoked by the Respondent."

Angola: Turkish: Dink killing suspect `confesses`

AngolaPress, Angola
Jan 21 2007

Turkish: Dink killing suspect `confesses`

INSTANBUL, 01/21 – Turkish prosecutors say the teenager suspected of
murdering Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink has confessed.

Ogun Samast was arrested after he was identified by his father from
CCTV images taken near the scene of Friday`s killing in Istanbul.

Prosecutors say he confessed after being detained in the Black Sea
port of Samsun, before he was returned to Istanbul for further
questioning. Six other suspects are also being questioned over the
murder.

Mr Dink, 53, was shot dead in broad daylight outside his Istanbul
offices.

He wrote many controversial articles about the mass killing of
Armenians by Ottoman Turks during World War I.

Istanbul governor Muammer Guler announced the details of the capture
in a live television broadcast late on Saturday.

He said police captured Ogun Samast, aged 16 or 17, late on Saturday
on a bus in the Black Sea city of Samsun still carrying the gun
allegedly used in the murder.

Hrant Dink was one of Turkey`s most prominent Armenian voices He was
apparently returning to his hometown of Trabzon from Istanbul.

The other six suspects were picked up in Trabzon and four have been
returned to Istanbul. One was named as Yasin Hayal, a friend of Ogun
Samast, who has spent 11 months in jail for a 2004 bomb attack
outside a McDonalds restaurant in Trabzon.

Three other suspects detained in Istanbul on Friday shortly after the
killing have been released.

Mr Samast was identified by his own father when he saw television
images taken by a security camera near the scene of the murder.

Turkish television showed images of a young man apparently running
from the scene, tucking what officials said was a gun into his belt.

Mr Dink`s secretary told investigators Mr Samast had asked to meet Mr
Dink earlier on Friday, before the killing, Mr Guler said.

After the request was turned down, the secretary saw Mr Samast
waiting on the street outside Mr Dink`s office, he said.

Book Review: Young Turks, old family ways

amNewYork, New York
Jan 21 2007

Young Turks, old family ways
East meets West, and the personal clashes with the political, in Elif
Shafak’s whirling novel

BY DONNA SEAMAN
SPECIAL TO NEWSDAY

January 21, 2007

THE BASTARD OF ISTANBUL, by Elif Shafak. Viking, 370 pp., $24.95.

Elif Shafak’s provocatively titled second novel, "The Bastard of
Istanbul," begins on a crowded street in the Turkish metropolis
during a rainstorm as an increasingly enraged woman hurries over
broken cobblestones in very high heels. With her lavender miniskirt,
nose ring, long unruly hair, propensity for swearing and zero
patience with the lustful eyeballing of men and the censorious
glances of other women, it’s clear that this is a gal Islamic
conservatives would find more than objectionable. Zeliha is 19 and
single; she smokes; she purports to be an atheist; and she’s on her
way to the gynecologist for an abortion.

A somewhat subdued Zeliha returns home to her all-female (except for
the cat) household just in time for dinner. Food is a constant in
this womanly tale. Each chapter title is the name of a food or spice,
and food is presented as nourishment for the soul as well as the
body, and a source of familial cohesion and cultural pride. As Zeliha
takes her seat, still pregnant, Shafak circles the groaning table,
briskly covering a remarkable amount of family and Turkish history as
she introduces each eccentric character.

There’s Zeliha’s enigmatic grandmother, Petite Ma, and Zeliha’s
mother, Gulsum, who "could have been Ivan the Terrible in another
life." For oldest daughter Banu, food is a vocation. Cevriye is a
very proper history teacher. Feride the bizarre has been diagnosed
with assorted mental maladies, and is forever changing her hair color
and style. The Kazanci family does include a son, Mustafa, once as
coddled as a king. But he has been hustled off to college in the
United States in the hope that he will escape the family curse. It
seems that Kazanci men have always "died young and unexpectedly."
Shafak is lavish in her descriptions and backstories as conversation
among the women gets underway, but what isn’t said looms large. Why
is her family indifferent to Zeliha’s pregnancy? Who is the father?

The scene shifts from Istanbul, a mesh of the old and the new, to a
shiny Arizona supermarket, where Shafak presents another harried and
aggravated woman. Rose’s marriage has failed, leaving her craving
fattening foods and sweet revenge. Blond, plump and a bit ditzy, Rose
was married briefly to Barsam, an Armenian, whose extended family
"was another country where people bore a surname she couldn’t spell
and secrets she couldn’t decipher." Now Rose is alone with her baby
girl, Armanoush, and furious with her meddling ex-in-laws. After she
runs into handsome and seemingly shy Mustafa in front of the garbanzo
beans, she thinks: Wouldn’t it drive the Tchakhmakhchians crazy if
she dated a Turk?

