New Armenian-Russian Workgroup For Construction Of New Nuclear Power

NEW ARMENIAN-RUSSIAN WORKGROUP FOR CONSTRUCTION OF NEW NUCLEAR POWER PLANT ESTABLISHED

AZG Armenian Daily
30/05/2007

A new Armenian-Russian workgroup has been established in order to
study the opportunities of constructing a new nuclear power plant
in Armenia. Areg Galstian, Deputy-Minister for Power Engineering,
informs that the project of the new nuclear power plant is on its
first stage of elaboration. He says that at present the technical
and economical aspects of the project are being considered. The
next step will be to determine the place where the plant will be
constructed. Mr. Galstian says that it is too early to speak of any
further details of the project.

BAKU: Namig Abbasov: Nagorno Karabakh Will Be Liberated Sooner Or La

NAMIG ABBASOV: NAGORNO KARABAKH WILL BE LIBERATED SOONER OR LATER

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
May 29 2007

Nagorno Karabakh will be liberated sooner or later, even through
military way if needed, Azerbaijani ambassador to Uzbekistan Namig
Abbasov said in the official meeting organized in Tashkent by the
Embassy on May 28-Republic Day of Azerbaijan, APA’s Middle Asia
bureau reports.

Abbasov accusing Armenia of carrying out ethnic cleaning and state
terror policy stated that war option has come to agenda seriously.

"Ten thousands people became martyrs for the liberation of our lands.

If necessary, Azerbaijan is ready to have martyrs again," the
ambassador said.

He said that Azerbaijan is about to lose its patience on Armenians’
occupation.

Deputy Prime Minister of Uzbekistan Ergesh Shahismetov, Deputy Foreign
Minister Ilham Nematov, Turkish Ambassador Kamal Asya and other senior
officials participated in the event.

Tomorrow International Day of Peacekeepers

Panorama.am

13:42 28/05/2007

TOMORROW INTERNATIONAL DAY OF PEACEKEEPERS

Tomorrow is the International Day of Peacekeepers. Our
peacekeeping forces have taken part in international
missions in Kosovo and Iraq. The 7th group left for
Kosovo several days ago. NATO Information Center will
host Michael Melkonyan, foreign relations and military
cooperation department head and Artak Tonoyan,
peacekeeping detachment commander, to tell about
peacekeeping missions and development programs.

Source: Panorama.am

CSTO seeks ways to better secure central Asia

Eurasia Daily Monitor, DC
May 25 2007

CSTO SEEKS WAYS TO BETTER SECURE CENTRAL ASIA

By Sergei Blagov

Friday, May 25, 2007

General Nikolai Bordyuzha, general secretary of the Collective
Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), visited Bishkek May 21-23 to
discuss CSTO plans for the second half of this year and the first
half of 2008, when Kyrgyzstan is due to head the organization.
Bordyuzha’s trip to Bishkek was the latest in a series of visits to
the CSTO member states. In March, he traveled to Armenia and
Tajikistan, while in April he visited Belarus and Kazakhstan. Russia
and Uzbekistan round out the CSTO membership.

Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev told Bordyuzha that his country
prioritizes cooperation within the framework of the CSTO to uphold
security in Central Asia. The CSTO should work to counter threats and
challenges, he said. Kyrgyzstan faces threats from international
terrorism, and now the country’s armed and special forces are
prepared to safeguard security within the framework of the CSTO,
according to Bakiyev (Interfax, May 23).

On the eve of the upcoming June CSTO summit, the leaders of the
organization have apparently intensified their diplomatic activities.
On May 21, the CSTO held a session of its Permanent Council in
Moscow, which reportedly focused on military and collective security
planning for 2008.

On May 22, Bordyuzha told a conference in Bishkek that the CSTO was
moving toward forming an Anti-Terrorist Committee to include top
security and intelligence officials, as well as establishing
Collective Regional Anti-Terrorist Forces. He also said that the CSTO
was also considering creating its own peacekeeping forces, as well as
a joint system to deal with illegal migration.

