All highways in Armenia are passable

All highways in Armenia are passable

ArmRadio.am
15.12.2006 12:37

As of 12:00, December 15 all highways of republican and interstate
importance are open. Despite the snow that did not stop the whole night, only
Ashtarak-Aparan road is difficult to traverse.

Press Service of RA Ministry of Transport and Communication informs that
wind has started in the Selim pass, where the layer of snow reaches 20-25 cm.

Economic Competition Online

ECONOMIC COMPETITION ONLINE

A1+
[06:54 pm] 13 December, 2006

The new website of the RA State Committee on Economic Competition
Protection is ready. The trilingual website is located at
It was made thanks to the financing of the UNDP
and "NATK".

According to the statement of the Committee, businessmen can send their
appeals, statements and reports to the Committee quickly and easily,
via trough internet. Besides, anyone can send letters and questions
to the Committee. There will also be online polls.

has reports on the work of the committee throughout
the whole year: reports on the activity of the Committee, decisions,
orders of appeal, structure, history, international cooperation,
photo archive, contacts, etc.

What is important is that the website contains the economic competition
legislation too. So, the business community is given another chance
to organize effective combat against violation of economic competition.

www.competition.am.
www.competition.am

NKR MFA Surprised At Reaction Of European International Structures O

NKR MFA SURPRISED AT REACTION OF EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL STRUCTURES ON REFERENDUM

PanARMENIAN.Net
13.12.2006 17:35 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The NKR Foreign Ministry is surprised at the reaction
of European international structures on the referendum and by their
statements attempted to question the possibility of Nagorno Karabakh
people’s being in the legal field, says the NKR MFA statement.

"The referendum is a new stage on the way to consolidation of
democratic principles and is called to convey an impulse to the
development of new and liberal principles of state administration. In
this light the attempts of the European structures seem odd. The
Ministry is convinced that the adoption of the Constitution cannot
hamper the efforts of the international mediators to peacefully settle
the Karabakh conflict," the document says.

BAKU: Vusal Garajayev’s Mother: We Are Not Informed About My Son Tak

VUSAL GARAJAYEV’S MOTHER: WE ARE NOT INFORMED ABOUT MY SON TAKEN CAPTIVE

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
Dec 12 2006

Azerbaijani soldier Vusal Garajayev’s family has no information about
his taken captive by Armenians, APA reports.

His mother Zeynab Garajayeva said that Vusal was drafted by Balaken
Military Commissariat in April, 2006. Zagatala Millitary Police officer
Amir Heshimov and other two came to Balaken on Dec 7, told the family
that Vusal had escaped the military station and kept the house under
control that day. Zeynab Garajayeva said that she had heard the
TV news of her son taken captive and directed to Commissar Mezahir
Muzefferov’s office to get more precise information. But commissar
could not tell whether he was taken captive or lost.

Mother noted that Vusal is suffering bronchial asthma and he had had
headaches. They could not afford to cure their son. She said that
the Commissariat is aware of illness.

The parents were invited to the International Red Cross Committee
office in Azerbaijan.

Nagorny Karabakh Passes Separatist Constitution

NAGORNY KARABAKH PASSES SEPARATIST CONSTITUTION

Agence France Presse — English
December 11, 2006 Monday 10:24 AM GMT

Azerbaijan’s breakaway region of Nagorny Karabakh overwhelmingly
approved a constitution declaring itself an independent state,
according to official results announced Monday.

More than 98 percent of participating voters in the unrecognised
republic voted "yes" in Sunday’s poll, preliminary results from the
central electoral commission showed.

"Based on these preliminary results, we can already say that the
constitution has been adopted," Sergei Nasibian, the electoral
commission chairman.

The government of oil-rich Azerbaijan has condemned the vote, which
came exactly 15 years after the province’s ethnic-Armenian majority
voted to separate from Azerbaijan, preceding a war that killed about
25,000 people and drove about a million people, mostly Azeris, from
their homes.

Nasibian said 87.2 of the 90,000 registered voters took part.

Although a ceasefire took effect in 1994, years of negotiations have
failed to resolve the dispute between Azerbaijan and the Nagorny
Karabakh separatists, who are closely backed by Armenia.

Gari Kasparov’s Headquarters Searched

GARI KASPAROV’S HEADQUARTERS SEARCHED

A1+
[07:30 pm] 12 December, 2006

Today United Civil Front headed by Gari Kasparov was searched in
Moscow.

