Balance of power in South Caucasus still shifting after Karabakh collapse

Dec 14 2023
By Zachary Weiss in Tbilisi 

Azerbaijan’s September 2023 offensive into Nagono-Karabakh only lasted two days, but the repercussions of the conflict have shifted the balance of power in the South Caucasus. Armenia and Azerbaijan have different military equipment, regional territory, and international relationships since the offensive began that will shape the future of the conflict. Some experts predict that more war could now follow.

Leonid Nersisyan, a defence and political analyst at the Applied Policy Research Institute of Armenia, called Armenia’s reduced military means following the conflict “a painful loss,” that could have significant implications for a future conflict. 

“After the Nagorno-Karabakh armed forces were disbanded, all the equipment they had was handed either to Azerbaijani troops or to Russian peacekeepers.” He continued: “Equipment wise, that’s a big loss because there were several dozen tanks and artillery pieces and some air defence assets, too. The personnel in general are withdrawn to Armenia, except a few commanders who were arrested by Azerbaijanis and taken to Baku.”

In the short Azerbaijani offensive, Armenia lost hundreds of fighters, four tanks, numerous armoured fighting vehicles, 29 towed artillery, four command posts and stations, and more anti-aircraft guns and missiles, according to Oryx, a defence analysis site. For a small nation that relies on military equipment shipments that have been crucial for its defence, the loss of fighters and equipment is significant. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, had minimal equipment losses, losing one tank and one truck.

The Artsakh Defence Army used to function as a buffer between Azerbaijan and Armenia proper, which Nersisyan noted was important for Armenia’s defence. The army was disbanded following Azerbaijan’s takeover of Karabakh, a condition set by Azerbaijan for the war to end.

“There is no Nagorno-Karabakh Defence Army, so that equipment withdrawn to Armenia would have even boosted up the capacity to defend Armenia’s proper territory.” Instead, the forces gave up their weapons to Russian peacekeepers, as the peace agreement outlined.

Not only did Azerbaijan’s military reduce the power and territory of Armenia, but it is also in a stronger position to attack Armenia again, according to Nersisyan. He noted, “They don't have any enemy in their rear anymore.” Now, Azerbaijan can build military bases and position equipment in Karabakh territory.

Changing partners

Azerbaijan and Armenia’s international partnerships could also shift Armenia’s ability to defend itself and the viability of a future Azerbaijani attack, to varying degrees. Nersisyan predicted that the roles of several foreign nations serving as arms exporters and consultants to Azerbaijan would not change, but Armenia’s international relations related to its own defence has already shifted more drastically. 

Nersisyan noted that Armenia had received the vast majority of its arms from Russia after several defence contracts were signed in the years before the 2023 conflict, but Russia was not adhering to its own agreement – due to its own military constraints in Ukraine. In November 2023, Pashinyan publicly accused Russia of keeping weapons that Armenia had already paid for, and said that relying on Russia as a defensive partner had been a mistake.

Azerbaijan, on the other hand, receives arms exports and consulting from Israel and Turkey, which is unlikely to change as a result of the September conflict and its aftermath. Israel sold Azerbaijan Barak-8 surface-to-air missile systems, which were tested just a month before Azerbaijan’s offensive into Karabakh. In early December, Azerbaijan purchased the Barak MX air defence system, which is capable of launching missiles 35, 70, and 150 kilometres. It was a continuation of Israeli arms sales of Barak weapons to Azerbaijan, which began in 2012 with a $1.6 billion contract that included the sale of Barak-8 missiles in 2016. 

Armenia is also preparing its military for more conflict. According to Nersisyan, Armenia is now looking to India as “the biggest Armenian partner in defence” in light of Russia’s absence. In November, it was reported that the Indian company Indian Munitions Limited would supply 150,000 grenade units to Armenia. India also plans to supply Armenia with 90 advanced towed artillery gun howitzers over the next three years as part of a $155.5 agreement, six of which were already sent.

Second is France, a newer partner, which has already begun its shipments of armoured vehicles and radar technology. Nersisyan also noted that the European Union could provide Armenia with non-lethal military aid. Josip Borrel, the European Union’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs, noted in November that the European Union must “be very much vigilant for any attempts of destabilisation of Armenia, internally and externally”. The European Union’s Council of Foreign Ministers agreed to consider supplying Armenia with military aid as a part of its military assistance programme. Although Armenia has previously been denied military assistance from the European Union, Azerbaijan’s attack has highlighted the necessity of better Armenian defence.

While both Azerbaijan and Armenia replenish and improve military armaments for future conflict, Nersisyan believes that conflict could realistically spike again, most likely on a small scale that would only last a few days. He believes Azerbaijan could start another conflict to push Armenia to make arms concessions, which would be unlikely to trigger as wide an international response as the September conflict.

Azerbaijan could also use its superior military positioning to push for control of the road connecting Azerbaijan to its exclave territory, wanting access without customs checks and with Russian troops guarding it. Lastly, Azerbaijan could restart their attacks to regain old Soviet Azerbaijani enclaves within Armenian territory.

More optimistically, Nersisyan says a large-scale attack similar in scale to Azerbaijan’s September 2023 offensive was possible but unlikely.

Villanova University’s Armenian Students Organization Hosts Teach-In

Dec 6 2023

As you read this, thousands of ethnic Armenians are fleeing their homes. News reports claim that the Artsakh territory will cease to exist a year from now, as indigenous Armenians leave their homeland. Villanova is home to a respectable Armenian population, filled with students passionate about preserving their culture, history and identity.

In an effort to spread awareness and cultivate a level of knowledge surrounding this ethnic conflict, Villanova’s Armenian Students hosted a teach-in on the happenings in Artsakh. The Teach-In was sponsored by the Department of Global Interdisciplinary Studies, the Center for Peace and Justice Education, the Center for Arab and Islamic Studies and the Student Government Association. Students also spread the word to a variety of academic departments like the Political Science Department and the History Department, as well as reaching out to various academic centers on campus.

Professor Samer Abboud played an influential role in helping the Armenian students organize this teach-in. As an Associate Professor of Global Interdisciplinary Studies and Director of the Center for Arab and Islamic Studies, Abboud has hosted successful educational events and teach-ins in the past that paved the way for the possibility of this one.

