ANTELIAS: Lebanon army Cmdr in Chief Gen Michel Suleiman calls HH

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr.Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version: nian.htm

COMMANDER IN CHIEF GENERAL MICHEL SULEIMAN CALLS
HIS HOLINESS ARAM I

The Commander in Chief of the Lebanese Army, General Michel Suleiman, called
His Holiness Aram I on November 30. The General told the Armenian Pontiff he
wanted to pay a visit to Antelias soon in order to brief him on the security
situation in Lebanon and the important role of the army in this respect.
However, given that his recent visits had been met with politically driven
interpretations in light of the present electoral politics in Lebanon, the
General informed the Catholicos he had decided to cancel all public visits.

General Suleiman presented his apologies for not being able to visit the
Pontiff in Antelias at this stage, but assured him Lebanon was internally
secure thanks to the direct surveillance of the Lebanese Army.

The Catholicos expressed his deep appreciation of and full support for the
unity of the Lebanese Army, its commitment and courage and considered it to
be the chain of Lebanon’s unity and the guarantor of its strength.

##
The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the history and
the mission of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page of
the Catholicosate, The Cilician
Catholicosate, the administrative center of the church is located in
Antelias, Lebanon.

http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Arme
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org

OSCE Misnk Group Issues A Statement On Nagorno Karabakh

OSCE MISNK GROUP ISSUES A STATEMENT ON NAGORNO KARABAKH

armradio.am
30.11.2007 11:57

The OSCE Minsk Group issued the following statement on Nagorno
Karabakh:

"Prior to the opening of the OSCE Ministerial Council in Madrid on
November 29, 2007, US Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns, Russian
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, and French Foreign Minister Bernard
Kouchner met with the Foreign Ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan,
Vartan Oskanian and Elmar Mammadyarov, to demonstrate political-level
support for the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chair countries’ effort to forge
a just and lasting settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

In the meeting, the representatives of the United States, France and
Russia formally presented a set of Basic Principles for the Peaceful
Settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict to the Armenian and
Azerbaijani Foreign Ministers for transmission to the Presidents of
Armenia and Azerbaijan.

It was noted that over the last three years of talks the two sides
had significantly narrowed their differences through the mediation
of the Co-Chair countries and that only a few differences remained
to be settled.

As noted by the representatives of the three Co-Chair countries,
the joint proposal that was transmitted today to the parties offered
just and constructive solutions to these last remaining differences.

The parties to the conflict were strongly urged to bring to a
close the current stage of negotiations by endorsing the proposed
Basic Principles and commencing as soon as possible to draft a
comprehensive," the statement reads.

Armenian coordinator of IWG denies financing by Azerbaijan

Armenian coordinator of IWG categorically disproves information of
Azerbaijani mass media that the IWG is financed by Azerbaijan

2007-12-01 13:09:00

ArmInfo. Armenian coordinator of IWG Karine Minasyan categorically
disproved the information of Azerbaijani mass media that the IWG is
financed by the Azerbaijani government.

‘That is an awful lie. Neither Armenia nor Azerbaijan has even financed
us’, – she told ArmInfo correspondent. She also added such joint
financing is possible. ‘But why should Armenian and Azerbaijani
governments finance the IWG if they can work with their own structures
– the state commissions?’ – Minasyan added.

To recall, at present the IWG has no financing source. It was earlier
financed by the French department of "Caritas" company, the governments
of Germany and Norway.

Number Of Tourists Visiting Armenia In January-September Increases 3

NUMBER OF TOURISTS VISITING ARMENIA IN JANUARY-SEPTEMBER INCREASES 33.8%

ARKA News Agency
Dec 3 2007
Armenia

YEREVAN, December 3. /ARKA/. The number of tourists visiting Armenia in
January-September increased 33.8% and reached 364,400 people against
272,400 people in the same period of the last year, the country’s
National Statistical Service reported.

A considerable part of these tourists (87.9% or 232,400 people)
lived at their relatives’ places or in rented apartments. The number
of these tourists increased 37.9% in the period.

Only a small part of the tourists (12.1% or 43,900 people) were
accommodated in hotels. The increase in this category of tourists
has been 9.8% as compared with January-September 2006. 42 hotels in
Armenia provide accommodation for foreign tourists.