Marina Litvinovich, Kasparov’s assistant, informed Radio Liberty that
remedial body representatives confiscated the material connected with
the launch of the so-called Disobedient’ march.

The march is scheduled on December 15 but the city authorities didn’t
approve of it.

Nevertheless, the initiatives have announced that they will realise
their plan despite the preventive measures of the authorities.

Gari Kasparov claims that the search was held on the day of the
Russian Constitution.

Gari Kasparov doesn’t approve of Vladimir Putin’s policy saying that
it is becoming more and more tyrannical.

BAKU: January 2007 Meeting Of Azerbaijan And Armenian Foreign Minist

JANUARY 2007 MEETING OF AZERBAIJAN AND ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTERS
Author: A.Ismayilova

TREND, Azerbaijan
Dec 11 2006

Elmar Mammadyarov, the Azerbaijani Foreign Minister, said in talks with
journalists during the last meeting with the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs
in Minsk, Belarus, that the Foreign Ministers of Azerbaijan and Armenia
were proposed to hold a next meeting at the end of January 2007.

He said that during the last meeting of the Presidents of Azerbaijan
and Armenian in Minsk, Armenia asked for a timeout for analysis and
discussions. "A meeting with co-chairs in Minsk has been resolved
and they are waiting for Armenia to reply", said the Foreign Minister.

Armenian President Demands Elimination Of Tax Loopholes

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT DEMANDS ELIMINATION OF TAX LOOPHOLES

Arka News Agency, Armenia
Dec 11 2006

YEREVAN, December 11. /ARKA/. The Armenian President pronounced for
the elimination of tax loopholes. At a meeting that discussed issues
of ensuring tax revenues the RA President stated that the current tax
revenues do not meet the potential. Kocharyan demanded that attention
be focused on ensuring equal conditions for all economic entities.

The President pointed out that at the end of each year the year’s
results are normally summed up and programs for the next year are
planned. He stated that the implementation of the programs is mainly
conditioned by the activities of tax and customs services.

According to the President, tax revenues are expected to seriously
increase in 2007. "Therefore, we must be sure that the reforms will
be continued, and the planned work will be completed with quality."

Kocharyan believes that despite the work carried out during the last
1-2 years, the situation is far from being satisfactory.

He stated that next year he will be "much more exacting" and expects
positive changes.

According to him, good work can considerably improve tax collection,
which will allow more work to be done and more problems to be resolved.

Participating in the meeting were RA Premier Andranik Margaryan,
Minister of Finance Vardan Khachatryan, Minister of Trade and Economic
Development Karen Chshmarityan, Chairman of the Central Bank of Armenia
Tigran Sargsyan, the Chiefs of the RA Taxation and Custom Services,
Felix Tsolakyan and Armen Avetisyan.

Two Sides To The Story: Nagorno-Karabakh Features Both A Thriving Re

TWO SIDES TO THE STORY: NAGORNO-KARABAKH FEATURES BOTH A THRIVING REGIONAL CENTER AND GHOST TOWNS
By Shaun Walker

Russia Profile, Russia
Dec 12 2006

STEPANAKERT, Nagorno-Karabakh. As we approached the Karabakh military
post, I felt a vibration in my pocket. "Azercell welcomes you to
Azerbaijan," said the message on my cell phone. Indeed, we were several
kilometers inside Azerbaijan proper, but standing on territory where no
Azeri has walked for over a decade. When the Nagorno-Karabakh region
– which was an autonomous territory inside the Soviet republic of
Azerbaijan – declared full independence from its parent state after
a bloody war in the early 1990s, a further 9 percent of Azerbaijan’s
territory was also occupied to act as a buffer zone of defense.

Our exact location remained unclear. "It’s secret information," said
the guide from the Karabakh foreign ministry. "Maybe the enemy will
read your material." We had come along the road from Karabakh’s capital
Stepanakert, past the deserted shells of Azeri villages strewn across
the arid, monochromic landscape. We were well outside the official
territory of the Karabakh republic, possibly somewhere near Aghdam,
formerly a thriving Azeri city with 50,000 inhabitants, but now a
sea of rubble; only the mosque remained standing.

The soldiers at the post did their best to look upbeat, but it was
clear that theirs was a miserable task. In the bitter cold, they
surreptitiously breathed warmth onto their gloveless hands when they
thought no one was looking. Mice scuttled across the floor in the
unheated barracks, and the trench dug into the muddy ground was more
reminiscent of First World War than 21st century.