The CSTO officially views Islamic militants as a major challenge in
the region. Bordyuzha cited Hizb-ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement
of Uzbekistan as ongoing terrorist threats, saying these radial
groups aim to overthrow secular regimes in Central Asia and create a
theocratic Caliphate in the Ferghana Valley. These plans constitute a
threat to territorial integrity of the three countries: Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

Simultaneously, the CSTO appeared to view Western activities in the
region as meddling and yet another challenge. NATO and the United
States are trying to broaden their influence in Central Asia,
Bordyuzha said. "Challenges and risks brought from outside do not
contribute to stability" in the region, he argued. He cited increased
activity by NATO, EU, and third countries as risk factors (Interfax,
RIA-Novosti, May 22).

Bordyuzha also criticized the concept of a "Greater Central Asia" as
aimed at sowing divisions between Russia and countries of the region.
It constitutes an attempt to "re-orient Central Asian states to
cooperate with the U.S. in a new format to include Afghanistan,
Pakistan, and India eventually," he said.

Kyrgyz Secretary of State Adakhan Madumarov sounded more diplomatic
in his address, as he only suggested boosting multilateral
cooperation to deal with modern threats. He also hailed the CSTO, the
SCO, and well as the Commonwealth of Independent States
Anti-Terrorist Center for upholding regional security. He argued that
Russia’s Kant airbase plays an important role in safeguarding Kyrgyz
security.

After a meeting with Bordyuzha, Kyrgyz Defense Minister Ismail Isakov
confirmed that the CSTO plans to form a joint army group in addition
to the existing CSTO collective rapid reaction forces. However, he
conceded differences exist among member states on the issue, notably
between Russia and Kazakhstan, but he did not elaborate (Interfax,
May 21).

The CSTO joint army group would work to neutralize possible terrorist
attacks, notably by Taliban militants in Afghanistan, Bordyuzha said.
The CSTO countries are also drafting an agreement on military aid to
a member state in the event of external aggression, he said. Due to
weakness of the coalition forces in Afghanistan, the Taliban is
becoming increasingly stronger and Central Asian leaders may find
themselves face-to-face with this threat at any time, he claimed.

The CSTO has long criticized the U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan
for failing to eradicate terrorist bases and for tolerating the
trafficking of Afghan heroin to Russia and Europe. CSTO officials
have repeatedly lashed out at NATO’s perceived reluctance to
cooperate with the CSTO in Afghanistan. At the June 2005 CSTO summit
in Moscow, leaders decided to set up a working group to coordinate
with Afghanistan.

CSTO officials have tried to be restrained in their criticism of the
U.S.-led coalition. On May 21, Bordyuzha announced that the CSTO was
not concerned about the presence of coalition forces at Manas airbase
outside Bishkek. Once stabilization has been achieved in Afghanistan,
then the Manas base would no longer be relevant, he argued (Regnum,
May 21). Since Bordyuzha’s trip there have been renewed calls to
revisit the agreement on Manas airbase.

Some Kyrgyz officials also hinted that an increased Russian security
presence in the country could be an option. On May 21 Kyrgyz
parliament speaker Marat Sultanov said that, during a recent visit to
Moscow, he had discussed a possible return of Russian border guard
troops to Kyrgyzstan. He argued that the country does not have
sufficient resources to protect its southern borders, which also
constitute the CSTO frontier (RIA-Novosti, May 21). Russian border
guards left Kyrgyzstan in 1999.