According to the statistics, tourism organizations assisted 8,300
Armenian tourists traveling outside Armenia, which is a 43.6% increase
in number over the period. Others – 350,200 people – traveled outside
Armenia on their own (38.7% increase).

Opposition Activist Beaten Up

OPPOSITION ACTIVIST BEATEN UP
By Astghik Bedevian

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Nov 15 2007

A young activist of a small opposition party supporting former
President Levon Ter-Petrosian was hospitalized and remained in
intensive care on Thursday after being severely beaten by unknown
assailants.

Narek Galstian, the 20-year-old leader of the youth league of the
Social Democrat Hnchankian Party (SDHK), and other Ter-Petrosian
loyalists were quick to accuse the Armenian authorities of
orchestrating the attack. They claimed that it is part of an ongoing
campaign of government "repressions" against supporters of the
resurgent ex-president.

Lying on his hospital bed, Galstian told RFE/RL that a taxi carrying
him was blocked by another car as it drove through a northern Yerevan
suburb in the morning. He said three young then got out of the car
and began punching and kicking him.

"They apparently also used a blunt object," he said. "One of them
said, ‘If you tell anything to newspapers, I’ll kill you next time.’
But I told them that I will keep speaking up. I promise the people
who did it that they will never manage to intimidate me."

Galstian, who worked as a correspondent for RFE/RL’s Yerevan bureau
until last spring, was hopitalized to the nearby Surp Grigor Lusavorich
hospital with numerous cuts on his head that were promptly stitched by
doctors. Galstian’s head was completely bandaged as he was interviewed
later in the day.

The young oppositionist said he was visited and questioned by
police investigators after the surgery. He said he told them that he
remembers seeing one of the attackers at Yerevan’s Zvartnots airport
the previous night. "They were probably following me," he said,
referring to the attackers.

The violence occurred just two days after Galstian and another SDHK
youth were reportedly detained by the police while posting leaflets
in Yerevan’s northern Nor Nork district that urged Armenians to
"reject" Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian in the upcoming presidential
elections. They said they were told not to engage in anti-government
propaganda anymore and were set free three hours later.

Galstian claimed that they were also warned against publicizing the
fact of their detention. He said on Thursday he is therefore convinced
that his beating was ordered by the Armenian authorities.

The claim was echoed by Lyudmila Sargsian, the SDHK chairwoman. "A
strong government does not resort to such actions," she told RFE/RL.

"This was a show of force by a weak government."

"It’s not that easy to terrorize us. We entered this struggle
consciously and this incident proves that we are on the right path,"
she added.

Nikol Pashinian, the outspoken leader of another pro-Ter-Petrosian
group, Aylentrank (Alternative), also condemned the attack as
politically motivated. "The number of our supporters is growing day by
day, and the authorities realize that events are taking a dangerous
turn for them," he said. "That is why they are taking jittery steps
which will not yield any results."

Pashinian himself is facing prosecution on criminal charges that
stem from an October 23 clash between riot police and a small crowd
of Ter-Petrosian supporters that marched through central Yerevan to
advertise the ex-president’s rally held three days later. Pashinian
and four other participants of the march were briefly arrested before
bbeing charged with hooliganism and assault on state officials.

Ter-Petrosian, who is emerging as the main opposition candidate in the
February 19 presidential election, will lead another opposition rally
in the city’s Liberty Square on Friday. According to Suren Abrahamian,
a leader of the opposition Hanrapetutyun Party, several more opposition
parties will endorse Ter-Petrosian’s presidential bid during the
protest. He said the ex-president will deliver another important
speech that will contain "answers to questions raised by the public."

RA NA Gets Down To Discussion Of Amendments In Electoral Code By Sec

RA NA GETS DOWN TO DISCUSSION OF AMENDMENTS IN ELECTORAL CODE BY SECOND READING

Noyan Tapan
Nov 16, 2007

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 16, NOYAN TAPAN. The National Assembly of the
Republic of Armenia got down to the discussion of the draft of the
amendments and addenda in the Electoral Code by the second reading
in the November 16 special sitting.

According to Samvel Nikoyan, the secretary of the Republican Party
of Armenia faction and the main reporter, a number of amendments
have been made to the draft adopted by the first reading, taking
into consideration the suggestions of separate MPs. In particular,
in case citizens absent from their registration place on the day of
the ballot vote according to the location, they will be included in
the additional list of the electors of the given electoral station,
by being temporarily removed from the list of the electors of their
registration place. The provision stipulated by the first reading,
according to which RA citizens cannot be registered as international
observers, and foreign citizens as local ones, was removed by another
amendment. The provision stipulated beforehand on the financial
encouragement of electoral commissions has also been removed.

The size of the pre-electoral security money of the candidate
running for presidency has also been reconsidered. If 10 million
drams instead of the operating 5 million was defined in the bill
adopted by the first reading, at present it is suggested that it
should make 8 million drams. Certain addenda have also been made to
the article concerning the pre-electoral fund of the candidate running
for the post of the RA President. By the first reading it was adopted
to define the highest possible limit of the means of the currently
operating fund 140 million drams instead of 70 million. In addition to
this, it is suggested to be stipulated that the candidate can conduct
propaganda on the frequencies of TV and radio companies for not more
than 50 million drams out of that sum. The authors conditioned this
addendum by the necessity for creating equal conditions for candidates.

The suggestion of Galust Sahakian, a member of the Republican Party
of Armenia, was thoroughly discussed: to remove the provision adopted
by the first reading, with which the claim for stamping the passport
of the participants of the ballot is defined. This suggestion was
supported by certain members of the Republican Party of Armenia and
Bargavach Hayastan (Prosperous Armenia) factions in their speeches,
grounding that the secrecy of the participation in the ballot is broken
by the stamping. And those, who were for the stamping: Orinats Yerkir
(Country of Law), ARF Dashnaktsutiun and Zharangutiun (Heritage)
factions, ground the necessity of the stamping with the necessity
to exclude double ballot. Galust Sahakian, finally, declared that he
removes his suggestion respecting the opinion of the three factions,
irrespective of the fact that he is convinced that his suggestion
was right.

Inland-Area Armenians Say House Debate On Genocide Resolution Rekind

INLAND-AREA ARMENIANS SAY HOUSE DEBATE ON GENOCIDE RESOLUTION REKINDLES MEMORIES OF LOST ANCESTORS
By David Olson

Press-Enterprise, CA
ews_Local_D_armenian15.29502ad.html
Nov 15 2007

Video: Norma Cosby talks about how the Armenian massacres affected
her family

After six decades, Norma Cosby cannot erase from her mind the anguished
voice that first taught her about atrocities committed against her
Armenian ancestors.

On a vinyl record that her grandparents played over and over again when
Cosby was a teenager, a weeping Armenian man describes how Ottoman
Turk soldiers buried Armenians to their necks and then chopped off
their heads with swords. It tells of fetuses ripped from pregnant
women’s slashed stomachs.

The San Bernardino woman later found out that her great-grandmother
had been murdered by Turks during the World War I-era massacres,
and that her great-aunts had been enslaved.

For Cosby, 70, and other Inland residents of Armenian ancestry, the
continuing battle to convince Congress to call the killings of more
than 1 million Armenians genocide is personal. They want recognition
of what their forebears endured.

"I have to draw the analogy with the Jews," Cosby said. "They said,
‘Never forget.’ Well, Armenians don’t want the world to forget
something horrible happened to them, either."

The Rev. Stepanos Dingilian, pastor of the Armenian Apostolic
Church parishes in Riverside and Rancho Mirage, said he has never
met an Armenian-American who doesn’t have a story to tell about a
grandmother who was shot by the Ottoman Turks or a great-uncle who
died of starvation while on forced marches out of what is today Turkey.

The Turkish government contends that the deaths of the Armenians
were part of the tragedy of World War I, and not a concerted effort
to wipe out an entire people.

The United Nations defines genocide as an "intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group."

Genocide-studies groups say the deaths clearly constituted genocide,
but even some historians who agree that genocide occurred oppose
the congressional resolution, saying that politicians shouldn’t make
historical conclusions.

A House committee approved the genocide resolution Oct. 10. But House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, postponed a vote on the measure
by the full House after intense lobbying by the Turkish government led
some sponsors to withdraw their support. The Bush administration and
some members of Congress from both parties warned of frayed relations
with the key U.S. ally if the resolution passed.

Armenian groups have been lobbying for passage of genocide resolutions
for more than three decades. The House approved a 1975 declaration
calling for a day of remembrance of the "genocide," but the Senate
did not vote on the measure.

Armenian-Americans in the Inland area and throughout the country
are writing and calling their congressional representatives to urge
support for the current resolution. The Armenian National Committee
of America plans to send hundreds of people to the U.S. Capitol
next month to lobby for the resolution, said Andrew Kzirian, western
regional executive director of the committee.

For Cosby and other Inland Armenians who remain scarred by the mass
killings, the resolution isn’t about politics. They say it’s about
justice for ancestors who were killed, raped and forced out of
their homes.

Memories of a Tragedy

Armenians lived in what is now central and eastern Turkey for 2,500
years.

Beginning in 1915, in the waning days of the Turkish-led Ottoman
Empire, Ottoman Turk soldiers began systematically killing Armenians
or expelling them from their ancestral homeland, said Gregory Stanton,
president of Genocide Watch and vice president of the International
Association of Genocide Scholars.

Turkey became a country in 1923.

Between 1 million and 1.5 million of the 2 million Armenians who
had lived in the area were either murdered or died of starvation or
disease in forced marches, said Stanton, a professor of human rights
at the University of Mary Washington in Virginia.

Today, eastern Turkey has virtually no Armenians.

Dingilian’s maternal ancestors had lived for centuries in Kharpert,
in what is now central Turkey.

One day in 1915, Ottoman Turk soldiers shot his grandparents to death,
he said.

His mother, Kohar Dingilian, was only 4 years old at the time, so
the details of what happened are sketchy. But Stepanos Dingilian said
his mother’s first memory was of her older sister taking her by the
hand and pointing at a group of Turkish soldiers on the balcony of
the family home.

"Those are the men who killed them, " the sister said, according to
the stories Stepanos Dingilian’s mother recounted to him.

Kohar Dingilian, who died in Corona in 1996, also recalled being
tied up with rope in a barn and seeing a Turkish soldier sharpening
a knife, presumably for her murder. Her sister freed her and sent her
by carriage to the Aegean Sea coast, where a ship took her and other
children to an American orphanage in Greece, Stepanos Dingilian said.

Other ships never made it out of port, he said.

"She saw ships burning and remembers kids screaming," Stepanos
Dingilian said. "That haunted her. She would cry when telling me
about that."

Kohar Dingilian’s sister and three brothers were forced with thousands
of others to walk about 200 miles to Syria, Stepanos Dingilian said.

Like many Armenians, Stepanos Dingilian will not allow himself and
his family to forget the massacres. He talks of it each year in his
homilies at his Riverside and Rancho Mirage parishes, to commemorate
the anniversary of the start of the killings, April 24, 1915.

The shelves in Stepanos Dingilian’s Irvine home are filled with books
on the Armenian massacres. A seventh-grade history project that his
daughter Kayane created last year is propped on an organ.

Photos in the white-cardboard display show decapitated heads, bodies
hanging by ropes at military forts and weary people in heavy coats
marching through a desolate landscape.

The project is titled "The Triumph of the Armenians Over the Tragedy
of the Genocide."

"We look at it as a source of hope at what humans can withstand,"
Dingilian said. "Even though they killed us physically, spiritually
we’re still around."

First-Person Accounts

Dingilian’s mother told him stories of the massacres hundreds of
times. She said she didn’t want the world to forget what happened to
the Armenians.

Cosby’s relatives were more reticent.

She heard her grandmother weep and pray, and her grandfather curse,
as they listened to stories of the massacres flow from their phonograph
speakers. Yet they told her nothing.

In 1965, when Cosby was 27, she visited her Great-Aunt Beatrice
Mardirossian in France.

Mardirossian had never mentioned her enslavement on a previous visit
to the United States, and Cosby believes she probably wouldn’t have
said anything about it in 1965 if Cosby hadn’t asked her how she
ended up in France.

Mardirossian and another great aunt, Elizabeth Hatzakortzian, had
fled to France after they escaped their enslavement.

More details came through other questions that had nothing to do with
Mardirossian’s subjugation.

"She said her hands hurt a great deal, and I said, ‘Why did your
hands hurt? Did you have arthritis?’ " Cosby said.

"She said, ‘I was a slave. I worked very hard cooking, cleaning,
cutting’ … She said she worked 17, 18 hours a day. She worked and
slept, worked and slept, worked and slept."

Unspoken was what else her great aunt was forced to do. Mardirossian
lived in a harem. Cosby assumes she was forced to have sex with
Turkish men.

"You don’t take a woman into a harem unless they’re used for
something," Cosby said.

Mardirossian also told her about Hatzakortzian. Her other great aunt
was forced to live with a Turkish man, bear two of his children and
keep his house.

Today, Cosby wishes she had asked more questions about the two to
three years her deceased great-aunts spent in slavery.

"But it was such a touchy subject," she said.

Even in the midst of the massacres and enslavement, stories seeped
out of the Ottoman Empire about what was happening to the Armenians.

Cosby keeps a folded copy of the Jan. 4, 1920, Boston Post in a
spare room.

An article tells of "Turkish masters" branding "Armenian captives"
with tattoos and forcing them to live on the brink of starvation.

On Cosby’s wall are other reminders of the massacres and repression.

One 1886 photograph shows Cosby’s great grandmother, Margaret
Arakelian. Cosby’s grandmother said Turkish soldiers killed her but
didn’t tell Cosby much else.

"Many Armenians will tell you that they didn’t talk about it a lot,
because it was so humiliating, and so painful," Cosby said.

History of Conflict

Even before the massacres that occurred between 1915 and 1923,
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire were victims of mass killings.

About 30,000 Armenians died in a 1909 massacre in Adana, Stanton said.

Two of the victims were Lillie Merigian’s maternal grandfather and
great-uncle.

Merigian, 79, of Palm Springs, knows little more. Her grandmother
died in 1913, apparently of natural causes, orphaning her mother.

Merigian’s mother resisted speaking of her family’s tragedies.

"Every time I brought it up, she didn’t want to talk about it. ‘It’s
in the past, Lillie,’ " Merigian quoted her mother as saying as she
displayed colorful yarn balls that her late mother learned how to
make while in a Greek orphanage. "It was too hurtful. It was something
she didn’t want to remember."

Like many people with an Armenian background, Merigian does not know
what happened to many of her ancestors. Aunts, uncles, cousins and
other relatives disappeared from villages and cities after 1915 and
were never heard from again.

Merigian said she sometimes wonders whether they were murdered or
escaped, whether they suffered a slow death from starvation or lived
long lives haunted by memories of family members who didn’t survive.

BY THE NUMBERS

4,154

The number of people of Armenian ancestry living in Riverside and
San Bernardino counties.

204,631

The number of people of Armenian ancestry living in California.

Source: 2000 U.S. Census.

INLAND CONGRESSIONAL VIEWS

Five of the six Inland members of Congress are co-sponsors of the
congressional resolution to call the 1915-23 killings of the Armenians
a genocide. Here are their positions.

Rep. Ken Calvert, R-Corona (Co-sponsor): believes the killings
constituted genocide and will keep his name on the resolution,
said Calvert spokeswoman Rebecca Rudman. He would vote against the
resolution if it were to come for a vote now, she said. Calvert
worries passage of the resolution would harm U.S.-Turkish relations
at a time when the United States relies on using Turkey for supply
routes to troops in Iraq.

Rep. Mary Bono, R-Palm Springs (Co-sponsor): plans to remain a
co-sponsor; is unsure how she would vote on the measure, spokeswoman
Jennifer May said.

Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Vista (Co-sponsor): said the fear of angering
Turkey is unwarranted, according to spokesman Frederick Hill.

Resolutions criticizing other countries have passed, without long-term
consequences, he said. "Congressman Issa believes a genocide occurred,
and he believes Congress should have the courage to say so …,"
Hill said.

Rep. Joe Baca, D-Rialto (Co-sponsor): plans to vote for it, spokesman
John Lowrey said.

Rep. Jerry Lewis, R-Redlands (not a Co-sponsor): has not decided
whether to one day support the resolution, spokesman Jim Specht said.

But he is against bringing the measure up for a vote now, Specht said.

Rep. David Dreier, R-San Dimas (Co-sponsor): Jo Maney, a spokeswoman
for Dreier did not return phone calls for comment.

http://www.pe.com/localnews/inland/stories/PE_N

Armenian Cinema Days Held In Turkmenistan

ARMENIAN CINEMA DAYS HELD IN TURKMENISTAN

Noyan Tapan
Nov 14, 2007

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, NOYAN TAPAN. Days of Armenian Cinema, dedicated
to the 15th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations
between the Republic of Armenia and Turkmenistan, opened in Ashkhabad
on November 11.

The event has been organized by the Embassy of Armenia in Turkmenistan
with the participation of the Ministry of Culture and TV/Radio
Broadcasting of Turkmenistan. The representatives of the Ministry of
Culture and TV/Radio Broadcasting of Turkmenistan, heads of diplomatic
representations accredited in Ashkhabad, diplomats, representatives of
art-loving society and Turkmen-Armenians were present at the opening
ceremony of the Days of Armenian Cinema.

According to the information provided to Noyan Tapan by the Press
and Information Department of the RA Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Aram Grigorian, the Ambassador of Armenia to Turkmenistan, in his
speech attached importance to the significance of the Days of Cinema
in the strengthening of Armenian-Turkmenian cultural relations and
briefly introduced the films to be displayed.

The films "Yerankyuni" (Triangle), "Harsnatsun Hyusisits" (Bride from
the North), "Ktor m’Yerkink" (A Piece of the Sky), "Ynker Panjuni"
(Comrade Panjuni), "Anush Mayrik" (Dear Mother), and "Barev, yes em"
(Hello, it is me) will be displayed.

Fuel To The Fire: Turkey’s Threat Of Using Force Against The Kurds I

TURKEY’S THREAT OF USING FORCE AGAINST THE KURDS IN NORTHERN IRAQ COULD OVERTURN A FRAGILE BALANCE
By Mahir Ali

Newsline, Pakistan
Nov 13 2007

Fuel to the Fire

There is one part of Iraq that has largely been spared the agony
that has engulfed the remainder of the country in recent years:
the northern area known as the Kurdish Autonomous Region (KAR). The
KAR did not face an American invasion in 2003 chiefly because it was
effectively removed from Baghdad’s sphere of influence in the wake
of the first Gulf war 12 years earlier.

Since the early 1990s, no-fly zones policed by US and British
forces prevented Saddam Hussein from having his way with Iraq’s
hitherto beleaguered Kurdish minority. Needless to say, the Kurds
were profoundly grateful. And, not surprisingly, they are the only
segment of Iraq’s population that has collaborated wholeheartedly with
the occupying armies. The quid pro quo has included Jalal Talabani,
the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), being ensconced
as the president of Iraq, while his formal rival Massoud Barzani,
head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), leads the KAR regional
government.

It may be an exaggeration to suggest that the KAR has thrived in the
past four years, but it has undoubtedly been far better off than
the rest of Iraq in economic terms and, above all, it has enjoyed
peace. Last month it became clear that this peace was unlikely to last
much longer, after the Turkish parliament overwhelmingly authorised
the government in Ankara to invade northern Iraq.

The provocation took the shape of increased attacks by the Kurdish
Workers’ Party (PKK), a Turkey-based rebel organisation, some of
whose fighters have taken refuge in mountains across the border.

This isn’t by any means a novelty: the PKK has been a thorn in Turkey’s
side for at least 20 years, and in the past, hot pursuit has often
involved incursions by Turkish troops into Iraqi terrain.

However, similar action today could have more serious connotations,
not least because Iraq is under US occupation.

Although the US, like Turkey (and, for that matter, the European
Union), has designated the PKK a terrorist organisation, Kurds of
the Talabani-Barzani variety are among the Americans’ closest allies
in a generally hostile part of the world. So are, for that matter,
the Turks. Turkey is considered a crucial member of NATO and, perhaps
even more significantly, serves as the conduit for logistical support
to the occupation forces in Iraq.

Even a restricted regional war on the northern periphery of Iraq
would be a severe embarrassment for the US. Hence the concerted
efforts by the State Department and other sections of the Bush
administration to stave off an armed confrontation. The attempt to
appease Turkey included the demise of a congressional resolution aimed
at recognising genocide against Armenians by the Ottoman empire in
1915, an extraordinarily sensitive issue among Turkish nationalists.

In an echo of that attitude, most Turks are in denial about the crimes
committed in recent decades by their state against the Kurds. The
focus is entirely on violent activities – including terrorist attacks
on civilians – by outfits such as the PKK, but there is almost no
acknowledgement of the repression against Kurds and their culture,
which elicited such a response. There is a parallel here with the
Israeli attitude towards Palestinians. And, not surprisingly, ties
between the Israeli and Turkish states have long been cordial, and on
occasion collaborative. It has strongly been rumoured, for instance,
that Mossad helped Turkish military intelligence in capturing PKK
leader Abdullah Ocalan in Kenya in 1999.

Ocalan was condemned to death by a Turkish court, but the sentence
was subsequently commuted to life imprisonment – chiefly because
Turkey is keen to be accepted as a member by the European Union (EU)
and could ill afford further blemishes on its chequered human rights
record. The EU attraction may also play a role in averting a serious
conflagration this time around.

There were also indications that the government of Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan wasn’t particularly keen on a military adventure, but
came under strong pressure from public opinion as well as the nation’s
powerful army, which has always detested Erdogan and his Justice and
Development Party (AKP) because of their Islamist past. It is therefore
possible that the vituperative rhetoric from Erdogan and President
Abdullah Gul – another AKP stalwart – was intended in part to gain
themselves some breathing space. Although they frequently threatened
war, they simultaneously made an effort to give diplomacy a chance,
and this included a vigorous dialogue with Baghdad and Washington.

The trouble is, neither Baghdad nor Washington is in a position to do
much about the PKK. There are no Iraqi government forces in the KAR,
and any influx would be deeply resented and quite possibly resisted by
all Kurds. The US can hardly afford to deploy troops from other parts
of Iraq to the Kurdish border region, given the security situation in
the rest of the country. Nor does it have any inclination to alienate
the Kurds. It has leaned on Talabani and Barzani to take action against
the PKK, but neither of them has an appetite for internecine Kurdish
strife. And doubts were anyhow expressed about the ability of their
peshmerga forces to take on the PKK. Hence the two presidents issued
appeals requesting the PKK to give up violence and abandon its bases,
but also insisted that the question of handing over any rebels –
"or even a Kurdish cat" – to Turkey did not arise.

On the face of it, there is little love lost between the PUK and
the KDP on the one hand and the PKK on the other: the latter’s
propaganda, for instance, contains references to scientific socialism
and derides those who have chosen to collaborate with the world’s
largest capitalist power. On the other hand, most Kurds, regardless
of their ideological bent or alliances of convenience, continue to
nurture dreams of an independent Kurdistan. This is by no means an
unjust aspiration: at 45 million, they constitute the world’s largest
ethnic group without a nation-state. Although the PKK is purportedly
no longer a separatist organisation and seeks no more than equal rights
within Turkey for its Kurdish population, there can be little question
that Kurds everywhere have been enormously buoyed by the establishment
of the KAR and look upon it as the nucleus of a future Kurdistan.

Turkey, which does not recognise the autonomous region yet has invested
heavily in its infrastructure, is well aware of the dilemma posed by
the possible disintegration of Iraq. Its concerns are shared to some
extent by Iran and Syria, both of which host Kurdish minorities.

There is, in this context, an interesting anomaly that deserves
at least mention. The Party for Free Life in Kurdistan (PJAK), the
similarities of whose platform with the PKK extend to its allegiance
to Ocalan, happens also to be engaged in very similar activities. Yet
not only has the PJAK failed to attract the terrorist tag, it also
keeps in touch with US officials, and its leader is said to have
visited Washington. It owes these privileges to the simple fact that
its operations are directed against a different Iraqi neighbour,
namely Iran.

Such double standards are, of course, all too common in US foreign
policy. At the same time, the Americans ought to be well aware that
in the wake of extended Turkish incursions into Iraq, Iran may well
be tempted to follow suit. In which case, would Syria stay out of
the fray?

The Kurdish question has rarely attracted much attention on the
international level, even though it’s not hard to see that, whatever
one’s opinion of their methods, the various Kurdish groups that have
engaged over the decades in a struggle for autonomy or independence
have shared a broad cause that is neither unnatural nor particularly
unreasonable. In an ideal world, it would have been possible for the
four states with Kurdish minorities to agree on ceding appropriate
proportions of their territory to contribute towards the creation of
a coherent Kurdistan, thereby righting one of the innumerable wrongs
perpetrated by colonial mapmakers.

