Arizona State University EVENT: Framing Ukraine: Close-up takes from Armenia Belarus Latvia and Russia

April 4 2023
Thursday, April 13, 7:30 – 8:30 p.m.

Cronkite School
Morgan Murphy Media/ Elizabeth Murphy Burns and Richard Burns Theater, room 202

Join the Humphrey Fellows as they examine the ethical implications of reporting from a war zone. This is particularly crucial in cases where media coverage of a war might be seen as a tool of manipulation by one or more sides of the conflict. They also consider the impact of reporting on journalists’ safety in conflict zones.

Russia’s war against Ukraine has been reported very differently in different national media. Journalists within the Russian Federation face punishment if they call into question the official designation that, like the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the war in Ukraine is a “special military operation.” In Russia’s former Soviet neighbors, audiences have exposure to a wider range of sources and narrative framings of the war, especially its impact on Ukrainian civilian life. In this panel, Humphrey Fellows from the region will discuss the demands and pressures on journalists as they report on the war for publics for whom the outcome of the war will have profound, direct consequences.

Armenian military builds new base intended for women recruits

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 16:59,

YEREVAN, MARCH 25, ARMENPRESS. Minister of Defense Suren Papikyan visited on March 25 a military base which will house the women’s regiment and a boot camp for women troops.

Papikyan surveyed the buildings and issued concrete instructions regarding the deadlines of the construction.

The Armenian military plans to introduce a new option of voluntary military service for women.

[see video]

International diplomacy picks up amid rising fears of violence in Karabakh

Joshua Kucera Mar 24, 2023

International diplomacy in the Caucasus is picking up speed as Armenians brace for what many believe will be a new Azerbaijani offensive.

In the last several days United States Secretary of State Anthony Blinken has called the leaders of both countries, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov hosted his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan in Moscow, Iran’s deputy foreign minister visited Yerevan and France’s foreign minister announced plans for an April visit to both Armenia and Azerbaijan.

It comes as Azerbaijan is making ever more specific threats to Armenia based on unconfirmed “provocations” that Baku is blaming Yerevan for. The two sides are increasingly digging in on the most contentious issue between them: the fate of the Armenian-populated region of Nagorno-Karabakh. Meanwhile, the Azerbaijani blockade of the only road connecting Karabakh to Armenia and the outside world, known as the Lachin Corridor, is now more than three months old with no end in sight.

Blinken called Armenia Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on March 20, and Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev the next day. According to the State Department readout, Blinken “reaffirmed the importance of reopening the Lachin corridor to commercial and private vehicles.” At a Senate hearing later in the week, Blinken characterized his conversation with Aliyev as “pressing” the Azerbaijanis to reopen the road.

Aliyev’s readout struck a more combative tone; he repeated the standard denial that there was a blockade at all, citing the Red Cross and Russian peacekeeping vehicles that are allowed to pass. He further argued that 10,000 Armenian military personnel are in Karabakh in contravention of the ceasefire agreement that ended the 2020 war. The figure of 10,000 was a new one and it’s not clear where it came from.

Most remarkably, the Azerbaijani leader implicated the European Union monitoring mission in abetting the “provocations” he attributed to Armenia, in particular alleged arms transfers from Armenia to Karabakh. The Armenian side “had been recently abusing the presence of the European Union’s mission in this country to pursue a policy aimed at deliberately escalating the situation,” Aliyev told Blinken.

In a bellicose speech a few days before the conversation with Blinken, Aliyev reiterated his position that the fate of the Karabakh would be the subject only of negotiations between local Armenians and the Azerbaijani government, but he did so in newly aggressive terms.

“There is one condition for them [Armenians] to live comfortably on an area of 29,000 square kilometers [the size of the Republic of Armenia] – Armenia must accept our conditions, officially recognize Karabakh as the territory of Azerbaijan, sign a peace treaty with us and carry out delimitation work according to our conditions,” he said. “Only under these circumstances can they live comfortably on an area of 29,000 square kilometers.”

It all only reinforced the sense, which has been building for weeks now, that an Azerbaijani offensive is imminent.

But Blinken’s assessment, in the Senate hearing, was rosier. He put the emphasis on the peace negotiations, despite the fact that they appear to have stalled. “There is an opportunity, I don’t want to exaggerate it, but an opportunity to bring a peace agreement to fruition,” he said in response to a question from pro-Armenian Senator Robert Menendez. “This is not something we are imposing on Armenia, we are answering the strong desire expressed by Armenia to help them reach an agreement which would help them end … thirty-plus years of conflict.”