Sure enough, Barsam’s family gathers in San Francisco around their
laden table, utterly distraught, and determined to "rescue" Armanoush
from Rose and her new Turkish boyfriend (soon to be second husband).
Barsam’s uncle launches into an impassioned speech about how
Armanoush is the "grandchild of genocide survivors who lost all their
relatives at the hands of Turkish butchers in 1915."

It is this passage that landed Shafak in court in Istanbul, accused
of the crime of denigrating Turkey by using the word "genocide" in
reference to the forced removal and deaths of more than 1 million
Armenians. The charge of "insulting Turkishness" has been leveled
against other Turkish writers, most famously the 2006 Nobel laureate
Orhan Pamuk, who has spoken publicly about the same taboo subject.
His case was dropped on a technicality. Shafak faced a possible
sentence of three years in prison. Pregnant during the trial, she was
in the hospital with her newborn when she was acquitted.

Shafak is an outspoken political scientist and activist as well as a
writer. An expert in gender issues and Turkish history and politics,
and fascinated by mysticism, she secured every major Turkish literary
award before she turned 30. Shafak’s first English-language novel,
"The Saint of Incipient Insanities" (2004), was critically acclaimed.
Her second, a saucy, witty, dramatic and affecting tale in the spirit
of novels by Amy Tan, Julia Alvarez and Bharati Mukherjee, should
prove irresistible to readers.

Jump forward 19 years. Petite Ma is succumbing to Alzheimer’s. Feride
is still crazy, Gulsum still stern, Cevriye still teaching. But Banu
has become a famous clairvoyant and fortune teller thanks to an
invisible djinni on each shoulder – one good, Mrs. Sweet; one bad,
Mr. Bitter. Zehila, still sexy and audacious, is now the proprietor
of a fashionable tattoo parlor. Her 19-year-old daughter, Asya, is
just as mouthy and independent as her mother, and simmering with
pent-up rage about her status as bastard, the mystery of her father’s
identity, and way too much mothering from all the women in the house.
A die-hard Johnny Cash fan with nihilistic fantasies, she has found a
secret sanctuary, the Café Kundera, where she hangs out with
dissident artists and intellectuals, including a cartoonist who has
just been indicted for the second time for "insulting the prime
minister in his cartoons."

Meanwhile, college student Armanoush, disconcertingly beautiful and
seriously bookish (Kundera is her favorite author), is torn between
her dizzy if well-meaning mother (she has little to say about her
quiet Turkish stepfather) and her Armenian father and his warm and
meddlesome extended family. Increasingly curious about her Armenian
heritage and enraged about what her grandmother and others suffered,
she has found refuge in Café Constantinopolis, a cyber cafe
frequented by grandchildren of the Armenian diaspora and others
forced out of Istanbul. Determined to trace her roots and come to
terms with Turkish atrocities, she travels to Istanbul without
telling either parent. Her stepfather’s family welcomes her
enthusiastically (except for skeptical Asya), then listens in
bewilderment to her tale about the fate of her Armenian relatives.
Initially puzzled by the Kazancis’ response, Armanoush soon realizes
that "they had seen no connection between themselves and the
perpetrators of the crimes. She, as an Armenian, embodied the spirits
of her people generations and generations earlier, whereas the
average Turk had no such notion of continuity with his or her
ancestors. The Armenians and the Turks lived in different time
frames." Indeed, as Cevriye sees it, the Ottoman Empire is a
completely separate country from the modern Turkish Republic.

Armanoush and Asya are useful, and compelling, mirror images. Unlike
Armanoush, Asya is scornful of history. Without knowing who her
father is, how can she reflect on her heritage? Like Turkey itself,
she is denied the truth about the past, and therefore lacks a sense
of continuity or connection. Shafak tries to be subtle with this sort
of explication, but she is so intent on illuminating the tragedy of
the Armenian genocide and the injustice and psychic harm wrought by
its denial that she does slip into soapbox mode now and then. Because
of her skill and intensity, however, such authorial intervention,
common in the great 19th century novels, doesn’t detract from the
reader’s appreciation for her complex characters and many-faceted
plot. And Shafak is careful to balance the gravity of her
truth-telling mission with humor, until the shocking revelations and
resolutions of the concluding chapters.

Shafak’s charming, smart and profoundly involving spinning top of a
novel dramatizes the inescapability of guilt and punishment, and the
inextricable entwinement of Armenians and Turks, East and West, past
and present, the personal and the political. By aligning the
"compulsory amnesia" surrounding the crimes in one family with
Turkey’s refusal to confront past crimes against humanity, Shafak
makes the case for truth, reconciliation and remembrance. She also
tells a grandly empathic and spellbinding story.

Donna Seaman is an associate editor for Booklist, and host of the
radio program "Open Books" in Chicago.