The Azeri front line was just 600 feet away, visible from a command
post through binoculars. "We do have occasional exchanges of fire,"
said the officer in charge of the post, a tanned giant with a crude
heart tattoo on his hand and a face etched with years of conflict. "A
week ago one of our men was shot in the head by a sniper at the next
post down," he added.

A timid boy of 18 quietly mumbled answers to the questions of a young
Russian television reporter about the living conditions. "He doesn’t
see many beautiful women, so he’s shy," chirped the foreign ministry
official. "Maybe the American army is all about posing, but this army
is here to defend its motherland."

The motherland in question is the odd-one-out of the post-Soviet
breakaway zones. Over the years of its de facto independence,
Nagorno-Karabakh has developed many of the institutions of
a functioning state, and is more likely than the other three
(Transdniestr, South Ossetia and Abkhazia) to gain some kind of
official independent status in the medium-term future.

There are two key reasons for this: first of all, the fact that
Russia, while most certainly an interested party, is not a defining
player in this conflict, meaning that the West would not see Karabakh
independence as a strategic gain for Russia; and secondly, the presence
of an influential and vocal Armenian Diaspora to lobby for the state
on the international stage. Calls from Washington and Brussels to
preserve Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity are far more muted than
those demanding that Georgia’s remain intact.

While Russia is accused of "meddling" in the other three breakaway
zones – providing financial and military support to segments of land
that officially are part of another state – Armenia’s "meddling" in
Karabakh is of a different type altogether. While Karabakh claims to
be a separate country, there is no border post, and people come and
go freely. Armenia contributes around half of Karabakh’s budget and
trains the army, making it far more than just a friendly ally.

At the consulate in Yerevan, travelers can obtain a brightly colored
Karabakh visa, although no one will check it, and the officials
seem more intent on offering maps, hotel rooms, and taxi rides to
Stepanakert than investigating the purpose of the trip.

Karabakh does not directly border Armenia, but is connected by a small
area of occupied Azerbaijani territory known as the Lachin Corridor,
where the switchback road from Yerevan to Stepanakert reaches a height
of 2,600 meters. The road itself is symbolic of the support that
Karabakh has not only from Armenia, but from its Diaspora – despite
the isolation of Stepanakert, hundreds of kilometers from any airport,
the road to Yerevan was a multi-million dollar project completed just
a few years ago. It was financed by a Diaspora foundation, and halved
the journey time to Yerevan.

Another Referendum

But despite the fact that Karabakh feels like a province of Armenia,
local officials talk of nothing but full independence. On Dec. 10,
the republic held a referendum on a new constitution, affirming its
existence as an independent state, and repeating the independence
referendum held in 1991, when the war was raging. It was the final
act in a flurry of breakaway state referendums that year, giving the
people of Karabakh the same chance to assert their independence as
the residents of Transdniestr and South Ossetia had in the fall.

"The children of those who voted for independence in 1991 have
reaffirmed that desire," said Karabakh President Arkady Ghoukasian
after casting his vote. "We have managed to create a state and to
resurrect the hope we had at the beginning. Any other route except
independence is a route to war."

Negotiations to find a solution to the conflict, which are conducted
bilaterally between Armenia and Azerbaijan without representatives
from Karabakh itself, have so far come to nothing, including earlier
this year at Rambouillet, and again in Minsk, when the two presidents
met and many analysts predicted a major breakthrough. There is a fear
in Stepanakert, reinforced by frequent bellicose announcements by
Azeri officials, that Azerbaijan is biding its time before waiting
to launch a military offensive to recover the lost territory. "The
Azeris are becoming richer, buying weapons, and preparing for war,"
said Masis Mayilian, Karabakh’s deputy foreign minister. "But we are
ready for it."

There seems to be little appetite for further conflict, however,
and even the referendum itself was ignored not only by most of the
international press, but by the citizens themselves. Although there
was clearly some activity at the polling stations, the general apathy
encountered among a sample of people at Stepanakert’s central market
suggested that the official figure of an 87 percent turnout (with
98.5 percent voting in favor) might have been somewhat exaggerated.

Regeneration and Destruction

Stepanakert itself bears few scars of conflict, and is a pleasant –
if architecturally unappealing – provincial city. Although everyone
has war stories of lost friends, children taken away before their
time and careers interrupted, the locals are on the whole upbeat and
friendly, and there are far more shops, cafes and restaurants than
one would expect from such a backwater.

Despite the fact that the enclave is now almost exclusively populated
by ethnic Armenians, Russian is everywhere, and the locals speak it
more readily than in Yerevan – testament to the cosmopolitan past of
the region, when Russian was the lingua franca.