“We are hoping that this teach-in helps Villanovans develop a deeper understanding of the crisis through reference to the historical context as well as the immediate on-the-ground situation that many people are experiencing today,” Abboud said. “The teach-in will help Villanovans identify key questions and issues to think about as they pursue a deeper understanding of the crisis in Armenia and Artsakh.”

The teach-in featured three expert panelists specializing in Armenian history, humanitarian development and advocacy. Students coordinated with members of the greater Philadelphia community and beyond to pick advocates who could provide insight on the topic. The speakers included Khatchig Mouradian, Christine Momjian and Dr. Mark Schrad. At the beginning of the event, the leaders of the Armenian Students Organization, Taleen Postian and Isabella Balian, delivered the opening remarks.

Mouradian serves as a lecturer at Columbia University specializing in Middle Eastern, South Asian and Africana Studies. He also serves as an Armenian and Georgian Area Studies Specialist at the Library of Congress. In 2021, Mouradian won an Honorable Mention Award for his book, The Resistance Network: The Armenian Genocide and Humanitarianism in Ottoman Syria, 1915-1918. Other work of Mouradian’s covers civil war, ethnic cleansing, concentration camps, unarmed resistance, the aftermath of mass violence, midwifery in the Middle East and approaches to teaching history.

Momjian, a member of the larger Philadelphia Armenian community, served on the panel to contribute to the real-life experiences of refugees facing displacement. Momjian has served for the Armenian Missionary Association of America (AMAA), whose mission is to serve the physical and spiritual needs of people both at home and overseas. Over the past few years, AMAA has been committed to meeting the humanitarian needs of Armenians in Artsakh. Their programs reach families in Artsakh who choose to remain in their homeland or migrate to Armenia.

The last panelist, Mark Schrad, serves as a professor in Villanova’s College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. Schrad specializes in Comparative Politics & International Relations regarding Russia, Ukraine, Eastern Europe & Former Soviet Union, International Organizations, International Law, Cold War, Communism and Post-Communism.

From a non-Armenian perspective, Schrad was able to contribute to the panel and describe aspects of history and build-up to the present humanitarian crisis. The organizers aimed to educate the Villanova community on this often-overlooked conflict and bring awareness and empathy to this issue.

“The conflict and humanitarian crisis in Artsakh today have a historical trajectory that is too often ignored in the brief reporting that appears in Western media,” Abboud said. “Like most other crises around the world, the situation in Armenia and Artsakh is presented in mostly sensational terms and appears on our collective radars for a moment before disappearing.”

“Though the teach-in centered on the Artsakh war, ethnic cleansing against Armenian people and their culture, and the resulting current refugee crisis, the conversations and questions covered are relevant to other current and future international conflicts and crises,” Postian said.

Postian also spoke to the importance of listening to perspectives discussing humanitarian aid.

“Listening to the stories of refugees fleeing Artsakh will make you more compassionate towards other struggles of migrants,” Postian said. “These issues are both extremely local and universal and that is why this event was curated for non-Armenians to attend and learn.”

Villanova’s Armenian Students are hopeful that attendees of the teach-in were able to grasp a deeper knowledge of the humanitarian crisis and spread awareness beyond this event.

https://villanovan.com/24330/news/villanova-universitys-armenian-students-organization-hosts-teach-in/

Armenia’s nuclear plant is very important for country’s energy sector, says Vahagn Khachaturyan

 17:43, 1 December 2023

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. During the 28th UN Climate Change Conference in Dubai, Armenian President Vahagn Khachaturyan participated in a discussion entitled "Zero Nuclear Energy".

 Speaking about Armenia's nuclear power plant, the President emphasized its crucial role in the country's energy sector.

“It provides 25 to 30 percent of Armenia's energy capacity,” President Khachaturyan noted.

The President recalled that in the early 1990s, when he was mayor of Yerevan, people in Armenia had been living without natural gas and electricity until the Armenian nuclear power plant resumed operation.  However, their lives changed significantly after its operation. 

‘’The operation period of Armenia's nuclear power plant has been extended until 2026 and is planned to be further extended until 2036. Armenia is already considering the construction of a new nuclear power plant. Discussions are underway with U.S., South Korean, and Russian specialists to determine the appropriate capacity for the new nuclear power plant,’’ said the President and added that he did not rule out that a decision could be made to build small modular nuclear reactors, noting that the respective discussions are underway.

28th UN Climate Change Conference is being held in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, from 30 November until 12 December 2023. More than 70,000 delegates participate at COP28, including the member states (or Parties) of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Business leaders, young people, climate scientists, Indigenous Peoples, journalists, and various other experts and stakeholders are also among the participants.

UN Climate Change conferences (or COPs) take place every year, and are the world’s only multilateral decision-making forum on climate change with almost complete membership of every country in the world.  
The COP is where the world comes together to agree on ways to address the climate crisis, such as limiting global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius, helping vulnerable communities adapt to the effects of climate change, and achieving net-zero emissions by 2050.




Russia blocks Armenian goods over ‘sanitary concerns’

Nov 28 2023
 28 November 2023

Russian customs have blocked the entry of a number of Armenian lorries for ‘violating sanitary measures’, as relations between the two countries continue to deteriorate.

An unknown number of lorries have been at the border between Georgia and Russia, since 23 November.

On Monday, Garnik Danielyan, an opposition MP from the Armenia faction, stated that several Armenian lorries have already returned to Armenia, while ‘about 200 others are waiting in line’.

A representative of Rose Field, a company that has lorries stuck at the border, told Hetq that Russia was barring the entry of the lorries because it ‘trying to oppress Armenia economically. The reason is that Armenia is changing its political trajectory.’

‘There has always been phytosanitary control, either formally or normally, but there was no such problem as the widespread banning of exports’, they added. 

The lorries are believed to be carrying fruits, vegetables, flowers, and fish, some of Armenia’s main exports to Russia. According to Hetq, Armenian exports to Russia have dramatically increased since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, as Russia has sought to replace supplies previously coming from the West.

Russian customs officers reportedly told Rose Field that the order not to let the lorries through had ‘come from Moscow’.

Advertisements

This week, Russian media reported that queues in Upper Lars had been getting longer because weather conditions had limited access to some roads. On Tuesday, Kommersant reported that up to 2,600 lorries were waiting at the border.

