Armenian Community Steps Up Resistance to Land Deal as Xana Gardens Intensifies Violent Takeover Efforts November 17, 2023

     Nov 17 2023
Arda Aghazarian


With speed and determination, the Armenian community of Jerusalem has organized itself to stand up to Israeli attempts to seize historic and vital Armenian communal property.

Jerusalem Story has published several stories about the standoff between Israel and Jerusalem’s Armenian community regarding control of Armenian church property. Since that reporting earlier in November, aggressive moves by Israeli entities have forced the Armenian community to respond quickly and collectively to defend their rights. At stake is not only the rights of the Armenian community but also the very presence of the Christian community in Jerusalem. 

The Armenian property at the center of this drama is estimated to extend over 11,500 square meters, which makes up 25 percent of the Armenian Quarter of the Old City.1 Since 2021, the hotel development company Xana Gardens Ltd. has claimed that through an agreement with the Armenian Patriarchate, it now has the right to develop it.

However, over the summer, a delegation of Armenian local and international lawyers2 was finally able to obtain the contract, and they discovered a number of serious irregularities.

On November 1, 2023, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem announced that on October 26, 2023, it informed Xana Gardens Ltd. of its decision to cancel the 2021 agreement it had signed with the company regarding the property.

The Patriarchate said that an extensive legal review post-signing found that the contract had been unlawful, falsely represented, and with undue influence, and that it disregards the Patriarchate’s legal position.3 Moreover, its legal team filed a case in Israel courts to cancel the agreement on October 31, 2023.

Spiralling Out of Control

On November 5, Xana Gardens majority shareholder Danny Rothman/Rubinstein, an Australian-Jewish investor, and his deputy, Israeli Palestinian citizen George Warwar, brought in about 15 settlers armed with assault rifles and trained attack dogs to provoke, harass, and intimidate the Armenian community—as well as to create facts on the ground.

At least one person present among the settlers, an investigation by The New Arab found, is a known extremist member of the Israeli settlement movement who identifies himself as a “hilltop settlement activist,” is associated with right-wing Israeli Minister of National Security, Itamar Gen-Gvir, and had previously been placed in administrative detention by Israel in 2005.4

About a week later, Armenians were shocked to see bulldozers in the area. Because the case has not yet been decided in the courts, the company has no legal standing to do anything in the area. Yet the Xana bulldozers proceeded to demolish parts of the Armenian Quarter’s parking lot area and threatened to cause more harm.

Demolitions Underway

On Sunday, November 12, 2023, a Xana Gardens bulldozer attempted to demolish a stone wall by the Armenian parking lot. The Armenian community immediately organized themselves and set up a barricade to block access to the site.

At 7:00 a.m. the next day, two bulldozers showed up and attempted to tear down the barricade. They were confronted by community members who created a human fence, preventing the bulldozers from moving.

The community members were joined by the Patriarch, and again they erected a tent to maintain a physical presence on the site.

Substantial Escalation

Despite the valiant efforts of Armenian community members, some of the area has been bulldozed, and more settlers with heavy arms showed up.

On Wednesday, November 15, things got especially tense when around 20 Israeli police forces showed up. Although the community argued that no legal decision had been made about the property and no permits had been secured for the demolition work, the police demanded the premises be vacated and threatened that they would detain and arrest the community members. They then did in fact detain three people—one of them a minor—for answering back to them, presumably to intimidate the group; the three were soon released. The two adults were ordered to stay away from the site for 15 days.5

Hagop Djernazian, an active member of the Armenian community and a spokesperson on this issue, has noted that the Israeli police has been cooperating with the company to remove the community members and take possession of the land. In a public statement dated November 17, he described the armed people who barged into the area as “mafia” that were hired to harm and provoke the community members and priests.

Urgent Pleas

On November 16, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem released an urgent communique, saying “The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem is under possibly the greatest existential threat of its 16-century history,” which “fully extends to all the Christian communities of Jerusalem.” The statement concluded, “We plead with the entirety of the Christian communities of Jerusalem to stand with the Armenian Patriarchate in these unprecedented times as this is another clear step taken toward the endangerment of the Christian presence in Jerusalem and the holy land.”6

On November 17, the Armenian National Committee issued a statement on the matter:

Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem

On November 18, 2023, the Patriarchs and Heads of the Churches in Jerusalem added their voice with another communique, which stated, in part:

As of this time, the community intends to guard the land with their own physical presence around the clock. Several community members made it a point to sleep on the site. Worried and exhausted, they nevertheless have found great strength in working collectively to protect the area. They have been providing tea, coffee, soups, and food—and have even been organizing leisurely activities (such as playing UNO and having informal lectures) to keep each other company during this difficult time. They have also set up an online fundraiser to gather resources for legal and organizing expenses to raise awareness about this urgent issue.

The creative and ingenious ways in which the Armenians have been organizing themselves offers a lesson in the power of collective work. Meanwhile, there is still much anxiety and deep concern about the dire consequences of losing this property: It would deny the community members access to and use of their land, eliminate their only remaining parking space inside the Old City, and even displace some residents from their homes. It would also insert a much-coveted link between West Jerusalem and the Jewish Quarter of the Old City.

Most importantly, it would eradicate the unique character of this important part of the city and erase the significant history and presence of its people.


https://www.jerusalemstory.com/en/article/armenian-community-steps-resistance-land-deal-xana-gardens-intensifies-violent-takeover

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 21-11-23

 16:45, 21 November 2023

YEREVAN, 21 NOVEMBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 21 November, USD exchange rate up by 0.36 drams to 402.56 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 1.20 drams to 440.64 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.03 drams to 4.58 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 3.39 drams to 505.01 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price down by 136.91 drams to 25480.10 drams. Silver price down by 7.62 drams to 302.66 drams.

US to provide over $4 million in aid for those affected by Nagorno-Karabakh crisis

The Straits Times, Singapore
Nov 21 2023

WASHINGTON – The United States will provide over $4.1 million in aid for people affected by the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States Agency for International Development said in a statement, after Azerbaijan's recapture of the region prompted a mass exodus of Armenians.

Azerbaijan and Armenia have been at odds for decades, most notably over the breakaway Azerbaijani region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which Baku's forces recaptured in September, prompting a mass exodus of most of the region's 120,000 ethnic Armenians to neighboring Armenia.

USAID said the additional aid, which has not been previously reported, will support efforts to provide assistance for almost 74,000 refugees and displaced people from the region who are sheltering in Armenia.

The aid will increase food assistance and provide humanitarian protection and emergency shelter, according to the statement.

The additional aid will bring the total U.S. humanitarian assistance for the Nagorno-Karabakh response to nearly $28 million since 2020, according to the statement.

"The U.S. stands with civilians affected by Azerbaijan’s military operation and supports the Armenian government’s efforts to help those in need," the statement read.