Raiders coaching candidate Sarkisian rejects offer

ESPN.com: NFL

Friday, January 19, 2007
Raiders coaching candidate Sarkisian rejects offer
By Len Pasquarelli
ESPN.com

In a strange twist that left the Oakland Raiders jilted by their first
choice to succeed Art Shell, Southern California quarterbacks coach
Steve Sarkisian on Friday evening rejected the team’s offer to become
its next head coach.

League sources who confirmed the move by Sarkisian gave no reason for
his decision. The Raiders had offered a contract longer than the
two-year deal Shell signed but further details were not available.

In a statement late Friday, the Raiders denied Sarkisian had been
offered the job, and said he removed his name from consideration. The
statement, in part, read: "The Oakland Raiders were not ready to offer
the position and wanted to wait until after the weekend as the
organization is still doing its due diligence."

In a separate statement, released by the university, Sarkisian said he
wanted to stay at USC.

"I thank them for their interest in me," Sarkisian said. "While the
job was never offered to me, at this time in my career, I’ve told them
I want to stay at USC. I strongly believe that the Raiders’ job is a
great opportunity for whomever their next head coach is going to be."

The presumptive front-runner for the Oakland vacancy for much of this
week, Sarkisian interviewed on Wednesday with team officials for the
second time in two weeks. He then flew back to Los Angeles, but
returned to the Bay Area on Thursday for another round of interviews.

In fact, the Raiders even interviewed Southern California offensive
coordinator Lane Kiffin, who was Sarkisian’s choice to be his No. 1
offensive assistant, on Thursday. That prompted speculation that the
club was close to finalizing a deal with Sarkisian.

In their statement, the Raiders said that Kiffin had made "no
commitment" to join the staff if Sarkisian landed the job.

Sarkisian, 32, served as the Oakland quarterbacks coach in 2004 and,
while he has not been a coordinator or head coach, he fit the mold of
the kind of coach owner Al Davis has traditionally sought. Davis
typically looks for candidates whose expertise is on the offensive
side of the ball, and who are young and innovative.

A former Brigham Young quarterback who played three seasons in the CFL
(1997-99), Sarkisian has a limited coaching resume. Beyond his two
stints at Southern California (2001-2003 and 2005), Sarkisian was on
the staff at El Camino (Calf.) Junior College in 2000.

In a related matter, San Diego Chargers wide receivers coach and Hall
of Fame member James Lofton, who met earlier this week with Oakland
officials, withdrew his name from consideration for the job.

Beyond Sarkisian and Loton, the Raiders have interviewed current
Oakland defensive coordinator Rob Ryan and former New York Giants
coach Jim Fassel. ESPN.com reported Tuesday that former Arizona
Cardinals coach Dennis Green rebuffed overtures from Oakland officials
to arrange an interview.

It is not known if Oakland will expand its search now or simply work
from the pool of current candidates.

Senior writer Len Pasquarelli covers the NFL for ESPN.com. The
Associated Press contributed to this report.

"Azeri Policy Contradicts Resolution 1416"

A1+

`AZERI POLICY CONTRADICTS RESOLUTION N 1416′
[12:41 pm] 19 January, 2007

On January 23 the PACE will discuss the Karabakh issue behind closed
doors. Former member of the Armenian delegation Shavarsh Kocharyan
considers this discussion important. Nevertheless, he advises not to
overestimate it.

«The discussion is important as it will take place after two important
events. First of all, everyone realized that last year’s optimist as
to the negotiation process was groundless and the negotiations are in
a dead block. Secondly, the NKR adopted the constitution on December
10, the tenth anniversary of the NKR Self-determination Referendum».

According to Mr. Kocharyan, these two events cannot but influence the
upcoming discussions in the PACE. The steps of the Azeri delegation
testify to this. «The Azeri delegation has already made inquiries in
the Ministers’ Committee and is trying to distract the attention from
the adoption of the NKR Constitution. If we compare the NKR
constitution to that of Azerbaijan, it will become obvious that the
first is democratic, and the second is totalitarian. It is noteworthy
that Karabakh gets no aid from the international community for reforms
in the country».

Shavarsh Kocharyan is sorry that the closed discussion will take place
within the framework of the resolution N1416 adopted in the PACE in
2005 which says, «A part of the Azeri territories has been seized by
Armenia and separatists are still in control of the Karabakh
territory». As for another statement by the PACE that Azerbaijan must
stop making militant announcements and get in touch with the
population of Karabakh without any preconditions, Kocharyan said,
«After the adoption of the resolution N1416 Azerbaijan made more
militant announcements. I invited he attention of the Ministers’
Committee to that fact. Azerbaijan must have taken the resolution as a
carte blanche, and this policy contradicts the content of the
document». Shavarsh Kocharyan is convinced that the PACE heads
understand this, and it will have its influence on the January 23
discussion.