It was a tone that Pashinyan then echoed – somewhat incongruously, given the dire warnings he has been issuing.

“There will be a #peace treaty between #Armenia and #Azerbaijan, and it will be based on the joint official statements adopted at the highest level, he tweeted on March 23. “There won’t be а new escalation! The international community must strongly support this narrative.”

The statement was rewarded by an approving quote tweet from the State Department:

While the two sides have been exchanging draft peace deals, the pace of high-level meetings has slowed down, the last one being in mid-February between Aliyev, Pashinyan, and Blinken on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference.

The process has been complicated by the two dueling tracks of negotiations: one led by the EU with support from the U.S., and the other led by Russia. While both Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to favor the Western track, Russia is impossible to ignore given its large footprint in the region, including the large peacekeeping mission that has operated in Karabakh since 2020.

The highlight of Lavrov’s March 20 meeting with Mirzoyan was a discursion by the Russian diplomat about how the Karabakh issue should be resolved. Azerbaijan has been arguing that the status of the Karabakh Armenians is an issue only between them and the Azerbaijani government, and that correspondingly they should not be part of any international negotiations.

Armenia, by contrast, has been insisting on an international guarantee for the rights and security of the Karabakh Armenians in whatever deal it signs with Azerbaijan. In recent weeks Yerevan has been more explicit about what that could entail, including an international (i.e. not only Russian) presence in Karabakh and a demilitarized zone.

The Europeans and Americans have not explicitly weighed in on this issue, but Lavrov did. He said that the issue should be the subject of negotiations between Baku and Stepanakert – in short, the Azerbaijani position – but then went on to approvingly cite examples of other cases in which minority rights were guaranteed by international agreements, seeming to imply that the rights of Karabakh Armenians could be similarly established.

But the examples he chose were curious ones: eastern Ukraine, where the Minsk agreements that Russia and Ukraine signed had provisions on local self-governance; and Kosovo, where the governments of Serbia and Kosovo agreed on some rights for the Serb minority there.

Lavrov described the principle of minority rights thusly: “The right to their native language, the right to teach their children in that language, live and work using that language, maintaining their culture, religion, having the right to self-governance and some sort of special links to their compatriots. In the case of Donbass, that was Russia.”

Leaving aside the details of the situation in eastern Ukraine, Lavrov’s explanation in this context seemed to imply that those rights should be afforded to the Karabakh Armenians, and that Armenia would be the “compatriots” in this scenario.

While there was no official reaction from Baku, a headline in the pro-government analysis website Minval.az referred to “Lavrov’s strange statement on Karabakh.” 

And while it hewed closer to Armenia’s position, the response from Yerevan also was lukewarm. Edmon Marukyan, an ambassador-at-large who works on the Azerbaijan brief, suggested that Donbass and the Serbian communities of Kosovo were not good comparisons, he said: Karabakh had long enjoyed a special status in the Soviet Union, while those other territories never did (unlike other examples Lavrov could have, but didn’t choose, like Crimea, Abkhazia, or South Ossetia).

“Hence, while looking for a solution to the NK problem, the International Community should take into account the entire historical legal-political background, otherwise any solution built upon irrelevant examples will lead to the deepening of the problem and its non-resolution,” Marukyan wrote in a tweet.

The next round of diplomacy may, in any case, be on the Russia track; Lavrov said that he was working on arranging a meeting with himself, Mirzoyan, and their Azerbaijani counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov.

Joshua Kucera, a senior correspondent, is Eurasianet’s former Turkey/Caucasus editor and has written for the site since 2007.

Alen Simonyan to leave for Germany n a working visit next week

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YEREVAN, MARCH 20, ARMENPRESS. President of the National Assembly of Armenia Alen Simonyan received the delegation headed by Vice President of Germany-South Caucasus Friendship Group of the Bundestag of Germany Tabea Rößner.

As ARMENPRESS was informed from the National Assembly, Alen Simonyan informed that he will be on a working visit to Germany next week. He noted that Germany is the largest trade and economic partner of Armenia among the EU countries, emphasizing Germany’s assistance to Armenia’s democratic agenda. The implementation of the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement and Germany’s support in this matter were also emphasized.

At the meeting, the security problems facing the region and Armenia were extensively discussed. The German partners noted that the security architecture is changing every day in the world, leading to new rearrangements.

The humanitarian problems caused by the 44-day war of 2020, the consequences of the Lachin crisis were discussed.