Russian troops in Moldova – Main remainng obstacle to CFE Treaty

Eurasia Daily Monitor, DC
May 25 2007

RUSSIAN TROOPS IN MOLDOVA — MAIN REMAINING OBSTACLE TO CFE TREATY
RATIFICATION

By Vladimir Socor

Friday, May 25, 2007

With Russian troops on their way out from two bases in Georgia, the
international politics of CFE Treaty ratification focuses
increasingly on Moldova. The OSCE’s Permanent Council-Forum for
Security Cooperation special joint meeting on May 23, with Russian
Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov’s participation, reflected
this development. As Russian officials from President Vladimir Putin
on down threaten to scuttle the treaty unless Western countries
ratify it, Moldova may come under growing pressures from now on.

The continuing presence of Russian forces in Moldova remains the
single biggest obstacle to Russia’s push for ratification of the
1999-adapted CFE treaty. Russia can now be expected to grow bolder in
demanding ratification of the CFE Treaty even as Russia keeps its
troops on Moldova’s territory. Russian diplomats also rely on some
European counterparts to agree that Russia’s military presence in
Moldova should not hinder the broader goal of bringing the CFE Treaty
into force as part of the European arms-control agenda. For some
Europeans, that kind of sentiment can more easily lead to concessions
to Russia when only Moldova is involved, once the Russian troops are
out of Batumi and Akhalkalaki in Georgia (albeit retaining the
Gudauta base there).

Russian arguments and rhetorical devices include:

1) Russia undertook no `obligation’ or `commitment’ in 1999 regarding
its forces in Moldova (although the 1999 documents show that it did);

2) Russian forces are stationed `in Transnistria’ (implying a
separate status for Transnistria, outside Moldova);

3) Russia is willing to remove its massive arms and ammunition
stockpiles `from Transnistria,’ but Tiraspol’s authorities presumably
`do not permit’ this;

4) Russian troops must stay on to guard those dangerous stockpiles;
and

5) Russian troops there `keep the peace’ and would not withdraw until
a political settlement is in place (which Russia in the meantime
stonewalls).

Western officials sometimes call vaguely for withdrawal of `Russian
ammunition’ (omitting troops); or troop withdrawal `from
Transnistria’ (implying some change of status; particularly
counterproductive when phrased as `from Georgia and Transnistria); or
withdrawal linked to political settlement of the conflict (the 1999
Istanbul agreement actually eliminated such a linkage, which Moscow
had previously introduced). Such remarks sometimes reflect
imprecision of language, sometimes political signals. In either case,
Russia can well interpret such remarks as an encouragement to keep
the troops in Moldova while pressing for CFE treaty ratification
regardless.

Moscow hopes to exploit the weak position of Germany’s Ministry of
Foreign Affairs in this regard. That ministry, along with a few other
European chancelleries, is prepared to exempt Russian `peacekeeping’
troops from the obligation to withdraw. As Ottfried Nassauer, head of
the Berlin Information Center for Transatlantic Security, sums up
that position, `Germany accepts that parts of Russia’s troops in
Moldova and Georgia can be regarded as peacekeepers on the basis of
agreements with Russia. Consequently, Russia has basically fulfilled
its [Istanbul 1999] pledges’ (Der Tagesspiegel, April 30).

Furthermore, Germany informally leads a group of four or five West
European countries that want to see a political settlement of the
Transnistria conflict before the Russian troops withdraw from
Moldova. However, this approach only reinforces the intransigence of
Tiraspol’s authorities, who stonewall the negotiations in their
capacity as `party to the conflict’ with Moldova (whereas Russia is
the real party to the conflict with Moldova). Negotiations in the
shadow of Russian troops could lead either nowhere (which has been
the case for 15 years) or to terms of settlement distorted in Russia
favor (as almost happened several times in recent years). Moreover,
Berlin’s position gives Russia an incentive to block a political
settlement indefinitely, citing the settlement’s absence as an excuse
for keeping Russian troops in place.

In the OSCE’s May 23 special meeting, Moldova’s delegation responded
to Lavrov in more explicit and forthright terms, compared with the
collective statements of the EU (with which Moldova aligned itself as
a partner country) and NATO. It said, `The Moldovan authorities
firmly insist on the complete and unconditional fulfillment of
commitments undertaken at Istanbul concerning the early and complete
withdrawal of Russia’s troops and armaments from the territory of
Moldova.’