The two Caucasian countries have been in conflict most notably over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan but largely populated and controlled by ethnic Armenians with Yerevan's support until Baku recaptured it in September.

USAID chief Samantha Power traveled to Armenia and Azerbaijan in September following Azerbaijan's defeat of the breakaway region's fighters in the conflict dating from the Soviet era.

"We are incredibly grateful to the Armenian government and the Armenian people for opening their homes and their hearts to the displaced. We will continue to stand with them throughout this crisis," Power said.

The Armenians of Karabakh – part of Azerbaijan that had been beyond Baku's control since the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union – began fleeing after their forces were routed in the operation by Azerbaijan's military. REUTERS

After Indian MLRS, Anti-Drone System, France Supplies Armored Vehicles To Armenia Planned For Ukraine

Nov 20 2023

After making it clear that France will not be sitting on the sidelines as war ravages Caucasian countries, French-made armored vehicles have reportedly been delivered to Armenia instead of Ukraine, as initially intended. France is now home to Europe’s most prominent Armenian diaspora community.

Armenia’s bolstered defense ties with the West and India have come at a time when it is decoupling with Russia, which remains preoccupied with its invasion of Ukraine. Most recently, Yerevan decided against attending events of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) because it received no aid that it had requested during an Azerbaijani military incursion on its sovereign territory in May 2021.

The CSTO is a Russia-led inter-governmental security alliance of six post-Soviet states. The other members of CSTO, formed in 2002, are Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

According to a French media outlet, “The first confirmed delivery (to Armenia) is of Bastion light armored vehicles manufactured by the equipment manufacturer Arquus. The Bastion can carry a battle group of eight soldiers, protecting against small arms fire and mines.”

The report indicated that France could also supply 50 VAB MK3 armored vehicles manufactured by Renault Trucks Defense. It provides armed forces with high-level protection and multi-mission capabilities.

Georgian authorities confirmed that France dispatched ACMAT Bastion armored personnel carriers to Armenia via the Port of Poti, also verified by APM Terminals Poti to RFE/RL’s Georgian service.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry spokesman, Ayhan Hajizadeh, strongly criticized France’s supply of armored vehicles to Armenia. He expressed concern that this equipment transfer would bolster Armenia’s military strength.

The Bastion armored personnel carriers were initially intended to be supplied to Ukraine. But Kyiv rejected the 12.5-ton vehicles, contending they would be inadequately protected against artillery and anti-tank missiles. La Tribune had previously disclosed France’s plans to provide Kyiv with 20 Bastion vehicles in October 2022.

Following the declaration to bulwark Armenian defenses in October 2023, France has inked the deals for supplying Thales-manufactured Ground Master 200 (GM200) radars and signed a memorandum of understanding to deliver the Mistral short-range air defense system. According to France’s Ministry of the Armed Forces, a second contract was for Yerevan to acquire night vision goggles and equipment manufactured by Safran.

Speaking to reporters, French Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu said that Armenia would buy three Ground Master 200 (GM200) radar systems from the French defense group Thales without providing financial details. The system, already used in Ukraine, is known for its “remarkable detection capabilities,” Lecornu asserted at a press conference alongside Armenian Defense Minister Suren Papikyan.

In the coming months, the French government will send a French military official to act as a defense consultant for the Armenian executive branch on issues such as armed forces training, Lecornu said. France will be training Armenian soldiers and helping Yerevan audit Armenia’s air defense to identify blind spots.

Armenia has almost doubled its defense investments over the last year. In 2022, the spending was around US$700 million to US$800 million; now, in 2024, it will be US$1.4 billion or US $1.5 billion.

Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict

The defense contracts with India alone account for a billion dollars. In the latest order, as reported by the EurAsian Times, Armenia contracted Zen Technologies for INR340 crore (US$41.5 million) for the anti-drone system that includes both training solutions and the system.

Armenia, a small landlocked nation nestled in the South Caucasus region of Eurasia, has emerged as a strategic partner for India. In 2022, when India inked the deal to supply Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers (MBRL), anti-tank munitions, and ammunition worth US$250 million to Armenia, it was seen as New Delhi taking a position in the conflict. It was the first export of PINAKA by India.

Armenia opted for Pinaka MBRLs, considered at par with the American HIMARs, for its shoot and scoot capability. The mobility is an advantage as adversary Azerbaijan has been deploying drones, including suicide drones.

For some time now, Yerevan has sought to diversify its arms imports and find new allies after Russia failed to provide the country with ordered weapons worth around US$400 million (it has not yet returned the money).

The failed arms deal was an additional trigger in the worsening Russia-Armenia relations, which made Armenia seek to diversify the sources of its arms imports, looking at the West and India.

The European Union has also discussed providing non-lethal military aid to Armenia. During its November 13 meeting, the EU Foreign Affairs Council deliberated on enhancing the EU monitoring mission by sending more observers and patrols to the Armenian border. The Council emphasized vigilance against destabilization in Armenia and warned Azerbaijan against compromising its territorial integrity.

Armenia stopped participating in CSTO events after the 2020 war when the CSTO said that Nagorno-Karabakh was not a sovereign part of Armenia and the organization had no mandate to deal with such issues.

The Armenian government has said, “Azerbaijani troops entered the sovereign territory of Armenia in May 2021. We turned to the CSTO for help and have not received it until now,” Secretary of the Armenian Security Council Armen Grigoryan said on November 15.

  • Ritu Sharma has been a journalist for over a decade, writing on defense, foreign affairs, and nuclear technology.
https://www.eurasiantimes.com/france-supplies-armored-vehicles-to-armenia-planned/

OSCE PA President, Secretary General visit temporary shelter of forcibly displaced persons of Nagorno-Karabakh

 11:26,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 18, ARMENPRESS. OSCE Parliamentary Assembly President Pia Kauma and OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Secretary General Roberto Montella, together with Armenia’s Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan, have visited a temporary shelter for forcibly displaced persons of Nagorno-Karabakh in Abovyan city, Kotayk Province.

The Kotayk governor and Abovyan mayor accompanied the officials during the trip. The officials inspected the shelter, spoke to the forcibly displaced persons and examined the issues concerning their living conditions, needs assessment and provision of essentials.

The protection of the rights of vulnerable groups, including children, elderly and persons with disabilities was under the spotlight. 

The forcibly displaced persons presented to the visiting officials their sufferings during the Azeri military attack, as well as the preceding blockade of Lachin Corridor, the mass human rights violations, the dangers in terms of life and security in NK and their issues after the forced displacement resulting from the Azeri attack. 

The Ombudsperson’s Office said that Manasyan is regularly visiting the forcibly displaced persons.

Wales football fans warning after Armenia taxi ride

BBC
UK – Nov 17 2023

A Wales football supporter was asked for "sexual favours" instead of paying for a taxi in Armenia, according to the fan embassy.