“On February 22, 2023, the International Court of Justice made a legally binding decision against Azerbaijan, obliging it to take all necessary measures to ensure the uninterrupted movement of people, vehicles and cargo in both directions through the Lachin Corridor,” noted Alen Simonyan, reminding that after the Court’s decision, on March 5, there was an attack by an Azerbaijani subversive group on Nagorno-Karabakh police officers, killing three citizens of Nagorno-Karabakh.

He emphasized that Armenia expects German partners to take active steps to ensure Azerbaijan’s immediate implementation of the Court’s decision.

Alen Simonyan thanked the German government for supporting the decision to deploy a new EU long-term monitoring mission in Armenia, expressing his belief that it will play a significant role in establishing peace and security in the region.

PM Pashinyan, CSTO Secretary General discuss Armenian-Azerbaijani border situation

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 16:37,

YEREVAN, MARCH 17, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a meeting on March 17 with Secretary General of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Imangali Tasmagambetov.

PM Pashinyan congratulated Tasmagambetov on assuming office as CSTO Secretary General, wishing him effective work, according to a read-out issued by the Prime Minister’s Office.

The Armenian Prime Minister and the CSTO Secretary General exchanged views on the current situation in the CSTO area of responsibility, regional developments and security challenges. In this context they also discussed a number of issues related to the Armenian-Azerbaijani border situation and the CSTO collective defense mechanisms.

Armenpress: BTA. President Radev: Azerbaijani State Oil Company Will Open Bulgarian Office in May 2023

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YEREVAN, MARCH 11, ARMENPRESS. President Rumen Radev reported on Saturday that the State Oil Company of the Republic of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) will open an office in Bulgaria in May 2023, the President’s press secretariat said. Radev held a videoconference in Baku with his Azerbaijani counterpart, Ilham Aliyev, after Radev tested positive for COVID-19.

The Bulgarian President was subsequently given two more tests that were negative. Although he feels well and has no symptoms, he cancelled his participation in the 10th Global Forum in Baku.

According to Radev, the SOCAR’s office in Bulgaria is a sign of Azerbaijan’s serious intentions for further deepening of cooperation between the two countries in the energy sector. The opening of the office was agreed during Aliyev’s visit to Sofia in September 2022. The two presidents discussed the progress of the preparation on Saturday.

The Azerbaijani side showed interest in the Solidarity Ring (String) project, which is to unite the capacity of the gas transmission networks of Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, and Hungary to create real energy diversification. Radev said that he invited his Azerbaijani counterpart to Sofia, where the two can discuss having Azerbaijan join the project, which is fully in line with the European vision of guaranteeing supplies, their security and diversification.

Radev said: “We are already receiving the full quantities of Azeri gas through the interconnector between Greece and Bulgaria on very good terms, but this is only the beginning”. He pointed out that political dialogue at the highest political level is an important condition for deepening the cooperation between the two countries in all areas of mutual interest, not only energy.

Earlier Saturday, the Bulgarian head of State met in Baku with local business representatives, which was organized by the Bulgarian – Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Quake Diplomacy: Will Turkey, Greece, and Armenia let bygones be bygones?

TFI Global
Feb 2 2023

Quake Diplomacy: Catastrophic disasters make one realize their vulnerability and teach humility. They make one aware of the transience of life and the significance of accepting accountability for our deeds and making wise decisions. Has this lesson been learnt by Turkey though?

Southeast Turkey and northwest Syria were devastated by a strong 7.8 magnitude earthquake on February 6, 2023, and a series of powerful aftershocks then followed causing tremendous losses to life and property. In a region already rocked by unrest brought on by the ongoing refugee crisis and a nearly 12-year old conflict in Syria, tens of thousands have been injured and hundreds of thousands have been displaced.

Talking specifically of Turkey, it is estimated that more than 50,000 people have died and more than a 100,000 people have succumbed to serious injuries. Families are shattered and homes are broken today. A tragedy never seen in centuries had struck Turkey.

Perhaps now everyone who reside in Turkey have come to their senses that Erdogan and his government have somehow failed to adequately aid and assist Turkish nationals. The anger against Erdogan is so intense that the aspiring Khalifa had to apologize to people. Resultantly, he has realized that staying animus to the world will not work out, especially at a time when elections are round the corner. So, he has a damage control plan, known as ‘Quake Diplomacy’

 In what is slated to be termed as a historic shift, Turkey appears to be resetting its foreign policy post the earthquake. Yes, Ankara and Athens are now coming on the same page after decades of animosity. Prior to the disaster, tensions between the two nations were escalating, with fears of a military confrontation looming at large.