In Chisinau’s view, `complete’ means no exemption for Russian
`peacekeeping’ troops; `unconditional’ means not linked to a
political settlement or to Tiraspol’s consent; and `early’ means not
sequenced with some other, hypothetical developments on the ground.
The United States comes close to supporting this position, as in
Ambassador Julie Finley’s response to Lavrov in the May 23 Permanent
Council session at the OSCE.

Moldova calls for an international mission of civilian and military
observers to replace the Russian `peacekeeping’ troops and open the
way to the country’s reunification. Chisinau has not wavered in this
two-fold goal since adopting it in 2004-2005. However, Chisinau has
recently miscalculated by seeking Moscow’s consent to those goals in
return for far-reaching Moldovan political concessions to Tiraspol
and Moscow. Furthermore, Chisinau negotiated with Moscow bilaterally,
under the pressure of Russia’s year-long economic embargo, venturing
outside the 5+2 international format from a position of unprecedented
weakness (see EDM, April 13).

While its May 23 statement at the OSCE indicates that Chisinau has
(again) dropped its illusions about Moscow, a somewhat different
message emerges from President Vladimir Voronin’s long interview with
RIA-Novosti, published that same day. There, Voronin invests his full
hopes in Putin personally while blaming Russian officialdom and other
factors for not letting Putin deliver a good settlement in
Transnistria.

Russia will likely act on two fronts in parallel: Pressuring or
cajoling Moldova to consent to the stationing of Russian troops while
suggesting to West Europeans that Moldova is worth sacrificing for
the sake of arms control and relations with Russia. If Moldova
succumbs and accepts the stationing of Russian troops under some
formula, many European countries would be ready to ratify the adapted
CFE Treaty and bring the three Baltic states under its purview.
Developments could take a different course, however, if a
preponderance of European countries along with the United States
consistently demand the withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova’s
territory, internationally certified closure of the Gudauta base in
Georgia, and the identification and removal of unaccounted-for
treaty-limited equipment accumulated in Transnistria, Abkhazia, and
Armenian-controlled territory of Azerbaijan.

(Interfax, Itar-Tass, May 23; OSCE Permanent Council session
documents, May 23)

His Holiness Karekin II Congratulates The Graduates

HIS HOLINESS KAREKIN II CONGRATULATES THE GRADUATES

ArmRadio.am
25.05.2007 10:53

The Last Bell will ring today for about 50 thousand graduates in 1
400 schools of Armenia. Festive events will be organized for them in
the Liberty Square; there will be a concert and salute.

The Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II issued a congratulating
message on the occasion of the day of blessing the graduates. Press
Service of the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin informs that the message
says, in part:

"Dear graduates,

We bring our blessing from the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin and
congratulate you on completing your school education. Today you are
leaving school and stand on the threshold of a new period.

Firmly walk along the paths of your live, strengthen the knowledge
and spiritual values for the sake of fulfillment of your kind dreams
and wishes, for the sake of love for Motherland and our Holy Church."

Caucasian Migrants’ Struggle In Russia

CAUCASIAN MIGRANTS’ STRUGGLE IN RUSSIA

Institute for War and Peace Reporting, UK
May 24 2007

Armenians and Azerbaijanis look for ways round new curbs on migrant
workers, while Georgians take most of the heat.

By Aishat Osmanova in Nalchik, Olesya Vartanian in Tbilisi and Naira
Bulghadarian in Vanadzor (CRS No. 393 24-May-07)

Hanum Musabieva, who comes from Azerbaijan, used to sell vegetables
at the Dubki market in the Russian North Caucasian city of Nalchik.

She had been doing this work for ten years, re-registering herself
and her husband every three months.