But Stepanakert is a new city. A few decades ago, it was a mere
village. Nowhere tells the story of Karabakh better than Shushi (in
Azeri, Shusha), a town just a few miles from Stepanakert that was
once the capital of Karabakh, and for many decades a regional center,
famed for its curative mountain air and sanatoria. The Armenian part
of town was razed by Azeris and Turks in 1920, and by the 1980s,
the vast majority of the town’s inhabitants were Azeri. During the
war, it was an Azeri stronghold, before the Armenians took it in June
1992. The Azeris were driven out, and Shusha now lies in ruins. In his
book Black Garden, Thomas de Waal writes that the Azeri residents now
live in a makeshift town on the coast north of Baku – Shusha in exile.

A bright sign on a ruined building in the central square proclaims
that: "This is historical Armenian territory; we will never give it
up to anyone." Some of the apartments have been inhabited by Armenian
refugees from Baku, making the best of what remains of the town. The
population now is estimated at around 3,000, a shadow of the 14,000
that lived there before the war. But the strategic importance of
Shushi (the Azeris shelled Stepanakert from the ridge above the town
during the war) means that the return of Azeri refugees any time soon
is unlikely.

A beautiful, rose-pink facade stands on one of the main streets, with
nothing behind it but rubble and a view over the mountains. Once,
it was a hospital; now it stands forlorn, looted for anything of
value, right down to the star in its Soviet crest. The slogan over
the main door, in Cyrillic Azeri, has been whitewashed out, an empty
head-shaped space above it, where the incumbent (Lenin, perhaps)
has been unceremoniously removed.

The expansive Persian marketplace still has four walls and some ornate
carvings, but no roof and empty holes where there were once windows
– in another city it might be an ultra-chic architectural project;
here it is a reminder of what has been lost. The 1883 mosque remains
intact from the exterior, its handsome minarets still standing, but the
inside is open to the elements and strewn with rubble. From the top
of the minaret, the view across the hills reveals Karabakh’s Grozny:
everywhere, the empty shells of apartment blocks and sanatoria. The
nineteenth century Ghazanchetzots Cathedral has been restored, but
for all intents and purposes Shushi is a ghost town, and looks set
to remain so for some time.

But Shushi is far from the most depressing reminder of the war.

Fizuli, halfway between Stepanakert and the border with Iran, was
captured by the Armenians in summer 1993, and completely razed. A
sizeable town that stretched over several square miles, it is now
simply a pile of stone and rubble, with only the occasional structure
rising above a few feet. Like an ancient ruin, it was a guessing game
to work out what had been where – the twisted shell of a bus stop;
a contorted teardrop that must have once been a Soviet monument;
a flight of stairs that led nowhere but the sky.

The only life visible in the city was a small, rusting truck with a
plume of steam coming from its rear. Its interior had been turned into
living quarters for two Armenians, who spent their days sifting through
the rubble for scrap metal. After more than a decade of looting, they
were searching out the last reminders of humanity in what looked like
a nuclear holocaust, to sell them in Yerevan.

While its hard to see the Azeris gaining any kind of meaningful
control over Nagorno-Karabakh, the first stage of a deal might well
involve the return of territories like Fizuli, and a chance for the
resettlement of some of more than half a million Azeris who lost
their homes. But looking at the ruins of Fizuli, it is unclear just
what they would be coming back to. It would take years for the piles
of stones to become once again a functioning community. They served
as yet another reminder that even if a solution is reached to the
conflict, its scars will remain for decades to come.

Armenian Foreign Ministry Discusses Wide Rage Of Issues With U.S. De

ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTER DISCUSSES WIDE RANGE OF ISSUES WITH U.S. DEPUTY SECRETARY OF STATE

Arka News Agency, Armenia
Dec 8 2006

YEREVAN, December 8. /ARKA/. Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan
discussed Tuesday a wide range of issues with the U.S. Deputy Secretary
of State Daniel Fried, the Foreign Ministry’s press office reports.

Issues related to democracy development and preparation for 2007
parliamentary elections in Armenia were among others issues under
discussions.

Talks over the process of negotiations on Karabakh conflict settlement
and prospects for Armenian-Turkish relationship improvement were
discussed as well. OSCE Minsk Group’s American Co-Chair Matthew Bryza
was present at the meeting.

Oskanyan met Daniel Fried in Brussels. Both traveled there to attend
OSCE foreign ministerial meeting.