She was left feeling distressed and vulnerable when the driver got in the back of the vehicle with her, it added.

There are hundreds of Wales fans in capital Yerevan ahead of Saturday's crucial Euro 2024 qualifier.

Fan Embassy Wales said the female involved wanted other fans to be aware of what happened on Thursday.

The British Embassy in the country has been asked to comment.

In a statement, Fan Embassy Wales – which looks after Wales fans travelling on away trips – said the local police had also been notified after the alleged incident.

On X, formerly Twitter, it said: "A serious incident took place last night when a Welsh fan was in the back of a taxi from (the city's) Beatles Pub.

"The driver pulled into a quiet place and joined her in the back asking for sexual favours as payment.

"She is okay and got out unscathed, but is obviously distressed and must have felt very vulnerable."

Hundreds of Wales fans have travelled to the country ahead of Saturday's game, with a victory keeping alive Wales' dream of automatically qualifying for Euro 2024.

Fan Embassy Wales said the female fan had asked other supporters abroad to be made aware of what had happened.

They also urged others to "be aware and, if you are a single person late at night, please be extra careful".

"The best advice is to take a photo of the cab and post it to a mate or don't travel alone if possible," a spokesperson added.

Where Is the International Will to Respond to the Ethnic Cleansing Taking Place in Karabakh/Artsakh?

Jadaliyya
Nov 9 2023
By : Jadaliyya Reports

As a community of critically engaged scholars and global citizens, we are shocked by the belated and insufficient response of the international community to the ethnic cleansing of what was, until weeks ago, the Armenian-populated enclave of Karabakh/Artsakh, located within the internationally recognized boundaries of Azerbaijan.

The precarious conditions of the local population were alarming enough for former International Criminal Court Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo to declare on multiple occasions that Azerbaijan's actions in Karabakh/Artsakh are in violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention. He stated in unwavering terms that “we cannot accept a new Armenian genocide in 2023,” a statement that recalls how only a century earlier the Ottoman Empire erased its indigenous Armenian inhabitants.

During the recent Azerbaijani campaign, more than 100,000 Artsakh Armenians who were ethnically cleansed from their homes were subject to dehumanizing epithets, including that of being labeled "terrorists," in a climate of inflammatory rhetoric that usually accompanies state violence, or worse, genocide. Caravans of Armenians were expelled fromthe mountain enclave to safety in Armenia, forcibly displaced by legitimate fears of atrocities, state-sanctioned ethnic hatred, and the suppression of their cultural rights. For the first time in the recorded history of the region, this majority ethnic Armenian enclave is depopulated of Armenians. They wereethnically cleansed while the world stood and watched.  

In 2020, Azerbaijan invaded the self-proclaimed Artsakh Republic, and has since committed horrific crimes against both military personnel and civilians.  Documented by international human rights groups and openly shared on Azerbaijani social media, Armenians were decapitated, mutilated, and raped in the course of the invasion which largely reduced the Artsakh Republic’s territorial holdings.  In addition, the Lachin Corridor that connected non-contiguous Karabakh/Artsakh to its Armenian neighbor has been blocked since December 2022, placing the territory under siege, an action that the International Court of Justice ruled was a “real and imminent risk” to the population. Siege, a technique used in mass atrocities in Tigray and Syria, starved the population of medical, food, and life-saving supplies, producing a classic case of ethnic cleansing by attrition.

Leading up to the military campaign to disarm and dismantle Artsakh in late September, President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan (a close ally of both the US and Russia), has used a new single lettered slogan mimicking Russia’s fascist Z symbol that propagandizes its genocidal campaign in Ukraine. Baku has already signaled that the conquest of Karabakh/Artsakh will not be enough, having renamed neighboring Armenia “Western Azerbaijan,” giving parts of sovereign Armenia Azerbaijani place names in media broadcasts and speeches.

Currently, Armenians of Karabakh/Artsakh have been reliant on Russia, whose role as peacekeeper in the region is in name only. Azerbaijan, a country given the status of “not free” by Freedom House, is not a place where the Armenians of Artsakh can live freely without persecution, a status that even Azerbaijani citizens do not receive from their own government. 

As scholars and concerned global citizens, we urge the international community to place pressure on Azerbaijan and to establish guarantees and mechanisms for the safe return of Armenians to the region, including the protection of their inalienable property and right to live in their ancestral homeland. We ask that the United Nations deploy peacekeepers to protect the safe passage for all remaining refugees and heed warnings about the destruction of Armenian heritage that is sure to follow the evacuation of Armenians from the region. Azerbaijan’s pattern of targeting Armenian churches, monasteries, and cemeteries is well-documented by monitoring agencies. We urge the international community to take action to protect some of the world’s oldest Christian heritage from established patterns of destruction.  Lastly, we call for Armenia’s beleaguered democracy and civil society—and, indeed, its sovereignty and territorial integrity—to be ensured and its people assured that they have not been abandoned by the international community. Only with guarantees that international law and treaties will be upheld in the troubled region can the cycle of violence finally be broken.

Signed,

Levon Abrahamian, Head of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Institute of Archaeology & Ethnography, NAS RA.

Can Aciksoz, Associate Professor of Anthropology, UCLA

Hakem Al-Rustom, Alex Manoogian Professor of Modern Armenian History, Assistant Professor of History and of Anthropology, University of Michigan. 

Dr. Avril Alba, Associate Professor in Holocaust Studies and Jewish Civilization, Hebrew, Biblical and Jewish Studies, Deputy HoS (Research) School of Languages and Cultures, The University of Sydney.  

Anna Aleksanyan, postdoctoral fellow at the Armenian Genocide Research Program of the Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA

Sophia Armen, Independent Scholar

Richard Antaramian, PhD, Associate Professor of History, University of Southern California.

Dr. Sebouh David Aslanian, Professor of History and Richard Hovannisian Chair of Modern Armenian History, UCLA.

Maral N. Attallah, Distinguished Lecturer, Dept. of Critical Race, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Cal Poly Humboldt.  

Dr. Levon Avdoyan, Armenian and Georgian Area Specialist (retired)

Babayan Kathryn, Professor, History & Middle East Studies, University of Michigan. 

Peter Balakian, Rebar Professor of the Humanities in the department of English, Colgate University.

Aslı Bâli, Professor of Law, Yale University

Omer Bartov, Samuel Pisar Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Brown University.

Tina Bastajian, Lecturer, Amsterdam University College; Sandberg Institute. 

Jean- Philippe Belleau, Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Massachusetts Boston.  

Houri Berberian, Professor of History, Meghrouni Family Presidential Chair in Armenian Studies, Director of the Center for Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine. 

Matthias Bjørnlund, historian, genocide scholar.

Donald Bloxham, Richard Pares Professor of History, University of Edinburgh. 