A new law that came into force in the Russian Federation on April 1,
restricting the rights of foreigners to trade in Russian markets,
put a stop to that.

The Musabievs decided to send their three children back to Azerbaijan
but they themselves decided to stick it out in Nalchik.

To get round the new regulations, the couple hired a Russian assistant
to sell their produce at their market and their family budget is a lot
tighter as a result. "We didn’t put up the prices of our products,"
said Musabieva. "Who would have carried on buying from us? Of course
we are earning less. Now we only have enough for bread."

At first glance, it is Azerbaijanis – who used to dominate Russia’s
market trade – who have most to fear from Russia’s new rules. But
research by IWPR suggests that Azerbaijanis and Armenians are generally
learning to live with the new state of affairs, while it is Georgians –
victims of a high-level political dispute between Tbilisi and Moscow –
who are suffering most.

Currently, 2,500 Azerbaijanis and around 5,000 Georgians live in
Kabardino-Balkaria. There are no exact figures about Armenians but
the numbers are similar.

Artur Bugov, head of the department of labour migration and migration
control at the Federal Migration Service in Nalchik, said the
number of Armenians coming to work in the autonomous republic in
Kabardino-Balkaria has actually increased since the law was passed.

The new law forbids foreigners working in markets in Russia. Other
regulations have sharply increased fines for employers who hire
foreigners illegally and have put quotas on workers allowed to come
from abroad.

Russia’s Federal Migration Service has estimated that there are around
ten million people working in Russia illegally, the majority of them
from neighbouring former Soviet countries. Several million of these
come from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia.

The director of the service Konstantin Romodanovsky said the new rules
made sense for everybody. "People who come to Russia to offer their
labour and at the same time help their families back home can now
have the necessary documents processed much more simply and receive
social benefits for their work," he said.

His deputy director, Vyacheslav Postavnin, argued that the new
regulations had not damaged the trade sector in Russia. "There are
no problems with the markets, the situation has stabilised," he said.

"If prices went up in some regions it happened as part of seasonal
fluctuations."

Postavnin said that the most law-abiding guest workers came to Russia
from Tajikistan, China, Ukraine and Turkey and that they immediately
tried to get legal status to work in the country. Three quarters
of a million foreigners had been given the right to work in Russia
this year.

He said that most of the Federal Migration Service’s concerns were
about Azerbaijanis.

An opinion poll by the VTsIOM agency revealed that only a quarter of
Russians had noticed the disappearance of foreigners from markets.

Leading diaspora figures from the South Caucasus are not convinced
by these reassurances and say the changes will cause social problems.

Ali Dadashev, chairman of Kabardino-Balkaria’s Azerbaijani Cultural
Centre, called the new law "stupid". He argued that the Russian
population was declining and that Russia positively needed new
immigrants, not to make their lives more difficult.

"This is a blind and short-sighted policy from the Russian leadership,"
said Dadashev’s Georgian counterpart, businessman and head of the
Georgian Cultural Centre Georgi Lobzhanidze, predicting a rise in
inter-ethnic tensions. "Before you adopt a law like this you should
think carefully how the people will react."

ARMENIANS ADAPTING

Lusine, aged 32, is an Armenian who lives in the North Caucasian
republic of Karachai-Cherkessia with her family. She used to run her
own bakery but the costs rose so high that she now bakes bread at
home and delivers it to shops.

Lusine, her husband and her 16-year-old daughter live in Russia
without registration papers.

"At first this new law caused us problems, the police were persecuting
people but now everything seems to have calmed down and there aren’t
so many cases like that," she said.

"When the police begin to comb the markets, the Armenians hide and
wait to come out until the police have gone.

"Where we live, attitudes are kinder – except to the Georgians. We
look alike and it’s hard to tell the difference between us. It’s not
like in Moscow, Stavropol or Krasnodar where they stop you at every
step and harass you. We don’t have that. It’s calm here and there
are Armenians working in the markets."