However, in the wake of this natural disaster, Greece took the first steps to offer aid and support to their neighbors, sending tents, beds, and blankets, and deploying fully equipped teams of rescue professionals, doctors, and paramedics to the region. This act of solidarity and compassion from Greece did not go unnoticed in Ankara. Turkey responded with genuine gratitude. The Greek Foreign Minister’s visit to the earthquake-stricken Hatay province was seen as a positive shift in relations between the two nations. Citizens in Greece have also shown their support by donating to charities and sharing messages of solidarity on social media.

Even Armenia came to Turkey’s rescue in its the harshest of times. the Armenian government delivered food, medicine, drinking water and other emergency supplies to devastated cities and towns soon after the quakes. The Armenian research and rescue crews were also on the ground to hasten the rescue operation.

More importantly, the aid from Armenia crossed into Turkey through the land border which has been sealed since the early 1990s. On the back of these goodwill gestures, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan also visited Ankara on February 15 to discuss the ongoing efforts to normalize ties between Armenia and Turkey.

Folks, this is the same Armenia that was pounded by Turkish Bayraktar drones during the Armenia-Azerbaijan war. This serves as a reminder that even in times of conflict and tension, disasters can bring people together and highlight the importance of compassion and empathy towards one another.

Read More: Even a devastating earthquake could not bring Erdogan and humanity on the same page

 In recent years, Turkey has concentrated on resetting its foreign policy and mending ties with nations with which it has long-standing disagreements, including the UAE, Egypt, and Israel. In an effort to foster regional stability, President Erdogan has even stated that he would be open to meet the Syrian government.

This is truly a big change of heart on Turkey’s part. The brewing tensions among countries in this region has always kept the area burning to the detriment of common people. Turkey personally, didn’t appreciate Greece’s move to beef up its military presence on the Aegean Islands and Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’s promises to strengthen the fence along the Greek-Turkish border to prevent asylum seekers from pouring in. Infact, Erdogan  has often lambasted Greek PM over the security buildup in the Aegean sea.

Division of Cyprus has also been another bone of contention, where Greece and Turkey have been at loggerheads for decades. Sharing the same sentiment as Turkey, Armenia too has a sense of realization that normalizing relations with Turkey are necessary if it intends to solve the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis.

Read More: What has US offered for getting Turkey’s support

But why this sudden change of heart? Is it genuine or has a longer ploy in place?

Evidently, more than Greece and Armenia, Turkey is eyeing for normalization of relations as Erdogan seeks to win the upcoming elections at any cost. Even after a massive disaster, Turkish President Tayyip Recep Erdogan has stressed that whatever happens, elections will be held on May 14 2023. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the president of Turkey, frequently uses nationalistic rhetoric to sway voters during elections. Ever since he assumed office in 2002, his political party, the AKP, has been known for its conservative, often extremist, and nationalist policies.

Turkish voters have responded favorably to his nationalist messaging because they view him as a strong leader who prioritizes Turkey. But, in recent times, Erdogan has come under fire for his attempts to consolidate power and showing authoritarian tendencies. Even before the earthquake, his popularity had tanked to sorry levels.

Nationalism has failed to fill the bellies of Turkish nationals. In midst of a political, economical, and now, natural crisis, it is unclear how Erdogan’s nationalist rhetoric will continue to influence Turkey’s political landscape as the country faces numerous difficulties, including geopolitical tensions.

Read More: No Aid, No Support 1100 Canadians in Turkey gets backstabbed by Trudeau

 Erdogan has therefore adopted “quake diplomacy” as a strategy to heal old wounds and create long-lasting relationships with neighbors after coming to terms with the fact that  the nationalism card cannot be encashed upon anymore to sway the elections in his favour. And so, Greece-Armenia and Turkey are back together. Demonstrating a willingness to put aside long-running disagreements and work towards a common objective by accepting assistance and support from nations who were earlier not friendly. Erdogan appears to be playing a smart game today and it needs to be seen how successful he is in his endeavours on the foes to friend strategy.

It’s unclear whether Erdogan’s new strategy will be effective in terms of electoral politics or not. Seeing such a 180 degree turn in geo politics has indeed made Turkey and Erdogan to watch out for.

https://tfiglobalnews.com/2023/03/02/quake-diplomacy-will-turkey-greece-and-armenia-let-bygones-be-bygones/

Schiff Marks 35th Anniversary of the Sumgait Pogrom

Rep. Adam Schiff


WASHINGTON—Congressman Adam Schiff on Monday released a statement to mark the 35th anniversary of the Sumgait Pogrom. The statement will be included in the Congressional Record for .

Below is the text of the statement.
 
I rise today to commemorate the 35th anniversary of the pogrom against the Armenian residents of the town of Sumgait, Azerbaijan. Beginning on February 27, 1988 and over the course of three days, Azerbaijani mobs assaulted and killed Armenians. The violence left dozens of Armenian civilians dead and hundreds injured, women and girls were raped, and some victims were burned alive after being tortured and beaten. Thousands were forced to flee their homes, leaving behind their belongings. Armenian homes and businesses were left to be looted and destroyed.
 
The pogroms came about as the result of years of hateful, racist anti-Armenian propaganda woven into the very fabric of Azerbaijani society by Azerbaijani leaders, who made little effort to punish those responsible, instead attempting to cover up the atrocities in Sumgait and denying the government’s role in instigating the killings. This unprovoked violence against Armenians was a precursor to subsequent attacks on ethnic Armenians, including the pogroms in Kirovabad, Baku, and the Maragha Massacre.
 
Time has not healed the wounds of those victimized in the pogroms or their families because three decades later, Azerbaijan’s aggression against the people of Armenia and Artsakh continues.
 
Beginning on September 27, 2020, and over 44 days, Azerbaijani forces once again targeted and murdered innocent Armenians in Artsakh and displaced tens of thousands more. Azerbaijan’s violence again escalated in September of 2022, when Azeri forces shelled homes in the villages of Karmir Shuka and Taghavard in Artsakh and launched an unprovoked assault on sovereign Armenian territory.
 
Today, Azerbaijan continues to terrorize the people of Artsakh by blocking the Lachin Corridor — the only road connecting Artsakh to Armenia. Since the blockade on December 12, 2022, the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh has grown more dire by the day, with widespread shortages of food, medicine and other necessities and rolling blackouts amid freezing temperatures. The effect has been devastating to the 120,000 individuals living in Artsakh, including children and the elderly. 
 
These are the horrific consequences when aggression and hatred grow unchecked and when Aliyev’s hostility is met with deafening silence, emboldening him to continue, and expand, his unprovoked attacks on the Armenian people, knowing there will be no repercussions. This is why Azerbaijan considers it acceptable to annihilate Armenians in their historical homeland. We cannot allow violence and crimes against humanity to go unanswered.
 
The United States must immediately and permanently stop all U.S. assistance to Azerbaijan and impose sanctions. It must also direct U.S. humanitarian assistance to Artsakh, call for the safe and unconditional release of the remaining Armenian prisoners of war and captured civilians, hold Azerbaijan accountable for the destruction of religious and cultural sites, and support democracy in Armenia and a free, independent Artsakh.
 
On this tragic anniversary, as we pause to remember the innocent victims of the pogroms, we are also reminded that despite the trials the Armenian people have faced, it has not broken their faith, determination, and their will to survive in the face of constant threats from Azerbaijan. Today, let us recommit ourselves to doing everything we can to bring liberation to our Armenian brothers and sisters abroad, once and for all.

UN expert group on mercenaries to visit Armenia [EN/HY]

Feb 20 2023

GENEVA (20 February 2023) – The United Nations Working Group on the use of mercenaries will conduct its first visit to Armenia from 20 to 27 February 2023.

The Working Group will visit the capital, Yerevan, and Syunik province. The experts will meet Government officials, members of civil society and non-governmental organisations, victims and their representatives.

They will share preliminary observations at a news conference on Monday 27 February at 15:00 local time at the Congress Hotel Yerevan, Picasso conference hall. Access will be strictly limited to journalists.

The Working Group will present its findings and recommendations to the Human Rights Council in September 2023.

ENDS

The Working Group on the use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the rights of peoples to self-determination was established in July 2005 by the then Commission on Human Rights. Its mandate was further extended by the Human Rights Council in 2022. The Group is comprised of five independent expert members from various regions of the world. The Chairperson-Rapporteur is Mr. Ravindran Daniel (India). Other members are Ms. Jelena Aparac (Croatia), Mr. Carlos Salazar Couto (Peru), Mr. Chris Kwaja (Nigeria), and Ms. Sorcha MacLeod (United Kingdom).

The Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.

For additional information and media requests, please contact: [email protected] or Alia El Khatib ([email protected]) and/or Laura Ramirez ([email protected]).

For media enquiries regarding other UN independent experts, please contact Maya Derouaz ([email protected]) or Dharisha Indraguptha ([email protected])

Follow news related to the UN’s independent human rights experts on Twitter: @UN_SPExperts.

You can download the report at the link below

Make Sense of the Old and New Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict

Fair Observer
Feb 21 2023
Old empires once jostled for control of this part of the world. Today, Turkey, Iran, Russia and the US are doing the same and even Pakistan and India have jumped in. Politics, geopolitics, ethnicity and religion combine to make a toxic brew.
Atul Singh

History never ends, at least in the Old World. On February 18, Reuters tells us that “leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan bickered over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh.” Azerbaijan has blocked the Lachin Corridor, a mountain road that links Armenia and the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, which lies in Azerbaijan.

Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but its 120,000 inhabitants are predominantly ethnic Armenians. They broke away from Baku in the early 1990s and Yerevan supported their fellow Armenians. This led to a war in which Armenia emerged on top. By 1993, Armenia not only gained control of Nagorno-Karabakh but also occupied 20% of Azerbaijan.

In 2020, war broke out again. Thanks to Turkish drones and large-scale military operations, Azerbaijan regained much of the territory it lost in the early 1990s. Now, its blockade of the Lachin Corridor is inflaming passions yet again.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken got Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azeri President Ilham Aliyev to meet in Munich. The post-Davos Munich Security Conference was a convenient excuse for the leaders to get together. Both sides claimed that they had made progress towards a peace deal. Yet a war of words broke out. Aliyev “accused Armenia of occupying Azerbaijan’s lands for almost 30 years.” Pashinyan claimed that “Azerbaijan has adopted a revenge policy” and was using the meeting for “enflaming intolerance, hate, aggressive rhetoric.”

Map dated 2016 © osw.waw.pl/

Both Encyclopedia Britannica and Wikipedia tell us that Armenia became the first country to establish Christianity as its state religion. Apparently, in 300 CE as per the former and 301 AD as per the latter, Saint Gregory the Illuminator convinced King Tiridates III to convert to Christianity. The Armenian Apostolic Church is an independent Oriental Orthodox Christian church and has many similarities to the Russian Orthodox Church.

If Armenia is Christian, Azerbaijan is Muslim. In the early 16th century, Ismail I, the founder of the Safavid Dynasty conquered Azerbaijan. Ismail I proclaimed the Twelver denomination of Shia Islam as the official religion of the Persian Empire. While Iran is almost entirely Shia and Sunnis are persecuted, Azerbaijan follows a more syncretic version of Islam. The US State Department’s 2021 Report on International Religious Freedom tells us that Azerbaijan’s “constitution stipulates the separation of religion and state and the equality of all religions before the law.” It also tells us that of the 96% Muslim, 65% is Shia and 35% Sunni. There is little internecine Muslim conflict though non-Muslims still have a hard time in the country.

Human hands open palm up worship. Eucharist Therapy Bless God Helping Repent Catholic Easter Lent Mind Pray. Christian Religion concept background. fighting and victory for god © Love You Stock / shutterstock.com

In the 19th century, Russia started gobbling up Azerbaijan as the Persian Empire weakened under the Qajar dynasty. Sunnis fled from Russian-controlled territory to Azerbaijan. As Russia took over, a modern Azeri nationalism arose. It emphasized a common Turkic heritage. Ties with Ottoman Turkey deepened while those with Qajar Persia weakened. To this day, Azerbaijan remains closer to Turkey than to Iran.

Azerbaijan also retains close ties with Moscow. It has spent much of the last two centuries under Moscow’s thumb. After the 1917 Russian Revolution, Azerbaijan declared independence in 1918. This did not last long. Under Moscow’s rather heavy hand, the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic was formed.

Armenia too is closely intertwined with Moscow. Until World War I, Armenia was part of the Ottoman Empire. Yet war inflamed suspicions about the loyalty of Amenians to Istanbul. Some Armenian volunteers were serving in the Imperial Russian Army. The  infamous 1915 Tehcir Law ordered the forced relocation of the Ottoman Empire’s Armenian population to the Ottoman provinces of Syria and Iraq. Death marches into the desert and massacres led to the deaths of 800,000 to 1.5 million people. Forced Islamization of women and children sought to erase Armenian cultural identity and make them loyal subjects of the Ottoman sultan who was then the caliph of the entire Islamic world. This mass murder and cultural destruction has come to be known as the Armenian genocide.

World War I went badly for both Ottoman Turkey and Tsarist Russia. The 1920 Treaty of Sèvres “provided for an independent Armenia, for an autonomous Kurdistan, and for a Greek presence in eastern Thrace and on the Anatolian west coast, as well as Greek control over the Aegean islands commanding the Dardanelles.” The Turks rejected this unfair treaty and fought back. Peace only came with the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne that established the boundaries of modern Turkey. A year earlier, the Soviet Red Army had annexed Armenia along with Azerbaijan and Georgia. Universalist communism snuffed out nationalism in this part of the world.

In 1923, the Soviet Union established the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast within Azerbaijan. About 95% of its population was Armenian. For the next 60 years, the region was peaceful thanks to the heavy-handed Soviet rule. During the disastrous 1979-1989 Soviet-Afghanistan War, Moscow’s authority weakened significantly. In 1988, Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional legislature passed a resolution to join Armenia. Tensions rose but the Soviets kept things under control.

When the Soviet Union collapsed, all hell broke loose. Armenia and Azerbaijan achieved independent statehood, and went to war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenians in this region declared a breakaway state of Artsakh. This was unacceptable to Azerbaijan. Like the collapse of Yugoslavia, the results were tragic. The war caused over 30,000 casualties and created hundreds of thousands of refugees. As stated earlier, Armenia held the upper hand. 

By 1993, Armenia had gained control of Nagorno-Karabakh and occupied 20% of Azerbaijan’s geographic area. Peace only came in 1994 when Russia brokered a ceasefire that has come to be known as the Bishkek Protocol. This left Nagorno-Karabakh with de facto independence with a self-proclaimed government in Stepanakert. However, this enclave was still heavily reliant on close economic, political and military ties with Armenia.

Both Armenia and Azerbaijan were economic backwaters under Soviet rule. In 2011, Azerbaijan struck gold in the form of gas. Baku launched what has come to be known as the Southern Gas Corridor. Azerbaijan wrangled a deal with the European Commission to supply gas as far away as Italy. The country used gas proceeds to buy arms from both Turkey and Russia as well as modernize its military.

In early 2016, a four-day war broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh. Most analysts say that Azerbaijan triggered this conflict with the tacit, if not overt, acquiescence of Moscow. For many years, Baku had “been promising to liberate the territories occupied by the Armenians.” Neither were the Azerbaijani troops able to break through Armenian defenses in Nagorno-Karabakh, nor were the Armenians able to launch a counteroffensive. The truce reestablished the status quo.

In 2018, #MerzhirSerzhin—anti-government protests that have come to be known as the Velvet Revolution—broke out in Armenia and swept the old elites out of power. Serzh Sargsyan reluctantly stepped down as prime minister and Pashinyan took over. The new government sought to loosen ties with Russia without antagonizing Moscow, strengthen relations with Europe, and improve relations with neighboring countries, including Iran and Georgia.

Democracy in Armenia did not lead to peace in the region. As stated earlier, conflict broke out again in 2020. Azerbaijani forces crossed not only into the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh of Nagorno-Karabakh, but also into Armenia. Azerbaijani artillery strikes hit cities and villages deep within Armenian territory. More than 7,000 people died and hundreds, if not thousands, were wounded. Azerbaijan recaptured most of the territory it had lost in the 1990s. Three ceasefires brokered by Russia, France and the US failed. 

Eventually, Russia pushed through a ceasefire and sent 2,000 of its troops as peacekeepers. Armenia had to guarantee “the security of transport links” between the western regions of Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhichevan that lies within Armenia.

Since 1991, Russia had been Armenia’s main security and energy provider. The shared Orthodox Christian tradition has long made Yerevan Moscow’s most reliable partner in the region. Armenia is “the sole Russian ally in the region, the only host of a Russian military base, and “the only South Caucasus country to belong to the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation.”

Yet it seems that street protests for democracy sent alarm bells ringing in the Kremlin. Russian giant Gazprom hiked gas prices in 2019, forcing Armenia to make overtures to its southern neighbor Iran. Worse, Russia turned into a primary weapons supplier to Azerbaijan. This led to “a rather surprising crisis in Armenian-Russian relations.” Intelligence sources speak about a deal between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to back Azerbaijan because the former wanted to teach Armenia a lesson.

Turkey declared the 2020 ceasefire deal to be a “sacred success” for its ally Azerbaijan. In his characteristically colorful language, Erdoğan described Ankara’s support for Azerbaijan as part of Turkey’s quest for its “deserved place in the world order.” In a nutshell, Armenia-Azerbaijan has become a theater where big powers are yet again playing another version of the great game. Once, the Ottoman Empire, the Persian Empire and the Russian Empire met here in the Caucasus, and jostled for dominance. Another jostling has now begun with Turkey, Iran and Russia—successors to the three empires—playing key roles.

Others have got involved. Unsurprisingly, one of them is the US. On September 11, 2022, Mikael Zolyan of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace explained how the West had sidelined Russia in mediating the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In reality, the EU is playing a distant second fiddle. As negotiations in Munich have just demonstrated, the US is calling the shots, at least as of now. Naturally, Russia is not too pleased.