On Sunday, Armenia’s State Revenue Committee stated that it was holding ‘regular discussions […] to settle the situation’. 

Once news broke of the Armenian lorries being denied entry into Russia, Armenian opposition groups shifted the blame on to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government for snubbing several high-level Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) meetings.

‘I think Russia is sending certain messages [to Yerevan]’, Artur Khachatryan, an opposition MP from the Armenia Alliance, told RFE/RL.

He added that Moscow was retaliating against Pashinian’s decision not to participate in the Minsk CSTO summit at the end of November. 

[Read more: Lukashenka urges Armenia to ‘seriously consider’ not leaving the CSTO]

Armenia’s relations with Russia have been rapidly deteriorating since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020, with Yerevan seemingly pushing itself away from the Moscow-led CSTO and Commonwealth of Independent States in favour of closer ties with the West.

In addition to the Minsk summit that Pashinyan sat out in November, Armenia refused to host joint CSTO peacekeeping exercises and refused to take part in two other CSTO drills in autumn.

Yerevan also refused to send a representative to serve as the CSTO’s deputy secretary general in March.

Russia has frequently introduced restrictions of imports from neighbouring countries on ‘sanitary grounds’, including Armenia, during times of heightened tension.

In early October, as the Armenian Parliament prepared to ratify the International Criminal Court’s Rome Statute after the court issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin, Russia reportedly held 60 Armenian lorries for a week at the border. 

In late October, after Pashinyan gave a speech at the European Parliament in which he criticised Armenia’s security allies, Russian MPs decided to postpone discussions of a draft law that would recognise Armenian driving licenses for the purpose of entrepreneurial and labour activities. 


Birth rate growth in Armenia: Assessments of experts and citizens

Nov 27 2023
  • Gayane Asryan
  • Yerevan

Improvement of the demographic situation

Improvement of the demographic situation in Armenia is considered a security issue. The country’s authorities, both past and current, have long talked about it and taken steps to increase the birth rate. However, birth rates have only continued to decline. Since 2019 experts have warned of a demographic crisis approaching depopulation. After that, the situation became even more complicated due to the coronavirus pandemic and the Karabakh war in 2020.

According to the results of the first half of 2023, for the first time in recent times, a birth rate increase, though small, was recorded – about 2.6%. In the first 6 months of this year 16,939 babies were born, while in the same period last year it was 16,511.

Since 2022, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, thousands of Russian citizens have moved to Armenia. Experts do not think they will stay here for long.

More than 100 thousand people moved to Armenia in September this year, after Azerbaijan’s military operation in Nagorno-Karabakh. But it is still unclear whether they will stay in their homeland.

In any case, experts declare that the most important factor in improving the demographic situation is to stimulate the birth rate.


  • “Let’s call crime a tradition.” Why Georgia has never been able to solve the problem of early marriage
  • Why is Armenia facing a demographic crisis?
  • Karabakh people in Armenia: stories of people who fled their homes. Photos and videos

Stella lives in one of the border villages in the Tavush region. After 2020, she decided to give birth to her third and fourth child. She says that after the war there was a desire to do something useful for the country. The family expected to take advantage of state support programs.

“It is difficult for a woman to find a job in the village. If you have children, it is almost impossible. And now, in sum, I receive almost a whole salary in the form of benefits for children and I can solve some of my problems.”

She says that the payments are not delayed, and part of the amount is immediately transferred to the savings account opened in the bank in the name of the children.

“We also received a one-time allowance of two million drams ($5,000) at the birth of the third and fourth child. With this money we made cosmetic repairs to the house. It’s not a very big sum, but it helped our family to put some things in order. And, of course, there were no problems with the basic expenses for the children – diapers, milk formula, clothes.”

Armenia differs from many countries in that a large number of people periodically leave for work, and many leave for good. Foreigners do not often move in. An exception can be considered

  • labor migrants from India (only in the first 9 months of 2023 37 thousand people entered Armenia),
  • Russians who moved to Armenia as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war since 2022 (according to official data, about 140 thousand people entered the country, experts believe that only a third of those who arrived have stayed in Armenia),
  • Karabakh Armenians, who were forced to move here in 2023, as well as those who moved before and during the blockade of the Lachin corridor since December 2022 (more than 120 thousand people in total).

All these groups can leave the country at any time.

While demographers used to call stimulating birth rate growth desirable, now, especially after the 2020 war, they say it is a necessity.

As of October 2022, according to the Statistical Committee, the permanent population of Armenia was 2,928,914. This figure also includes those who usually reside here but have been absent from the country for up to one year. StatCom published a figure of how many people currently reside in the country – 2,638,917.

In order to explain why an increase in population is necessary, experts explain that, as a result of the last war, Armenia’s defense structures, for example, faced the problem of lack of human resources to defend the longer border with Azerbaijan.

They believe that in order to solve demographic problems, it is necessary to launch effective programs to stimulate birth rate growth and change the attitude of society.

Since 2020, several programs have been launched to stimulate the birth rate, as well as support young couples and families with children.

The lump-sum allowance for the birth of the first child increased from 50 thousand ($120) drams to 300 thousand ($750) drams. Earlier 150 thousand drams ($355) was paid at the birth of the second child; now this amount has doubled to 300 thousand ($750).

The monthly allowance paid to working mothers increased from 18 thousand drams ($45) to 25 500 drams ($64).

A new type of childcare allowance was introduced for rural residents. Mothers are paid an additional 25,500 drams ($64) per month until their children reach the age of two.

From January 1, 2022 a monthly allowance of 50,000 drams ($120) is paid to all families with a third child or more. These families receive social support until the child is 6 years old.

There are programs that have been launched to help solve housing problems of families with children. Financial assistance is provided to those who have received a mortgage loan to buy an apartment or build a private house.

More attractive conditions are offered to residents of the regions. They receive lump-sum financial assistance for the construction of a house. Mortgage interest rates in the regions are lower than in Yerevan, so many young families prefer to buy housing in the regions nearest to Yerevan.

There is also a program under which a family paying a mortgage loan receives a lump-sum financial support in case of childbirth.

As of October 2023, 2,649 beneficiaries have received government support and about AMD 1 billion 950 million ($4,875,000) has been paid to them. Last year within the framework of the same programs, 3,088 beneficiaries received support worth 2 billion 100 million drams ($5,250,000).

The statistical committee considers it frivolous to analyze the reasons for the growth of the birth rate in such a short period of time.

“It is only clear that in 2022, more third and fourth children were born in families. And this is a very important indicator. Approximately 33% of births are third and fourth children,” Karine Kuyumjyan, head of the Population Census and Demography Department, believes.

Demographer Ruben Yeganyan agrees with the position of the statistical commissioner. He explains that the growth dynamics should be maintained for at least two-three years to have grounds for analyzing cause-and-effect relations.

According to him, the reasons for the growth can be different, including the state policy of stimulating the birth rate. But he warns:

“In the 70s of the twentieth century, England, France, Japan and other countries spent huge amounts of money to stimulate fertility, but did not achieve results. And our country cannot pursue such a policy and invest a lot of money over the next ten years so that there would be significant results and they could be evaluated as a consequence of the state’s strategy.”

The expert says that at the global level there is now a decline in the birth rate due to socio-economic, socio-psychological and health reasons.

In addition, the world population long ago exceeded 8 billion. This means that these people need to be fed, clothed and provided with other necessities. Therefore the global trend is not to encourage population growth, but to curb it.

In Armenia, as in the rest of the world, there is an inverse relationship between fertility and living standards.

“The richer people are, the fewer children they have, and vice versa. Among the priorities for satisfying people’s needs, family and children are in secondary positions,” demographer Ruben Yeganyan says.

Analyzing the factors influencing the birth rate in Armenia at the moment, demographer Artak Markosyan focuses on the unstable situation in the region: “In order to have a child in Armenia today, citizens first of all need predictable, long-term security guarantees.

https://jam-news.net/improvement-of-demographic-situation-in-armenia/

EBRD and Ardshinbank provide fresh funds for Armenian firms, partially supported by the EU

EBRD – The European Bank
Nov 24 2023

By Loretta  Martikian

  • Greater access to finance for Armenian MSMEs
  • EBRD financing via Ardshinbank to invest in growth and greener technology
  • EU complements the loan with incentive grants and technical assistance

The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the European Union (EU) are supporting Armenian micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) by boosting access to finance via Ardshinbank.

The leading Armenian bank will receive a financial package of US$ 20 million, comprising two equal loans, from the EBRD for on-lending to the private sector. Half of this amount will be on-lent to Armenian firms to foster their growth and development, and the other US$10 million will support investments in environmentally friendly equipment and production upgrades that meet EU standards.

This financing will enable borrowers to enhance their competitiveness both domestically and internationally to help diversify their export markets. It will also support the implementation of health and safety measures, as well as the adoption of environmentally friendly practices and resource efficiency. At least 70 per cent of the loan will be allocated to funding green technologies.

Borrowers will benefit from free support from international consultants and will receive cash-back incentives upon completion of their investment projects. Both are funded by the EU under its EU4Business initiative and contribute to the aims of the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) Economic and Investment Plan, which include supporting 30,000 SMEs in Armenia.

The financing is part of a joint programme, the EU4Business-EBRD Credit Line, for which the EBRD provides finance to MSMEs through partner financial institutions, while the EU complements the offer with incentive grants and technical assistance. This programme is also available in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.

Francis Malige, EBRD Managing Director for Financial Institutions, said: “I am delighted to announce that with today’s signing, Ardshinbank has joined our flagship programme designed to make local firms greener and more competitive, at home and abroad. This cooperation with our financial partner, along with the support of our longstanding donor, the European Union, allows us to step up support for Armenian firms. We look forward to seeing more Armenian products and Armenian brands going global.”

Lawrence Meredith, Director for Neighbourhood East and Institution building at the European Commission, said: “Supporting companies in Armenia to transition to a more sustainable and efficient production model is an investment in the future of both businesses and the environment. The European Union is proud to support this new concessional credit line the EBRD and Ardshinbank are concluding today. This is yet another demonstration that our Economic and Investment Plan for Armenia is delivering on the ground.”

Ardshinbank’s Chairman of the Management Board, Artak Ananyan noted: "Ardshinbank is committed to enhancing the resilience of enterprises and firms through the implementation of more efficient and energy-saving practices. With our extensive regional network, a substantial portion of these funds will be strategically directed to fortify SMEs across multiple regions. This streamlined approach undeniably fosters an environment conducive to the prosperity of SMEs, cultivating competitiveness both domestically and internationally. Moreover, this plays a pivotal role in driving the ongoing economic development of our country."

The EBRD has invested over €2 billion in 207 projects in Armenia since the start of its operations there in 1992.

https://www.ebrd.com/news/2023/ebrd-and-ardshinbank-provide-fresh-funds-for-armenian-firms-partially-supported-by-the-eu.html

Pashinyan answers Armenian citizens’ questions for eight hours: main points


Nov 24 2023


  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Pashinyan’s answers to questions from Armenians

The press conference of the Armenian Prime Minister lasted for more than eight hours with short breaks. This time it was held in a new format without journalists. Nikol Pashinyan answered citizens’ video questions, which were very different in thematic terms — the treatment of specific people, payment of pensions and other social problems. There were also questions concerning the country’s security, the signing of a peace treaty with Azerbaijan, and Armenian-Russian relations.


  • “Take aid to Armenia off the agenda” – Yerevan’s appeal to the CSTO
  • “We are not satisfied with many things” – Armenian Foreign Minister on relations with Russia
  • “Entrust Armenia’s security to an American private company” – political scientist

Has Armenia decided to withdraw from the CSTO military bloc operating under the auspices of Russia? There is no definite and final answer to this question yet. Tthe prime minister, who has repeatedly spoken of the allies’ failure to fulfill their obligations, is still waiting for clarification:

“We want to do everything possible to fully understand the CSTO and make our position clear to the military alliance.”

At the same time, Pashinyan is aware that if all the potential for clarifying relations is considered exhausted, Armenian society has the right to ask why the government does not leave the organization. As he put it, “a structure that gives nothing to the Republic of Armenia and, on the contrary, creates additional problems for the security system.”

The Prime Minister emphasized that the government has the political will to make decisions that meet the interests of the country:

“If there was no such will, there would be no critical statements from Yerevan regarding the activities of the bloc. The de facto actions or inactions of the CSTO do not correspond to the obligations of the organization towards Armenia and do not correspond to Armenia’s interests.

Moreover, membership in the CSTO is an insurmountable obstacle to support and cooperation with other partners. We have to make decisions that meet our interests. If at the moment we have made a decision or have not made a decision, our reference point is the state interest of Armenia”.

One person asked how the government intends to solve the issue of undelivered weapons from Russia, for which the country paid millions of dollars. Pashinyan replied that the discussion of mechanisms for solving this problem is ongoing:

“For example, one of the options could be to deduct the amount paid from the Republic of Armenia’s debt to Russia. And this is not the only option. The Russian Federation itself needs arms. We are determined to solve the issue in a businesslike manner and hope the negotiations will yield concrete results”.

A question was raised whether the government plans to deprive Russian TV channels of airtime in connection with recent scandalous incidents and the airing of programs containing anti-Armenian propaganda.

Pashinyan replied that the airing of Russian TV channels in Armenia is agreed upon by interstate agreement. Armenian state structures have been recording violations of the clauses in this agreement.

“There is a clear regulation that [in the content of TV channels] there cannot be interference in the internal affairs of the country, attempts to destabilize the internal political situation.”

However, given its friendly relations with Russia, the Ministry of High-Tech Industry has officially invited Russian colleagues for consultations “to find solutions.”

“I hope that these consultations will take place as soon as possible so that we can resolve this issue in a normal, working, friendly atmosphere.”

The Prime Minister was asked this question from the town of Meghri in Syunik region, southern Armenia. Pashinyan replied that the government does not single out Syunik as a vulnerable zone in terms of security.

“There are also security problems in Tavush, Gegharkunik, Ararat, Vayots Dzor. These problems are obvious, they should be neither underestimated nor overestimated.”

According to the PM, Syunik is one of the most economically active regions of the country. Over the past 5 years the government has invested more than 100 billion drams [$250 million] in the region and is implementing numerous projects, including with the financial support of the European Union.

“All this is done in order to give a clear political signal: all our plans related to Syunik are related to strategic development, welfare and economic activity.”

He emphasized that Meghri city itself is included in the concept of developing Armenia’s transportation system, unblocking regional communications under the government’s “Crossroads of the World” project.

The reason, according to the Prime Minister, is that “Azerbaijan’s policy of ethnic cleansing has not changed.”

“In conditions when the displaced have no opportunity to return to the places where they were born and lived, the government’s policy is the following: to do everything so that they stay in Armenia and do not leave,” he said.

Pashinyan said that immediately after their arrival in Armenia, the impression was that many would leave. There was a large flow of Karabakh Armenians who left for other countries. According to the Prime Minister, statistics shows that then they returned.

“In order to solve the security problem, the Armenian government is pursuing a peace agenda. We have also ensured rather strong international consolidation on the issues of defense of territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence and democracy of the Republic of Armenia.”

He believes that there is no absolute security in the current situation in the world and it is necessary to form reliable security mechanisms in these new conditions. He is convinced that only “de jure enshrined and binding peace” can provide 100 percent security, which he is seeking.

According to the Prime Minister, it is not clear at the moment whether Azerbaijan is ready to sign a peace agreement with Armenia based on the three principles agreed upon during the talks in the Brussels format:

“We cannot say with certainty that Azerbaijan refuses to sign an agreement based on these principles, but neither can we say that Baku reaffirms its commitment to these three principles.”

Earlier, Pashinyan said the following three principles were agreed upon with Azerbaijan during trilateral meetings held in Brussels on May 14 and July 15, 2023:

  • “Armenia and Azerbaijan recognize each other’s territorial integrity with the understanding that Armenia’s territory is 29,800 square kilometers and Azerbaijan’s territory is 86,600 square kilometers.
  • The 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration is the political basis for the delimitation of the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan. In fact, there is also an understanding that the delimitation should utilize the 1974-1990 maps of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Soviet Union. It is also agreed that Armenia and Azerbaijan have no territorial claims against each other and undertake not to make such claims in the future.
  • Regional transport should be unblocked on the basis of sovereignty, jurisdiction, reciprocity and equality of countries”.

During the upcoming talks, the Prime Minister intends to clarify these issues and make conclusions:

“Although there was a statement from Baku that Azerbaijan recognizes the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia, we need specifics on what they mean by that.”

More than 100 captives have returned home, the prime minister said. But he is dissatisfied with the fact that it was not possible to achieve positive results on the remaining prisoners.

“Baku is using the humanitarian issue for political purposes, which is illogical. We express our willingness to be flexible and work with Azerbaijan so that the captives return. We are even ready to exchange Azerbaijanis convicted [for crimes committed on Armenian territory, including murder], on the principle of all for all. We continue our work,” he said.

He said that in parallel with the negotiations, Armenia is appealing to the ECHR and other instances on the issue of prisoners.

Pashinyan did not answer the question about what Armenia is doing to free the leaders of the unrecognized NKR who are in captivity in Azerbaijan.

Siranush Sahakyan, a specialist in international law and a representative of the interests of Armenian prisoners in the ECtHR, believes that the videos were made under duress

When questioned about recognizing Abkhazia and South Ossetia as territories occupied by Russia, Pashinyan stated:

“I have stated several times in my public statements that we fully and unequivocally support the unity and statehood of Georgia. Our position is clear: we unequivocally support the unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence, and democracy of Georgia.”

He also noted a change in Armenia’s votes at the UN on this issue, with Armenia abstaining from the vote since 2019, a move welcomed by the Georgian leadership.

https://jam-news.net/pashinyans-answers-to-questions-from-armenians/

Letter from Armenia

Nation.Cymru
Wales, UK – Nov 23 2023
CULTURE


Deian Timms

Yma o Hyd may have been written about the Welsh, but if there’s a nation that embodies this spirit, it’s Armenia.

Arriving a week before the game, I flew to Tbilisi and took the sleeper train down to Yerevan, hoping Wales could put right June’s 2-4 trouncing.

The workhorse Soviet-era engine clunked and passports were checked on five separate occasions through the night – once on a freezing platform somewhere in rural Georgia, having been ushered off spotlit carriages by border guards and circled by stray dogs.

Sleeper train proved to be something of a misnomer.

Smugness

Stepping off at Yerevan, I trudged toward the centre and arrived to a beautiful dawn over Republic Square. After finally finding an open café, I basked in the smugness of how cool the journey would sound to my Wales Away friends.

After a drizzly day taking in the main sights of the capital, I was off again.

As the first Christian state, ancient monasteries dot the landscape of Armenia. From Gegham with its chambers carved into the mountainside, to Haghartsin hidden amongst the rolling hills of Dilijan that reminded me of home.

But being a fanboy of brutalist architecture, my personal pilgrimages took me to the Iron Fountain of Gyumri(which sounds pleasingly like the treigliad of Cymru) and to Sevan to the Armenian Writer’s Union retreat, jutting out over the lake like an avant-garde modernist Tŷ Newydd.

I met with my Armenian friend Yana that I knew through a previous job in Brussels, who very kindly showed me some of the more inaccessible sights as well as the best spots back in Yerevan.

A researcher and former parliamentary legal advisor, Yana comes from Nagorno-Karabakh (the Russian term often used in English), known in Armenian as Artsakh.

Artsakh is a disputed region, historically populated by Armenians but given to Azerbaijan by Stalin as part of a divide and rule strategy.

As the USSR creaked and then crumbled, long-standing tension flared into violence. Its most recent chapter saw a nine-month blockade and large-scale military offensive carried out by Azerbaijan. This forced a hundred-thousand Armenians to abandon their homes practically overnight in September this year, which has been considered ethnic cleansing by a European Parliament resolution.

When Yana went to study in the United States last year, the blockade had not yet started. When she left for California, she had no idea she would not be coming back to her home.

Now living in Yerevan with other members of her family forced to leave, she says many Artsakh people are struggling in the capital as they face a confusing legal status in addition to the profound and recent trauma of losing their homes and communities.

Employers are hesitant to hire people from Artsakh because of this uncertainty and although those from Artsakh have Armenian passports, they are technically not Armenian citizens and may have to be registered as refugees.

The majority have gone to Yerevan to find work. Accommodation is scarce and some landlords, sensing opportunity, have raised prices. The perception is that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has done very little indeed (to be polite) to help in the wake of this crisis.

Traditions

There is an additional worry that being dispersed throughout the capital – a city of over 1 million – the distinct culture and dialect will struggle without Artsakhi spaces. The wounds are still exceedingly raw, but one hopes that in time groups and organisations will form to preserve these traditions and language for future generations. And hope remains amongst those that have fled that they will one day return.

Thanks to Yana I got a seat in the home end for the match. With the sun setting and people shuffling to their seats, I started spotting other Welsh fans in the stands, undeterred by the previous night’s rough treatment of members of the Wal Goch at the hands of the Yerevan police.

Despite our very crafty donning of Armenia scarves and flags, hastily bought from the market on the walk to the stadium, we weren’t fooling anyone. Knowing nods and winks were exchanged at key moments but staying seated and silent and hands firmly in our pockets, especially during the anthem, was not easy.

Sat to my left was a lanky teenage Armenian boy of about 14 who appeared to be having the best day of his life, his enthusiasm so genuinely infectious that I almost forgot I wasn’t supporting Armenia when Lucas Zelarayan scored a 5th minute goal.

His voice broke as he booed, and I struggled to hold back my laughter on several occasions as he shouted in English “FC crybaby!” every time a Wales player was fouled and a rather cutting “David Brooks: random guy!” at the away end.

A scrappy 1-1 draw led to a fantastic night out with mates, ending up at a dive bar run by Russian hipsters. Many young, liberal Russians have come to Yerevan since the invasion of Ukraine, setting up cafés and restaurants and making respectable efforts at learning and using the Armenian language.

In contrast to Tbilisi and Wales Away’s previous host-city Riga, there is no anti-Russian graffiti around the city centre.

Critical

I asked Yana about this, who said whilst Armenians might be extremely critical of the Russian government or policy – there is a deep sense of betrayal at Russia’s failure to safeguard the 2020 ceasefire agreement, effectively allowing Azerbaijan to freely take Artsakh – there is no resentment or xenophobia towards ordinary Russians.

Most welcome the new arrivals, boosting diversity in an otherwise rather homogenous Yerevan. A refreshing take.

As many fans left the day after the match, there was one final visit, Khor Virap.

Khor Virap is a hilltop monastery frequented by pilgrims, wedding parties and soldiers alike, located on the plain that surrounds Mount Ararat: the holy mountain and national symbol of Armenia, and considered the landing place of Noah’s Ark. Its scale is difficult to describe and at over 5000m high (Yr Wyddfa stands at 1058m), its presence looms wherever you go.

But just beyond the monastery lies the closed border with Türkiye, guarded by Russian towers. Following the Armenian Genocide, Mount Ararat today lies within Turkish territory, and the atrocities are to this day officially denied by the Turkish state.

The call to prayer was audible from villages just a couple of kilometres past the border fence. Also within sight is the northernmost tip of Iran, just 7km away.

I don’t think I’ve ever felt the weight of history quite so heavy in the air.

Further up the rocks from the monastery, an Armenian flag flaps defiantly. Naturally we walk up for a photo at the top. We get in position to pose and I notice something on the pole. A Wrexham AFC sticker. Of course.

‘We left everything’ Uprooted and jobless, Nagorno-Karabakh refugees start from scratch in Armenia

Meduza
Nov 17 2023
3:55 pm,
Source: Meduza

Story by Sona Hovsepyan for The Beet. Edited by Eilish Hart.