Eric Bogosian, American actor, playwright, monologuist, novelist, historian

Ne’lida Elena Boulgourdjian, Professor of History, University of Tres de Febrero, Argentina. 

Talar Chahinian, Lecturer, Program for Armenian Studies, University of California, Irvine. 

S. Peter Cowe, Distinguished Professor, Narekatsi Chair of Armenian Studies, Near Eastern languages and Cultures, UCLA.

Asya Darbinyan, Executive Director, Center for Holocaust, Human Rights & Genocide Education (Chhange). 

Dr Vazken Khatchig Davidian, Associate Faculty Member, Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford. 

Ruben Davtyan, PostDoc in Archaeology, Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Germany.

Bedross Der Matossian, Professor of History and Hymen Rosenberg Professor in Judaic Studies, University of Nebraska, Lincoln

Silvina Der Meguerditchian, Independent Visual Artist

Dzovinar Derderian, Lecturer, Department of History, University of California, Berkeley, Executive Director, Armenian Studies Program. 

Hossep Dolatian, Visiting Scholar, Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University.

Samuel Dolbee, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Vanderbilt University. 

Atom Egoyan, Filmmaker.

Caroline Ford, Professor of History at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Andrea S. Goldman, Associate Professor, Department of History, UCLA

Fatma Müge Göçek, Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan

Rachel Goshgarian, Associate Professor of History, Lafayette College

Chris Gratien, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Virginia

Talinn Grigor, Professor of Art History, University of California, Davis

Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Acting Director at Armenian Genocide Museum & Institute

Mashinka Firunts Hakopian, Associate Professor, ArtCenter College of Design.

Prof. Garry R. Hannah. Executive Director, Promise Institute for Human Rights, UCLA School of Law

Diana Hayrapetyan, PhD Candidate, Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Clark University 

Katsuya Hirano, Associate Professor, UCLA 

Dr Tessa Hofmann, Scholar of genocide and Armenian studies, author; formerly Freie Universität Berlin, Institute for Eastern European Studies

Margaret C. Jacob, Distinguished Professor of Research, Emerita, Department of History, UCLA

Arsinée Khanjian, Actor and Political Activist

Ayşenur Korkmaz, Post-doctoral Research Fellow, The Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study

Nancy Kricorian, Writer

Rudi Matthee, John and Dorothy Munroe, Distinguished Professor of History, University of Delaware.

Dr. Suren Manukyan, Head of the UNESCO Chair on Prevention of Genocide and Other Atrocity Crimes, Yerevan State University. 

Seta Kabranian Melkonian, Assistant Professor, Department of Human Services, University of Alaska, Anchorage. 

Ronald Mellor, Distinguished Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles

Dr. Ani Kalayjian, Prof., Association for Trauma Outreach & Prevention, ATOP, Meaningful world, and Columbia University.

Philippe Raffi Kalfayan, Ph.D., Associate Researcher and Lecturer in International Public Law at Paris Pantheon-Assas University, France. 

Dikran M. Kaligian, historian, author

Dr. Sossie Kasbarian, Senior Lecturer, University of Stirling 

Robin D.G. Kelley, Professor of History UCLA 

Thomas Kühne, Strassler Colin Flug Professor of Holocaust History, Clark University

Dr. Umit Kurt, University of Newcastle, the Center for Study of Violence. 

Sergio La Porta, Associate Dean of the College of Arts and Humanities, California State University, Fresno 

Jacob Ari Labendz, Scholar of Jewish History and Culture

Marc A. Mamigonian, Director of Academic Affairs, National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR)

Christina Maranci, Mashtots Professor of Armenian Studies, Harvard University

Afshin Matin-Asgari, Professor, Department of History, California State University, Los Angeles

Deborah Mayersen, Senior Lecturer in International and Political Studies, School of Humanities and Social Studies, University of New South Wales Canberra at the Australian Defence Force Academy

Ronald Mellor, Distinguished Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Los Angeles

Franz A Metcalf, Instructor, CSULA, Review Editor, JGB, H-Buddhism

Muriel Mirak-Weißbach, Author and Journalist, Armenian Mirror-Spectator, Mainz-Kastel, Germany

Dirk A. Moses, Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of International Relations, The City  College of New York, CUNY 

Khatchig Mouradian, lecturer in Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies, Columbia University. 

Tsolin Nalbantian, Associate Professor of Modern Middle East History, Leiden University, the Netherlands. 

Dr. Melanie O'Brien, Visiting Professor, Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies, University of Minnesota; President, International Association of Genocide Scholars.

Dr. Darren O’Brien, Honorary Senior Research Fellow, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland.

Sheila Paylan, International Human Rights Lawyer and Former Legal Adviser to the United States. 

Dr. Rafal Pankowski, Professor at Collegium Civitas, co-founder of “NEVER AGAIN” Association, Poland  

Hrag Papazian, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, American University of Armenia 

Jess Peake, Assistant Director, the Promise Institute for Human Rights, UCLA School of Law

Rubina Peroomian, Ph.D., Genocide Scholar (independent, formerly UCLA)

Pirinjian Lori, PhD Student in Armenian Studies, UCLA Department of Near Eastern Languages & Cultures 

Jasamin Rostam-Kolayi, Professor of Modern Middle East History, California State University, Fullerton

E. Natalie Rothman, Professor of History, Department of Historical and Cultural Studies, University of Toronto, Scarborough  

Teo Ruiz, Professor, University of California, Los Angeles 

Joachim J. Savelsberg, Professor of Sociology and Law, Arsham and Charlotte Ohanessian Chair, University of Minnesota 

Elyse Semerdjian, Robert Aram and Marianne Kaloosdian and Stephen and Marian Mugar Chair of Armenian Genocide Studies, Clark University 

Viviane Seyranian, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Psychology, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.

Gayane Shagoyan, Leading Researcher, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, National Academy of Societies of Armenia

Awring Shaways, Founding President of KG Lobby Center and Member of IAGS

Christopher Sheklian, Postdoctoral Researcher, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands

Tamar Shirinian, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville  

Gregory. H Stanton, Founding President Genocide Watch 

Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Distinguished Professor of History and Irving & Jean Stone Chair in Social Sciences at UCLA

Ronald Grigor Suny, Willian H. Sewell, Jr. Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of History, Emeritus Professor of Political Science, The University of Michigan

Frances Tanzer, Rose Professor of Holocaust Studies and Modern Jewish History and Culture, Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies 

Jeanne Theoharis, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Brooklyn College of CUNY

George Theoharis, Professor of Educational Leadership & Inclusion Education, Syracuse University.   

Henry C. Theriault, Founding Co-Editor, Genocide Studies International, and Associate Vice President for Academic Affairs, Worcester State University History and Civilization Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies.

Glenn Timmermans, Associate Professor, Department of English, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of Macau, China.

Artyom Tonoyan, Visiting Professor of Global Studies, Hamline University.