Other actors are involved too. Azerbaijan is allowing Ukraine’s military to obtain fuel from its gas stations at no cost. Furthermore, Ukraine has always supported “the integrity of Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territory throughout the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict” despite having the fifth largest Armenian diaspora in the world. Georgia is in Ukraine’s camp and is pursuing both EU and NATO membership. Armenia is home to a major Russian military base that has ground forces, tanks, air defense, missiles, helicopters and Mig-29 multi-role fighters. These are Armenia’s insurance against total Turkish-Azerbaijani domination. Despite heartburn over Russia’s betrayal in 2020, Armenian public opinion still favors Russia over Ukraine in the current ongoing conflict. The waters in the Caucasus are becoming very muddy.

Involvement of distant powers is making the waters muddier. Over the last few years, Pakistan has been self-consciously looking up to Turkey to craft its Islamic identity. The northern part of the Indian subcontinent was conquered by mamluk (i.e. manumitted slave) Turks in 1192. In recent years, Pakistan has been turning to these distant Turkish roots and Erdoğan is even more popular than the Turkish soap operas that are enthralling Pakistan. The Turkish leader is seen as a true representative of the Muslim world just as historical television drama Dirilis Ertugrul is viewed as glorifying “the Muslim value system and the Ottoman Empire.” 

It is important to remember that Muslims in British India, modern day India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, launched the 1919 Khilafat movement to restore the caliph to his throne in Turkey. They considered the Ottoman sultan to be their spiritual leader. Erdoğan has emerged as a new caliph for Pakistanis, many of whom are willing to fight and die for him.

The Fair Observer Intelligence (FOI) Threat Monitor concluded that Turkey and Pakistan were institutionalizing strategic relations and developing the characteristics of a military alliance. With the continuing deterioration of Pakistan’s economic and political situation, the supply and willingness of young men to volunteer for jihadi causes is increasing too.

Sadly for Armenia, Pakistan has the capability to support Turkey and Azerbaijan with large numbers of well-trained regular or irregular troops in any future conflict. Pakistani regular military personnel already supplement local forces in Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries. The Pakistani state has rich experience of training jihadi volunteers in unconventional warfare and then sending them to fight in support of Islamic causes around the world. These irregular forces have appeared in Afghanistan, India, and Yemen, sometimes working with Pakistani special forces. With appropriate incentives, these fighters could be deployed against Armenia to support Azerbaijani and Turkish objectives, possibly in combination with elements of the Pakistani Army.

Luckily for Armenia, India has decided to support this beleaguered Christian nation. In September 2022, the two countries signed a $245 million worth of Indian artillery systems, anti-tank rockets and ammunition to the Armenian military. Two months later, Armenia signed a $155 million order for 155-millimeter artillery gun systems. Aliyev, who succeeded his father to become the strongman president of Azerbaijan in 2003, declared India’s supply of weapons to Armenia as an “unfriendly move.” India made this move only after years of provocation by Erdoğan who has sided with Pakistan on Kashmir. According to Glenn Carle, FOI senior partner and retired CIA officer, India’s sale to Armenia makes strategic sense and is a play for great power status.

In a nutshell, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh has ramifications far beyond the region. The US wants Armenia to emulate Georgia and Ukraine, and join the ranks of free democracies. The EU wants peace in the Caucasus and cheap Azerbaijani gas to replace disrupted Russian supplies. Russia wants the Pashinyan government, which is increasingly unpopular after defeat in 2020, to fall. Yet it cannot and will not allow Armenia, an Orthodox Christian nation, to be completely subjugated by its Muslim neighbors.

Thanks to religion and ethnicity, Turkey and Azerbaijan see Armenia as a historic enemy. Both want to teach Yerevan a lesson. So does Ukraine and perhaps even Georgia. Curiously, mullah-run Iran wants to counter the growing influence of fellow Muslims—largely Sunni Turkey and majority Shia Azerbaijan—in the region. It fears that a powerful Azerbaijan could strive for the integration of Nakhchivan, the Azeri enclave in Armenia, and Azeri-majority areas in Iran. Therefore, Tehran is selling gas to energy-hungry Armenia. Thanks to Pavlovian cultural deference to Turkey, Pakistan sees the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict as jihad and its madrassa-trained young men might provide cannon fodder for this conflict. Meanwhile, India is responding to the pan-Islamism threat of Turkey and Pakistan by supporting a potentially valuable ally. 

The die is cast for a riveting saga, which promises to have more twists and turns than Dirilis Ertugrul.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

https://www.fairobserver.com/politics/make-sense-of-the-old-and-new-armenia-azerbaijan-conflict/