Two months ago this week, Azerbaijani forces carried out a 24-hour offensive that led to the fall of Artsakh, the erstwhile breakaway republic in Nagorno-Karabakh. After more than three decades of bloody conflict that included two full-scale wars, Azerbaijan’s blitz offensive on September 19–20 forced the surrender of the separatist government and its army. Following Stepanakert’s capitulation, Baku finally lifted the Lachin Corridor blockade, opening the only road connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia after nine long months. Fearing reprisals at the hands of Azerbaijani forces, Karabakh’s predominantly ethnic Armenian population began fleeing the region en masse. By October 1, Armenia had taken in more than 100,000 displaced people — nearly the entire population of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

For many Karabakh Armenians, this was not their first evacuation from the region. But with Azerbaijan in full control of Nagorno-Karabakh, it seems unlikely that they will return. With this in mind, the Armenian government has rolled out financial assistance and is offering a “temporary protection status” for the displaced, as well as the prospect of full citizenship. In the meantime, many displaced families struggle to find adequate housing and make ends meet. For The Beet, Yerevan-based journalist Sona Hovsepyan reports on how Karabakh refugees grapple with the difficult task of rebuilding their lives from scratch.

This story first appeared in The Beet, a weekly email dispatch from Meduza covering Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. Sign up here to get the next issue delivered directly to your inbox.

“My six-year-old grandson woke up in the middle of the night and cried, ‘Grandpa, I want our home,’” Areg Mirzoyan recalled, breaking down in tears.

Mirzoyan’s family is originally from Arajadzor, a village in Nagorno-Karabakh. They are among the more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians rendered homeless and unemployed after Azerbaijan’s lightning offensive drove them from the disputed enclave in late September. Mirzoyan’s family settled in Malishka, a village 130 kilometers (80 miles) south of Yerevan, Armenia’s capital. Locals provided them with temporary housing: a single bedroom for a family of six.

“I never imagined it would turn out like this. I thought we would go back to our homes,” Mirzoyan told The Beet.

But nearly two months after the exodus, finding permanent accommodations and employment are now top priorities for former Nagorno-Karabakh residents. 

On October 17, during his speech to the European Parliament, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that Armenia had accepted 100,000 displaced people in the space of a week “without establishing refugee camps and tent settlements.” He also added that Armenia needs more international assistance, including financial support.

Earlier, Armenian Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan reported that various governments and international organizations had donated more than 35 million euros ($37 million) in aid through the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).  

Mirzoyan’s family members are struggling to find jobs in the village, where farming is the only occupation. His son, Amran, was a soldier in the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army, but he has yet to find work and does not plan to continue serving in the military. Mirzoyan and his wife, Sevil, are both retired but have yet to receive pensions from the Armenian government. 

In late October, the Armenian government announced that displaced Karabakh Armenians would be granted “temporary protection status.” Labor Minister Narek Mkrtchyan later clarified that refugees registered at an address in Armenia may also be eligible for pensions and other government benefits. However, those who take Armenian citizenship would forfeit the social support provided to refugees.

During the interview, 63-year-old Mirzoyan pointed to the clothes on his back — the only things he could save while fleeing his home during the Azerbaijani attack. 

The family left in a rush without taking additional clothing, money, or food with them. Mirzoyan’s three-year-old granddaughter, Alice, arrived in Armenia barefoot because her shoes were broken. Neighbors and volunteers in Malishka donated new clothes and other necessities for the children.

Mirzoyan recounted how his grandson, also named Areg, was astonished upon entering a grocery store in the Armenian border city of Goris, which was the first to receive displaced people from Nagorno-Karabakh.

“He said to me, ‘Grandpa, look at how many candies there are here.’ The stores in Artsakh were already empty, with literally nothing in any of them. The child was amazed,” said Mirzoyan.

In the nine months leading up to Azerbaijan’s September 19–20 attack, Nagorno-Karabakh was under a blockade. It began when Azerbaijani activists blocked the only road connecting Karabakh to the outside world: the Lachin Corridor, or “the road of life,” as Armenians call it. As access to food, medicines, and vital services dwindled, the region descended into a humanitarian crisis. 

On the eve of the Azerbaijani offensive, Nagorno-Karabakh’s human rights ombudsman, Gegham Stepanyan, told The Beet that the region was experiencing a “humanitarian catastrophe.”  

“Nagorno-Karabakh residents had no access to basic necessities such as food and healthcare during the blockade, nor the right to free movement,” said Mariam Muradyan, the children’s rights officer for the Caucasus at Global Campus of Human Rights. The blockade and subsequent exodus have had a huge impact on children from Nagorno-Karabakh, she added. 

“The government has to look at the individual demands of Karabakh refugees, which is a challenging process,” Muradyan said. The most important thing now, she continued, is that the Armenian government provides psychological help to displaced children and their families.

UNICEF-supported social workers reported in October that Nagorno-Karabakh’s displaced children — who number more than 30,000 — were showing “signs of severe psychological distress” and were at risk of deteriorating mental health unless they received immediate support. 

Mirzoyan said his grandson Areg remembers the recent fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh well; even weeks later, every loud noise makes the six-year-old jump out of his skin.

Despite everything they’ve been through, the Mirzoyan family still hopes to return to their homeland one day. However, they fear living under Azerbaijan’s control. “If we have the opportunity to go back, we will go back immediately, but we can’t live side by side with Azeris,” Mirzoyan said. 

After taking control of Nagorno-Karabakh in September, Baku presented a plan for reintegrating the region’s ethnic Armenian population. However, Human Rights Watch warned that Baku’s assertions are “difficult to accept at face value” given the months-long blockade of the enclave, decades of conflict, impunity for apparent war crimes, and Azerbaijan’s poor human rights record.

Seda Avanesyan, 69, fled Nagorno-Karabakh with her family on September 25 after Azerbaijan opened the Lachin Corridor. Initially, they stayed with relatives, but now they rent a house in Malishka. Avanesyan’s family members are willing to undertake any work to earn a living, but her daughter has yet to find a job. Her son-in-law, a soldier, plans to continue serving in the Armenian army. And her grandchildren, eight-year-old Anahit and 11-year-old Nare, have already started attending a local school.

Avanesyan, who is from Askeran, recalled a time when Karabakh Armenians used to interact with Azerbaijanis from a neighboring town. But now, she said, people find it difficult to trust the reintegration process.

“We had a good relationship during the Soviet Union; we used to communicate and trade with Azerbaijanis from Akna, but now it is not possible to live alongside each other,” she told The Beet. (Akna is the Armenian name for the town of Aghdam, which was left completely destroyed and deserted after the first Nagorno-Karabakh war. Yerevan ceded Aghdam to Azerbaijan under the ceasefire that ended the 2020 war.)

“We were hungry and thirsty for 10 months, but in the end, we hoped everything would be fine,” Avanesyan continued. “The opposite happened. Everyone calls for peace, but nothing changes.”

The ICRC reported that only a small number of Karabakh Armenians had chosen to stay in their homes as of mid-October, while others had been unable to leave the region. According to Red Cross teams, some of these people required medical help, food and water, or assistance securing transportation out of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Earlier, a U.N. mission estimated that between 50 and 1,000 ethnic Armenians remained in the region.

Emma Baghdasaryan, a 20-year-old student living in the town of Armavir in the west of Armenia, assisted displaced families in the aftermath of Azerbaijan’s September offensive and throughout the 2020 war. She volunteers with the Armavir Development Center, a non-profit organization providing the displaced with food, blankets, and sanitary items.

“Volunteering is a form of patriotism for me. I don’t have extra money to help families. It’s the only thing I can do for Artsakh’s people,” Baghdasaryan explained. “I believe that families from Artsakh simply need warmth, understanding, and appreciation.”

According to Naira Arakelyan, executive director of the Armavir Development Center, there is still an urgent need for volunteers. Arakelyan also emphasized that many Karabakh refugees are living in poor conditions. 

“Karabakh Armenians need social and psychological support; everyone is under immense stress right now. The living conditions in the temporary housing that people have rented are terrible,” Arakelyan told The Beet. “There are no beds, refrigerators, washing machines, or other necessary items in most of the apartments.” 

Andranik Aloyan, 44, fled Nagorno-Karabakh along with his pregnant wife, two small children, and 71-year-old father. Their journey from the town of Martuni to Armenia took an exhausting three days; at night, the family slept in their car. 

“We didn’t have bread after September 19. My children had nothing to eat for [a] few days. My wife was pregnant, and, in that condition, we left everything and fled to Armenia,” Aloyan said.

This marked the family’s second flight from Nagorno-Karabakh: they previously fled the region during the 2020 war. In the months before the exodus, the family experienced constant fear and anxiety due to the blockade, Aloyan recalled. His wife, Hasmik Antonyan, lacked access to vitamins and basic healthcare throughout her pregnancy, causing a delay in her childbirth. She was then hospitalized on September 19, during the Azerbaijani attack. She eventually gave birth to their son after the family reached Armenia.

Today, Aloyan and his family live in the village of Getap in Armenia’s Vayots Dzor province, a two-hour drive from Yerevan. Their new house, which they are renting, is unsuitable for winter. Some of the windows are broken, and the gas and water supply lines need to be replaced before the colder weather comes, Aloyan said. “The house is in terrible condition; it’s very damp. We are cleaning it so that we can move in. Right now, we don’t have another option,” he explained. 

On November 13, Aloyan told The Beet that, so far, only he had received a support payment from the Armenian government, which has promised to provide each displaced person with a one-time payment equal to $250 and an additional $125 per month to cover rent and utility costs (for a period of six months). His wife, father, and children were still waiting to receive their respective payments, he said.

Aloyan was a soldier in Nagorno-Karabakh and is still looking for a new job. His son and daughter have yet to start kindergarten in Armenia. For now, their parents’ priority is readying the rental house for winter, and afterward, they will send the children to nursery school.

Having fled Nagorno-Karabakh for the second time in three years, the family has decided not to return. “No, we don’t want to go back. I am scared for my children,” said Aloyan. “We can’t live there anymore.” 

Asbarez: Jerusalem Police Demand Armenians to Evacuate Patriarchate Property

A Jerusalem police officer engages with representatives of the Armenian community


Police in Jerusalem has demanded local Armenians to vacate the area of “Armenian Gardens”—known as the “Cows’ Garden” in the Old City of Jerusalem— and accused them of misappropriation of property.

The alarm was sounded by local attorney and activist Daniel Seidemann who, in a post on X, also added that the Armenian community of Jerusalem is resisting.

Since November 12, a large group of Jerusalem Armenians, in cooperation with the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, are on duty in protest in the area of “Cows’ Garden” and have barricaded the access to the wall, with cars and fences, in order to impede any further illegal construction on the Armenian property.

The Armenian Patriarch of Jerusalem, Archbishop Nourhan Manougian, had leased the area of “Cows’ Garden” to a Jewish businessman for 99 years. This decision, however, caused a lot of uproar; but after a long battle, the deal was canceled.

The Movement for the Protection and Preservation of the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem has released a statement, according to which there is a tense situation at the “Armenian Gardens.”

It is noted that at around 4:30 p.m. Wednesday, a convoy of vehicles presumably belonging to Jewish settlers entered the “Cows’ Garden,” after which the Armenian residents of Jerusalem gathered there and surrounded the barricaded border.

The Israeli police have arrested three Jerusalem Armenians, one of whom is a minor.

The Israeli police allowed some settlers to stay at the “Cows’ Garden,” whose objective, according to the aforesaid statement, is to appropriate that area.

In response, the local Armenian residents formed a human shield and peacefully urged to vacate the area of the “Cows’ Garden.”

The situation remains tense, the statement added.

The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem has warned that it is facing the “greatest existential threat” in its history.

In a statement, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem said the developer who sought to lease some 25 percent of the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem has ignored a letter by the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem cancelling the controversial real estate deal and has started demolition works, and moreover police now demand that all members of the Armenian Community vacate the premises.

The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem is under possibly the greatest existential threat of its 16-century history. This existential-territorial threat fully extends to all the Christian communities of Jerusalem.

Instead of providing a lawful response to the cancellation, the developers attempting to build on the Cows’ Garden have completely disregarded the legal approaches of the Patriarchate toward this issue, and instead have elected to use provocation, aggression, and other harassment and incendiary tactics including destruction of property and deploying heavily armed instigators.

In recent days, the vast destruction and removal of asphalt on the grounds of the Armenian Quarter has been done without the permits from the municipality by neither the developer nor the police.

Despite this fact, the police have chosen in the last few days to demand that all members of the Armenian Community vacate the premises.

“We plead with the entirety of the Christian communities of Jerusalem to stand with the Armenian Patriarchate in these unprecedented times as this is another clear step taken toward the endangerment of the Christian presence in Jerusalem and the Holy Land,” the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem said in a statement.