Artur Sakunts, a human rights activist from the Armenian town of
Vanadzor, said Armenians were learning to adapt to the new rules.

"People used to give bribes to stay in the country illegally," he
said. "Now passport officials will take bribes to give out temporary
registration."

Sakunts said the reason for the new law had less to do with migration
than with high politics, "There are political motives in the new
immigration rules which Russia is using to try to put pressure on
Georgia and on all post-Soviet countries so that they don’t turn
towards NATO."

GEORGIANS SQUEEZED

The Georgians are suffering the most from Russia’s new migration
policies.

Nana, a Georgian citizen, has been travelling to Russia every year
for the past 13 years to work. For the last two years, she has been
working as a waitress in a Georgian restaurant in Moscow.

Nana asked for her real name not to be used because she is worried
about having new problems in getting the right documents to travel
to Moscow.

Generally, at this time of year she is already in Moscow, but since
the flare-up in Georgian-Russian relations last year she has been
unable to get a visa to travel to Russia.

A Georgian parliamentary commission estimates that 4,634 Georgian
citizens were deported from Russia during last autumn and winter.

There is no sign of either side moving to end the economic standoff.

Pro-government parliamentarian Giga Bokeria has said that neither the
government nor parliament in Georgia will take any steps to ease the
problems of Georgians wishing to work in Russia.

According to the World Bank, remittances from Russia constitute five
per cent of Georgia’s GDP. The real figures are certainly higher as
much of the money is sent in roundabout fashion.

There are an estimated one million Georgians living in Russia. In
addition, around 90,000 Georgians go to Russia each year for seasonal
work. Typically, these workers come from the provinces of Georgia,
have no higher education and are aged between 25 and 35.

They are the ones worst affected by the transport blockade on Georgia
imposed by Russia last autumn.

In May, Federal Migration Service deputy head Vyacheslav Postavnin,
appeared to utter a veiled threat towards Georgia, saying, "When it
comes to attracting labour migrants it is always better to give the
priority to those countries with which Russia has good relations,
including trading and economic relations, where there is a positive
attitude."

Nana is pessimistic about her prospects of getting back to work in
Russia. "No employer is going to run round and collect documents on
my behalf, I know that for sure," she said.

Armen Khnkoyan, a 35-year-old Georgian citizen and ethnic Armenian,
has been travelling to Russia for six years for work. But last year,
he and his friend were detained in a Moscow airport and sent back
to Georgia.

"No one gave us any reason," he said. "It was just that we were
citizens of Georgia.

"They drive us out of there, they hate us. How can we work with them
if they are driving us away?"

Yet Khnkoyan says that tens of thousands of people from Georgia will
still try to work in Russia because the rewards are so high.

"In six months you can make four thousand [US] dollars," he said. "I
worked on a building site in Mytishchi [outside Moscow] and earned
that much. Here I could not make 1,500 dollars in an entire year. We
barely survive on that."

"Our people will keep on going to Russia to work because there is no
other way of earning money. They will go and work in remote places
where they can do deals with the local police."

Aishat Osmanova is a correspondent for Zaman newspaper in Nalchik.

Olesya Vartanian is a correspondent for Southern Gates newspaper in
Georgia. Naira Bulgadarian is a correspondent for Civic Initiative
newspaper in Vanadzor. This article was produced as part of IWPR’s
Cross Caucasus Journalism Network project, chiefly funded by the
European Union.

Internet Service Market To Be Liberalized In Armenia By Late 2007

INTERNET SERVICE MARKET TO BE LIBERALIZED IN ARMENIA BY LATE 2007

Noyan Tapan
May 24 2007

YEREVAN, MAY 24, NOYAN TAPAN. ArmenTel company intends to renounce its
exclusive rights to provide Internet services, including IP service,
by late 2007, as a result of which other companies will emerge in
this market next year.