Alison M. Vacca, Gevork M. Avedissian Associate Professor of Armenian.

von Joeden-Forgey Elisa Dr., Executive Director, Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention.

Hrag Vartanian, Art critic and Editor-in-chief, Hyperallergic 

Keith David Watenpaugh, Professor and Director, Human Rights Studies, University of California, Davis

Dr. Stephanie Wolfe, Weber State University, First Vice-President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars 

Hrag David Yacoubian, Assistant Professor at Memorial University of Newfoundland, PhD Candidate at University British Columbia  

Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, Professor of Art History, University of California, Davis

Cornel West, Dietrich Bonhoeffer Chair at Union Theological Seminary and Presidential Candidate

Anahita Mahdavi-West, Professor, Long Beach City College


https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/45479


RFE/RL Armenian Service – 11/08/2023

                                        Wednesday, November 8, 2023


Armenian Official Rejects Azeri Territorial Claims

        • Astghik Bedevian

Armenia - A view of the village of Tigranashen claimed by Azerbaijan.


A senior Armenian official rejected on Wednesday Azerbaijan’s continuing demands 
for the return of “eight Azerbaijani villages” which it says are occupied by 
Armenia.

Baku refers to several tiny enclaves inside Armenia which were controlled by 
Azerbaijan in Soviet times and occupied by the Armenian army in the early 1990s. 
For its part, the Azerbaijani side seized at the time a bigger Armenian enclave 
comprising the village of Artsvashen as well as large swathes of agricultural 
land belonging to this and several other border communities of Armenia.

Azerbaijan claims that it had never occupied any Armenian territory. It also 
rejects the idea of using Soviet-era military maps to delimit the 
Armenian-Azerbaijani border. This delimitation mechanism is backed by Armenia as 
well as the European Union.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev demanded the “de-occupation” of those 
villages in a phone call with European Council President Charles Michel last 
month. His demands came amid lingering fears in Yerevan that Azerbaijan may 
invade Armenia after regaining control over Nagorno-Karabakh.

“Armenia has not handed over to Azerbaijan the eight Azerbaijani villages that 
are still under occupation,” the Foreign Ministry in Baku said on Tuesday in a 
statement on the third anniversary of a Russian-brokered ceasefire that stopped 
the six-week war in Karabakh.

Armenia - Parliament deputy Gevorg Papoyan.

Gevorg Papoyan, a parliament deputy and leading member of Armenia’s ruling Civil 
Contract party, responded by saying that Yerevan has never pledged to 
unilaterally give those enclaves back to Azerbaijan. Echoing statements by Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian, he said that the Armenian government can only discuss 
mutual troop withdrawals or territorial swaps.

“But as a result of that process, Armenia’s total area must remain 29,800 square 
kilometers,” Papoyan told reporters. “This must be enshrined in an 
[Armenian-Azerbaijani] peace treaty. So we need to sign the kind of peace treaty 
that could not create problems or leave the possibility of a new war.”

Armenian opposition leaders have repeatedly condemned Pashinian’s stated 
readiness to consider the return of the enclaves, saying that they all are 
adjacent to highways leading to Armenia’s strategic Syunik province and Georgia. 
One of them, Tigran Abrahamian, claimed on Wednesday that the Azerbaijani 
demands are the result of Pashinian’s “unilateral commitments.”




G7 ‘Gravely Concerned’ About Displacement Of Karabakh Armenians


Japan - The foreign ministers of the G7 nations attend a working dinner as part 
of their meetings in Tokyo, November 7, 2023.


The foreign ministers of the Group of Seven nations on Wednesday expressed 
serious concern at the mass exodus of Nagorno-Karabakh’s ethnic Armenian 
population and called for a “lasting peace” between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“We are gravely concerned over the humanitarian consequences of the displacement 
of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh after the military operation conducted by 
Azerbaijan,” they said in a joint statement issued after their meeting in Tokyo.

“We urge Azerbaijan to fully comply with its obligations under international 
humanitarian law and welcome international efforts to address urgent 
humanitarian needs for those who have been displaced,” added the statement 
signed by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and the top diplomats of 
Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy and Japan as well as the European 
Union’s foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell.

It stopped short of explicitly urging Azerbaijan to allow the safe return of 
more than 100,000 Karabakh Armenians who fled to Armenia following the September 
19-20 offensive condemned by the EU. Blinken also criticized it when he spoke to 
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on September 19.

The G7 statement came as Aliyev reviewed an Azerbaijani military parade staged 
in Stepanakert. In a 30-minute speech, he again defended the assault that 
restored Baku’s full control over the territory.

“We underline our support for advancing a sustainable and lasting peace between 
Armenia and Azerbaijan based on the principles of non-use of force, respect for 
sovereignty, the inviolability of borders, and territorial integrity,” said the 
G7 ministers.

One of them, Germany’s Annalena Baerbock, urged Yerevan and Baku to resume 
EU-mediated talks when she visited the two South Caucasus countries late last 
week.

Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian were twice scheduled to hold 
such talks last month. But the Azerbaijani leader withdrew from one of those 
meetings and delayed the other.

A senior Armenian lawmaker suggested last week that Aliyev is now reluctant to 
finalize an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace accord backed by the EU and the United 
States. The deal would commit Baku to explicitly recognizing Armenia’s current 
borders.

Russia has been very critical of the EU and U.S. peace efforts, saying that 
their main goal is to drive it out of the South Caucasus. The secretary of 
Russia’s Security Council, Nikolay Patrushev, claimed on Wednesday that the 
Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict can be resolved only if the Western powers avoid 
any “interference” in it.




Another India-Armenia Arms Deal Reported


India - Anil Chauhan (left), chief of India's Defense Staff, meets his Armenian 
counterpart, Eduard Asrian, New Delhi, March 4, 2023.


Armenia will reportedly buy $41 million worth of anti-drone military equipment 
from India in a fresh arms deal between the two countries that have 
significantly deepened bilateral ties in the last few years.

Citing unnamed “officials,” the Indian news website Euarasiantimes.com reported 
on Wednesday that Yerevan has already signed a supply contract with the Indian 
company manufacturing the Zen Anti-Drone System (ZADS).

The deal calls for not only the delivery of an unspecified number of ZADS units 
to Armenia but also their maintenance and training of Armenian military 
personnel, the publication said, adding that the company, Zen Technologies, will 
open an office in Armenia for that purpose.

ZADS is a new system that can detect combat drones and neutralize them through 
communication jamming. The Indian army is due to receive the first such systems 
next March.

“Armenia realizes that once Indian armed forces induct it, it must be good,” 
Eurasiantimes.com quoted an Indian official as saying.

The Armenian Defense Ministry did not confirm the report. It normally does not 
comment on its arms acquisitions.