Unfortunately, that is not how nation-states behave in the real
world. Instead, each of the countries, under various regimes, has
exploited the Kurds for its own purposes while steadily denying their
aspirations towards independent nationhood and, in the process, often
resorting to outrageous levels of repression. Saddam Hussein was a
major culprit in this respect, but by no means the only one. It would,
meanwhile, also be unwise to overlook the fact that the American
alliance with Iraqi Kurds is, from Washington’s point of view,
intended primarily to serve strategic US interests. Had it not been
for Turkey’s inflexibility, the US may actually have been inclined
towards supporting the establishment of Kurdistan in some form,
provided the dominant Kurdish leadership was willing to pledge its
allegiance and to keep at bay the semi-Marxist tendencies of the
various groups that have over the decades spearheaded the Kurds’
struggle for self-determination.

It has hitherto been argued, however, that a potential Kurdistan,
inevitably landlocked, would be economically unviable. The KAR
administration is currently seeking to redress this problem: it has
pinned its hopes on incorporating into the autonomous entity the
neighbouring region of Kirkuk, which holds about 40% of Iraq’s crude
oil reserves. The area is said to have been depopulated of Kurds under
Saddam, who encouraged Arabs from central and southern Iraq to settle
there. The trend is now being reversed, with monetary incentives,
by the KAR regime, ahead of a referendum on the future of Kirkuk that
has been written into occupied Iraq’s constitution.

The prospect of Kirkuk’s incorporation into the KAR is likely to be
opposed, and quite possibly resisted, by Iraqi Arabs.

The opposition from Turkey will be no less vehement: Ankara is
disinclined to endorse any development that contributes to the
viability of an independent Kurdish state.

Turkey, of course, faces many problems of its own, not the least of
which is a legacy of nationalism that all too frequently manifests
itself in unpalatable forms. Somewhat ironically, the ex-Islamists
under Erdogan represent a relatively moderate trend in this respect,
and it is not surprising that the AKP’s comfortable majority is based
in part on a substantial Kurdish vote. However, the influence of the
secular but profoundly nationalistic military on political affairs
has not so far diminished appreciably. This appears to be one of the
main driving forces between the government’s belligerent rhetoric,
and by the end of October, there were an estimated 100,000 Turkish
troops amassed on the border with Iraq, ostensibly preparing to take
on no more than 3,000 PKK guerrillas.

This is clearly a case of a historically complex situation being
further complicated by the overwhelmingly disastrous US occupation
of Iraq. Whatever shape events may take in the short term, it is
extremely difficult, in the given circumstances, to envisage a happy
ending for any of the parties concerned.

/viewnov2007.htm

http://www.newsline.com.pk/NewsNov2007

External Shocks Cause 3% Inflation In Armenia

EXTERNAL SHOCKS CAUSE 3% INFLATION IN ARMENIA

ARKA News Agency, Armenia
Nov 13 2007

YEREVAN, November 13. /ARKA/. 1.2% deflation could have been recorded
in Armenia in October 2007 if not external shocks, as a result of
which 3% inflation took place in Armenia.

Refinancing interest rate in October 2007 totaled 5.7% against October
2006 or 1.4% including external factors, the Central Bank of Armenia
(CBA) reports.

Rise of market prices in Armenia is mainly conditioned by external
factors. Particularly, prices for bread made products, vegetable oil
and ghee increased by 21% and 31% correspondingly in June-October.

This caused 3.1pct and 1.3pct inflation correspondingly.

The CBA Board calls abrupt price fluctuations an external shock which
is impossible to overcome by monetary measures.

The CBA Board believes the external inflation pressure should be
overcome, as the latter, together with high temps of consumption
and large-scaled expenditures, will cause inflation in the coming
twelve months.

In this connection, the CBA plans to implement a new monetary
policy.During its sitting on November 2, the CBA Board made a decision
to raise the annual refinancing interest rate by 0,25pct to 5.25%.

Annual deposit rates and collateral loans now total 2.25% and 8.25%
correspondingly. 4% (±1.5%) inflation is planned by the RA state
budget in 2007.

The CBA notifies that inflation risks caused by external factors
occur all over the world.

–Boundary_(ID_X4qEp1M590nt3bphOQhhMQ)–