Member of the RA Public Services Regulatory Commission Samvel Arabajian
stated this at the May 24 press conference. According to him, now the
commission is carrying out work aimed at solution of problems related
to market organization and licensing. The commission is discussing
with ArmenTel company the opportunity of using a post-payment system
for some phone services.

To recap, unlike ArmenTel, the IP service providing companies, whose
operation was suspended in early 2007 by the commission’s decision,
use the post-payment system (when the subscriber pays after being
provided services).

General executive director of ArmenTel Oleg Bliznyuk said that the
new companies to emerge in the market after liberalization of this
sector have to provide high-quality services, give the necessary
financial guarantees and have a transparent behavior in the tax field.

In the words of Samvel Arabajian, ArmenTel has not yet submitted to the
commission a bid on new tariffs for fixed-line phone communication,
although discussions on this issue are being held. In his opinion,
the sides should first of all reach an agreement on methods to be used
in connection with a transfer to rebalanced tariffs. The commission
representative stated that the public will be informed about the
economic substantiation of new tariffs’ formation.

Principal Trainer Of National Football Team Of Armenia Invites 24 Fo

PRINCIPAL TRAINER OF NATIONAL FOOTBALL TEAM OF ARMENIA INVITES 24 FOOTBALL PLAYERS TO TEACHING AND TRAINING GATHERING

Noyan Tapan
May 23 2007

YEREVAN, MAY 23, NOYAN TAPAN. The national football team of Armenia
will start the teaching and training gathering in Yerevan on May
28. Principal trainer Ian Porterfield involved 24 football players
in the trainings.

Romik Khachatrian and Levon Pachajian who are disqualified will not
participate in the game to take place on June 2 with the team of
Kazakhstan by the Euro-2008 program. The team will leave for Alma-Ata
on June 1.

RA Prime Minister Considers That Some Work Still Should Be Done For

RA PRIME MINISTER CONSIDERS THAT SOME WORK STILL SHOULD BE DONE FOR HOLDING ELECTIONS FULLY IN LINE WITH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS

Noyan Tapan
May 22 2007

YEREVAN, MAY 22, NOYAN TAPAN. The international monitoring mission of
elections, which has already publicized its preliminary conclusion
on May 12 parliamentary elections, is now working at the brief
document. Head of the mission, Ambassador Boris Frlec said this at
the May 22 meeting with RA Prime Minister Serge Sargsian. According to
the report provided to Noyan Tapan from RA government Information and
Public Relations Department, he said that the results of monitoring,
including the shortcomings noticed and proposals aimed at correcting
them will be presented as minutely as possible in the final conclusion.

B. Frlec emphasized that though Armenia has provided the commitments
assumed towards OSCE in the direction of carrying out agitation,
free press and others, nevertheless, there are some shortcomings in
connection with the legal field and in general, with some problems
which have become noticeable as a result of first testing of amended
Electoral Code. These problems need to be studied seriously and
be given efficient solutions. In this issue, in his opinion, the
Republican Party of Armenia having majority in the parliament can play
a great role and assist with making some amendments to the Electoral
Code if necessary.

S. Sargsian said that on the whole, being content with the electoral
process and elections results, the Armenian authorities and RPA making
majority at the new parliament consider that some work still should
be done for holding the elections fully in line with international
standards. He said that after publication of monitoring mission’s
brief report all shortcomings and proposals mentioned there will
be thoroughly studied. The Prime Minister emphasized that it is too
important that the report continue details and have definiteness for
the steps to be undertaken in their direction to be more efficient.

Answering the question of the head of monitoring mission, what programs
RPA has in the respect of cooperation with another political forces,
S. Sargsian again reaffirmed RPA’s viewpoint, according to which
the party is ready to involve parliamentary and extraparliamentary
capable forces both in the government and in NA as far as possible
to form a government enjoying greater confidence. He said that some
negotiations are already being carried on in this direction.