The Azerbaijani army heavily used Turkish and Israeli-manufactured drones during 
the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh and subsequent clashes along Azerbaijan’s 
border with Armenia. The Armenian military is therefore keen to boost its air 
defenses.

India and Armenia have stepped up defense cooperation since the Karabakh war 
during which India’s arch-foe Pakistan strongly supported Azerbaijan. In 
September 2022, the Armenian Defense Ministry reportedly signed contracts for 
the purchase of $245 million worth of Indian multiple-launch rocket systems, 
anti-tank rockets and ammunition.

Indian media reported afterwards that the two sides signed in November 2022 a 
$155 million deal to supply Indian 155-milimeter howitzers to the Armenian army.

An Indian defense publication, idrw.org, reported in September this year that 
Armenia is due to receive a total of 90 ATAGS howitzers. Six of them have 
already been delivered to the South Caucasus nations while the 84 others will be 
shipped over the next three years, it said.

Russia has long been Armenia’s principal supplier of weapons and ammunition. But 
with Russian-Armenian relations worsening and Russia embroiled in the 
large-scale war with Ukraine, Yerevan has been looking for other arms suppliers. 
Armenian leaders have implied over the past year that Moscow has failed to 
supply more weapons to Yerevan despite Russian-Armenian defense contracts signed 
after the 2020 war

Late last month, Armenia signed two arms deals with France. One of them entitles 
it to buying three sophisticated radar systems from the French defense group 
Thales. The French and Armenian defense ministers also signed in Paris a “letter 
of intent” on the future delivery of French short-range surface-to-air missiles. 
No financial details of these agreements or delivery dates were made public.

France, which is home to an influential Armenian community, has become in recent 
years Armenia’s leading Western backer in the international arena. India also 
supports the country in the conflict with Azerbaijan.




Former Karabakh Army Chief Cleared In Armenian War Probe

        • Naira Bulghadarian

Nagorno-Karabakh - General Jalal Harutiunian (left) oversees a military exercise.


Armenian law-enforcement authorities have dropped one of the two criminal 
charges against a former commander of Nagorno-Karabakh’s army prosecuted for 
serious military setbacks suffered during the 2020 war with Azerbaijan.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee indicted Lieutenant-General Jalal Harutiunian 
in September 2022 on two counts of “careless attitude towards military service” 
One of the accusations stemmed from an Armenian counteroffensive against 
advancing Azerbaijani forces launched on October 7, 2020 ten days after the 
outbreak of large-scale fighting. Its failure facilitated Azerbaijan’s 
subsequent victory in the six-week war.

The Investigative Committee said at the time that Harutiunian ordered two army 
units to launch an attack southeast of Karabakh despite lacking intelligence and 
the fact that they were greatly outnumbered by the enemy and had no air cover. 
It also blamed the general for poor coordination between the units which it said 
also contributed to the failure of the operation.

The committee confirmed on Wednesday that Harutiunian has been cleared of this 
charge. It said a prosecutor overseeing the criminal investigation made this 
decision based on the findings of a report submitted by unnamed military experts.

According to Harutiunian’s lawyer, Arsen Sardarian, the 11 “experienced” experts 
concluded in the 306-page report that the general acted competently during the 
botched counteroffensive. Sardarian declined to go into details, saying that he 
will hold a news conference soon.

An ethnic Armenian soldier fires an artillery piece during fighting in 
Nagorno-Karabakh, October 5, 2020.

Sardarian claimed in June that the counteroffensive in question was not 
necessarily a failure because the Karabakh and Armenian forces killed some 300 
Azerbaijani soldiers and suffered only 20 casualties.

The lawyer also argued that the counteroffensive was authorized by Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian and the then chief of the Armenian army’s General 
Staff, Lieutenant-General Onik Gasparian. He said that if his client is indeed 
guilty of mishandling that operation then so are Pashinian and Gasparian.

Pashinian has denied Armenian opposition allegations that he is the one who 
ordered the October 2020 operation.

“That operation was proposed by a general and that proposal was deemed 
acceptable by a general and the possibility of putting that proposal into 
practice was assessed by a general,” he told lawmakers in 2021.

Harutiunian was not arrested pending investigation, unlike his successor Mikael 
Arzumanian, who is facing separate charges in Armenia stemming from the 
disastrous war. Arzumanian too denies them.

Opposition leaders maintain that Pashinian is primarily to blame for Armenia’s 
defeat in the war which left at least 3,800 Armenian soldiers dead. They claim 
that he ordered the criminal charges against Harutiunian, Arzumanian and other 
senior military officers to try to dodge responsibility. The premier has blamed 
the country’s former leaders for the outcome of the war stopped by a 
Russian-brokered ceasefire.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Armenia: Hidden Eurasian treasure awaits Indian tourists

B2B Chief
Oct 31 2023
Armenia in South Caucasus is a hidden treasure with its world class wines, pristine valleys, breathtaking views that caters to a variety of tourists and lagro products that would be savoured globally.

Not many are aware that the world’s first winery existed in Armenia 6,000 years back and in present-day Armenia it has been revived leading to a craze for tastier home-grown wine even as the locally produced Brandy remains popular in the region and beyond.

Over the last decade and a half almost 200 local wine brands have entered the market making a market not only locally but in Russia, Europe and the USA. India is the next preferred target for the Armenian wine industry in the backdrop of emerging strategic partnership.

Leading from the front is Armas and its dynamic CEO Victoria Aslanian – vineyards, Winery, Distillery, Hotel and Tasting room. “Wine existed in Armenia since antiquity and the industry has been revived successfully. Armas is leading from the front. 70 per cent of our produce are exported to USA-UK-Europe. Our brands have been lauded in France. We are now looking at Japanese market,” Aslanian told ET.

Armenia has the right elevation and soil and climate for growing right grapes for wine, Aslanian pointed out. “We are in a perfect geographical zone to produce best of wines and our products are testimony to that. We in Armas would be exploring the Indian market.”

Vahe Keushguerian, who in many ways fathered Armenian wine industry brining his Italian experience into play, eloquently explained prospects of the local industry. “Armenia has so much excitement to offer. Just like our long history, some of the grapes we use today — Voskehat, Khatunm, Areni — have been perfecting themselves for thousands of years. They have passed through the hands and selection process of countless winemakers. Our domestic winemaking industry has deep roots and an ancient history. That is why we must treat it like our legacy that we share with other wine lovers across the world. The second reason for the uniqueness of Armenian wines is its highland, volcanic soil terroir. This unique land, in my opinion, is the key to making great wine.” Keushguerian, a former restaurateur in the USA, moved to Armenia in 2009, where he realized the potential of the Armenian wine industry and consulted on new wineries while starting the Karas Wine project, which in 2010 was the largest winery project in the country. In 2013 he founded WineWorks as well as Keush, which is a pioneer of traditional method sparkling wine. In 2017, he co-founded OSHIN, another premium Armenian wine project.To bring this wine industry closer to Indian audience Armenian Tourism Committee is ready to welcome tourists from South Asia’s biggest country. 2023 has been the best year for Armenian tourism industry and 21,000 Indian tourists (primarily UAE based) have so far visited the county in 2023 making it 7th largest tourist group in terms of number. “Our top three countries in terms of tourists’ arrivals are Russia, followed by Georgia and then Iran. We are hoping to get big number of tourists from India once direct flights are launched,” Sisian Boghossian told ET.

“There is mystic and unknown factor associated with Armenia which travelers would like to explore. Armenia is an affordable and safe location. Besides pristine locations, Armenia can be gastronomical delight with Armenian diaspora bringing food habits from various parts of the world. And Armenia has a history dating back to hundreds of years. We are also working on adventure tourism in Armenia.”

The wine and tourism industries are well complemented by impressive growth in Armenia’s agro industry. And ArLeAM is leading efforts from the front with its cultivation being located closer to capital Yerevan. ArLeAM is a visionary brand that provides natural, high-quality products grown with extra care.

At ArLeAM intensive orchards, in the area more than 25 hectares four varieties of apples with distinctive, juicy and unique taste characteristics are grown. Armenian apricot has a history of more than 2000 years. In addition to traditional Armenian varieties, European apricot varieties are now grown in ArLeAM orchards. ArLeAM produces several finished products including juices, dried fruits, honey, nuts, fruit and veggie chips among other products. ArLeAM is looking to enter the Indian market via Dubai based distributors.

https://b2bchief.com/armenia-armenia-hidden-eurasian-treasure-awaits-indian-tourists/

How the End of Nagorno-Karabakh Will Reshape Geopolitics

Foreign Policy 
Oct 26 2023

By Samuel Ramani, an associate fellow at the Royal United Services Institute and the author of Russia in Africa.

On Sept. 19, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military offensive against the autonomous ethnic Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, known in Armenia as Artsakh. Within 24 hours, Azerbaijan secured effective control over Nagorno-Karabakh, and the Artsakh Defense Army was disbanded. These seismic events ended a three-decade frozen conflict, which included large-scale wars from 1988-1994 and in 2020, and resulted in the exodus of almost all ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.

Azerbaijan’s dramatic takeover in Nagorno-Karabakh has far-reaching geopolitical implications. Turkey views it as a strategic victory but is wary of Armenia’s resistance to its plans to economically integrate Nagorno-Karabakh with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Iran regards Turkey’s win as its loss, as it fears Azerbaijan’s empowerment and opposes Turkey’s transport corridor projects, which could obstruct Iran’s shared border with Armenia.

While Russia was weakened by its refusal to defend its treaty ally Armenia, it maintains substantial capacity to destabilize and project power in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan’s takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh could also create new opportunities for China’s Belt and Road Initiative. And Europe and the United States face an uneasy dilemma between providing humanitarian aid to Armenia and maintaining energy supplies from Azerbaijan.

Turkey believes that Azerbaijan’s takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh will enable its Zangezur corridor project. The corridor would facilitate trade between Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, an Azerbaijani exclave located to the southwest of Armenia. This would allow for direct commercial ties between Turkey and Azerbaijan via Nakhchivan and fulfill Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s vision of uniting the Turkic world.

Turkey also supports Azerbaijan’s plan to construct a railway from Horadiz, Azerbaijan, to Kars, Turkey, which would cross through 25 miles of Armenian territory. Due to its infringement on Armenian territory, Armenia and Iran strongly oppose this railway project.

Turkey also sees an opportunity to bolster its energy connectivity with Azerbaijan. On Sept. 25, Erdogan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev attended a ceremony to launch the construction of a Nakhchivan gas pipeline. This pipeline, which was formally proposed in December 2020 and scheduled for completion in 2024, runs 50 miles between Igdir, Turkey, and the Turkey-Azerbaijan border, and a farther 11 miles into Nakhchivan. The pipeline would allow Azerbaijan to provide natural gas to Nakhchivan, which is currently reliant on Iran for supplies, and aid Erdogan and Aliyev’s ambitions of converting the Zangezur corridor into an energy transit route.

The success of Turkey’s connectivity projects hinges on Armenia’s acquiescence. The November 2020 cease-fire required Armenia to allow for unimpeded trade between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan. Despite this stipulation, both Armenia and Azerbaijan have disagreed on the necessity and location of border checkpoints. Armenia also fiercely opposes Azerbaijan’s plan to create a buffer zone on its territory, as it would result in no Armenian security officers being stationed within 2.5 kilometers (1.5 miles) of an Azerbaijan-run transit corridor.

To break the impasse, Turkey will likely highlight the economic benefits of Armenian participation in its connectivity projects. An Azerbaijan-Turkey pipeline that passes through Armenian territory would help Armenia divest from Russian natural gas giant Gazprom and increase Armenia’s value as an energy transit hub to Europe.

Despite these benefits and the reduction of Turkish-Armenian tensions since December 2021, domestic pressure could prevent Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan from accepting Erdogan’s proposal.

The potential outcomes of Armenia’s rejection of Turkey’s connectivity projects are unclear. Erdogan recently claimed that Iran was open to allowing the Zangezur corridor to pass through its territory rather than Armenia, but Tehran has historically resisted this idea.

If Iran proves uncooperative, then Azerbaijan’s Aliyev could seek to forcefully construct a land bridge between Nakhchivan and Azerbaijan. An Azerbaijani invasion of southern Armenia’s Syunik province would be the most plausible pathway toward achieving this goal. Armenia’s ambassador to the European Union, Tigran Balayan, warned on Aug. 6 that “We are now under imminent threat of invasion into Armenia.” While Azerbaijan may be well-placed militarily to vanquish Armenia, an invasion of Syunik could trigger Western sanctions on Azerbaijan and derail Erdogan’s South Caucasus reconciliation vision.

Iran treaded cautiously in response to Azerbaijan’s takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh. Iranian officials have engaged regularly with their Armenian and Azerbaijani counterparts. After Aliyev advisor Khalaf Khalafov and Armenian national security advisor Armen Grigoryan visited Tehran last week, Iranian officials called for an Armenian-Azerbaijani normalization and the expulsion of foreign forces from the region. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasser Kanani voiced support for Nagorno-Karabakh’s integration with Azerbaijan, while the chief of staff of the Iranian Armed Forces, Mohammad Bagheri, demanded equal rights for the few minorities remaining in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Despite its neutral-to-positive reaction to Nagorno-Karabakh’s integration with Azerbaijan, Iran views the new status quo in the South Caucasus with consternation. The empowerment of Azerbaijan is concerning for Iran, as relations between the two countries have deteriorated sharply since Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi took office in 2021.

Israel supplied Azerbaijan with an estimated nearly 70 percent of its arms between 2016 and 2020, which was strikingly higher than Turkey’s 2.9 percent export share from 2011 to 2020. Iranian officials view this close security partnership with deep suspicion. Provocative moves, such as Iran’s holding of large-scale drills near its border with Azerbaijan in October 2021 and Azerbaijan’s periodic arrests of alleged Iranian spies, have escalated tensions. While Raisi told Khalafov that he wanted improved relations with Baku, and Iranian-Azerbaijani relations did flourish from 2014 and 2016, mistrust between the two countries remains high.

Despite Erdogan’s questionable claims of a shift in Tehran’s position, Iran is steadfastly opposed to the Zangezur corridor as it is currently envisioned. In theory, Iran should welcome the corridor’s new road and railway networks. Enhanced regional connectivity would link Iranian exporters to markets in the South Caucasus and reverse the economic damage caused by Iran’s severed access from Soviet railway networks in 1990. Yet even with these commercial interests, which Erdogan has cited in his appeals to Tehran, Iranian officials view the project with deep suspicion. Iran fears that the Zangezur corridor will block its ability to trade across its shared border with Armenia and recently warned Azerbaijani officials against an invasion of Syunik.

The Strategic Council on Foreign Relations in Tehran, which is headed by former Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi, has expressed fears that the corridor could allow Azerbaijan, Israel, and Turkey to foment instability in northern Iran’s Azeri regions. Iranian hard-liners view these destabilizing plans as part of a broader NATO strategy of encircling Iran, China, and Russia.

While the strategic picture is relatively optimistic for Turkey and potentially problematic for Iran, the implications of Azerbaijan’s takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh for Russia are less clear. Russia’s security guarantees, which date back to a 1997 treaty with Armenia, only apply to Armenia’s internationally recognized territory.

Even though Russia’s passive response to Azerbaijan’s May 2021 incursions into Syunik undermined these security guarantees, the security pact categorically does not extend to Nagorno-Karabakh, which is legally part of Azerbaijan. But Pashinyan, the Armenian prime minister, still denounced Moscow’s inaction. Pashinyan publicly criticized Russia’s unreliability as an ally and highlighted the degradation of Russia’s military capabilities in Ukraine. The relationship has continued to decline: After the deaths of five Russian peacekeepers in an accidental clash with the Azerbaijani Armed Forces, Russia dismantled its observation posts in Nagorno-Karabakh on Oct. 5.

Despite these setbacks, Russia is not a spent force in the South Caucasus. As Russian-Armenian relations soured, its partnership with Azerbaijan has strengthened. Russia’s trade with Azerbaijan increased by 55.3 percent during the first quarter of 2023, compared to the previous year. Under a November 2022 agreement, Gazprom agreed to ship up to 1 billion cubic meters of gas to Azerbaijan’s SOCAR, a state-owned oil company, which fueled speculation that Azerbaijan was repackaging Russian gas and selling it to European markets. Leonid Slutsky, the chairman of the Russian State Duma’s Foreign Affairs Committee,  recently described Azerbaijan and Belarus as Russia’s two most reliable partners in the post-Soviet space.

Russia has also expanded its presence in Georgia. While the ruling Georgian Dream Party is not explicitly pro-Russian, as it has spearheaded Georgia’s European Union candidacy and broadly complies with U.S. secondary sanctions on Russia, it maintains a working relationship with the Kremlin. Russia’s naval presence on Georgia’s Black Sea coast is also set to expand, as it constructs a base in the separatist region of Abkhazia.

While its South Caucasus strategy will likely pivot toward Azerbaijan and Georgia, Russia will play the long game to rebuild its alliance with Armenia. Through information campaigns highlighting Pashinyan’s futile forays toward the West and his passivity regarding the plight of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, Russia can foment anti-government unrest and boost Kremlin-friendly alternative candidates ahead of Armenia’s 2026 parliamentary elections.

For its part, China has taken an ambiguous stance toward the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This ambiguity should not be confused with impartiality. Although China has historically exported weapons systems to Armenia, such as 130-km-radius AR1A multiple launch rocket systems, and viewed Pan-Turkism with suspicion due to its fears of Uyghur unrest in Xinjiang, it has strengthened its relationship with Azerbaijan in recent years.

Since 2005, China’s trade with Azerbaijan has increased by a staggering 2,070 percent. This far outstrips the 380 percent increase in Chinese-Armenian trade during the same time horizon. Chinese telecommunications company Huawei has expanded its digital footprint in Azerbaijan, and China has exported weapons systems to the Azerbaijani military, such as Polonez multiple launch rocket systems and Qasirga T-300 missile systems.

Due to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s courtship of Baku, China is well-positioned to benefit from Azerbaijan’s takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh. As the Belt and Road Initiative already has developed a transit route from Georgia to Europe, the Zangezur corridor could give China a second access point from the South Caucasus to European markets. Shortly after the fall 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh, Chinese Ambassador to Azerbaijan Guo Min controversially stated that the Zangezur corridor would contribute to China’s “One Belt, One Road” transport project.

Azerbaijan’s aspirations of becoming a trans-Eurasian telecommunications hub also dovetail with China’s so-called Digital Silk Road initiative. The new status quo in the South Caucasus could help Turkey market its “Middle Corridor” project to China. Like Beijing, Erdogan wishes to outflank the proposed India-Middle East-Europe corridor that was announced by multiple nations on Sept. 10 and would pass through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and Greece.

Shifting power balances in the South Caucasus present quandaries for Western powers. Tensions between Armenia and Russia create opportunities for closer Western ties with Yerevan. The European Union Mission in Armenia, which was established in February 2023 without Azerbaijan’s acquiescence, and the U.S. joint military exercises with Armenia reflect Pashinyan’s Western pivot.

While France is poised to send military gear to Armenia, many Western officials acknowledge their inability to rein in Azerbaijan’s alleged ethnic cleansing policy in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hungary vetoed a European Union joint statement condemning Azerbaijan’s conduct, which prevented the bloc from pushing back against Baku’s narrative that it wants Armenians to stay in Nagorno-Karabakh.

And Azerbaijan’s 18 percent increase in gas exports to Europe in 2022, which included a 41.2 percent uptick in sales to Italy, as well as its critical role in the recently completed Greece-Bulgaria natural gas pipeline, limit the West’s ability to influence Baku’s conduct. Aside from providing emergency humanitarian assistance to help Armenia’s resettlement of refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States and EU will likely be bystanders to Aliyev’s next moves against Armenia.

Despite the mood of euphoria in Baku and despondence in Yerevan, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict’s resolution could benefit faraway powers even more than regional stakeholders. As external powers scramble to capitalize on new transport infrastructure projects and court an empowered Azerbaijan, human rights are likely to be put on the backburner. That is a tragic outcome for the more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians who saw their lives upended by Azerbaijan’s rapid-fire offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh.