Author: Chakrian Hovsep

HEAD OF ARMENIA’S NSPS: RUMORS ABOUT THE FORTHCOMING EARTHQUAKE ARE SPREAD IN YEREVAN BEFORE EACH ANNIVERSARY OF SPITAK EARTHQUAKE

ArmInfo
2008-12-01 15:33:00

ArmInfo. ‘Rumors about the forthcoming earthquake are spread in Yerevan
before each anniversary of the disastrous Spitak earthquake in 1988’,
Head of the National Seismic Protection Service [NSPS] of Armenia
Alvaro Antonyan said today’s press-conference in "De Facto" club.

He also said this year did not escape such rumors either. ‘Several days
ago a research officer of the Armenian National Academy of Science said
by TV that the geologists paid attention to an increased concentration
of radon gas in the layers of earth under Yerevan, that testifies of
the enhanced seismological ackground. This was enough for panic to
start in the capital city’, A. Antonyan said.

According to him, 20 radon-measuring stations and 150 seismological
stations deliver information to NSPS of Armenia on a daily basis
concerning the whole seismological situation not only on Armenia but
on the whole region as well.

‘It is impossible to predict earthquake but possible to assess general
seismological background. The data we have received, as well as the
recent weak earthquake shocks let us say with confidence that weak and
even perceivable earthquakes are possible during the next 2 months,
however, no powerful earthquake shocks are expected’, A. Antonyan said.

TURKEY, EU NEED PRESS FREEDOM

Today’s Zaman
Nov 26 2008
Turkey

Turkey has reformed some clauses of its censorship law, especially
Article 301, but the law remains an impediment to press freedom,
said David Dadge, director of the International Press Institute (IPI).

Dadge spoke to Turkish journalists in Ä°stanbul on Monday evening at
the Mecidiyeköy office of the Turkish Broadcasters Association. The
meeting was held under the auspices of the Press Institute Association
(Basın Enstitusu Dernegi) and the national committee of the IPI.

Article 301 is the law under which novelist Orhan Pamuk and many
other writers and journalists have been prosecuted for "insulting
Turkishness." This year’s reforms replaced that vague term with
"Turkish nation," reduced the maximum sentence under the law to two
years, and mandated authorization from the justice minister for any
prosecutions, but the law is still unjust, said Dadge.

The IPI director referred to the 2007 murder of Armenian-Turkish
journalist Hrant Dink, convicted under the law, as sad proof that such
legal accusations tend to feed a cycle of violence. Prosecution leaves
people suspected of being anti-Turkish, which in turn leads fanatics
"to attack or silence" their perceived enemies, Dadge said.

Dadge holds an honorary law degree and is the author of several books
on press freedom: "Casualty of War: The Bush Administration’s Assault
on a Free Press," "Silenced: International Journalists Expose Media
Censorship" and "The War in Iraq and Why the Media Failed Us." The
former editor of IPI’s World Press Freedom Review, Dadge became IPI
director in January.

Tensions with Ankara

Hurriyet newspaper’s foreign news editor Ferai Tinc, head of the IPI
national committee, introduced Dadge by noting that press freedom and
integrity have been under assault this year by government authorities
in Ankara, including the prime minister.

"This deep-seated sensitivity doesn’t need to exist," said Dadge. "It
takes confidence to discuss the army, legal cases or the Armenian
issue." He cited other articles of the penal code that forbid
insults to the army (Article 318) or comments on a current legal case
(Article 208).

Worse still, politicians have becomes as sensitive as institutions,
said Dadge, citing a war of words from the government over media
coverage of the Ergenekon trial, the Deniz Feneri case and perceived
government pressure regarding accreditation of journalists to cover
the prime minister to southeastern Turkey. The IPI director several
times mentioned the refusal of accreditation for news organizations
such as Zaman and Today’s Zaman to attend military briefings, which
he portrayed as a self-defeating attempt to manipulate the media.

Dadge criticized Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan for his reaction
to press coverage of the Deniz Feneri case, a prosecution in Germany
that alleged that a charitable Turkish fund had diverted money
back to Turkey for non-charitable purposes, including transfers
to the government or to Justice and Development Party (AK Party)
officials. Incensed at the allegations reported in the Turkish press,
Erdogan told his supporters not to buy those newspapers, which Dadge
said was a hit at the business of those media organizations and an
attempt to influence coverage.

"You would think politicians deserved a greater standard of care
from the media, but the opposite is true," said Dadge. "Media should
criticize politicians more, not less. And governments have to explain
themselves to the media, not remove those news organizations they
don’t like."

The media must hold the government to account and insist on their
right to access information, he said. News organizations must ring
the alarm bells internationally, through IPI if need be, and should
show solidarity in Turkey and with one voice tell the prime minister
to take two steps back from criticizing the media. In addition,
and perhaps the most crucial point, is for Turkish media to adopt
and enforce strict codes of conduct so that they can justify their
coverage to themselves and their critics.

EU has troubles, too

It is important for governments to understand the difference between
news and editorial departments, to understand that a critical op-ed
piece does not mean that the whole news organization is negative toward
that politician or policy, said Dadge. There is a blurred distinction
between news and editorial both in and outside of the European Union.

Dadge cited several recent cases in the EU that broadly interpreted
what constitutes criminal defamation: An Italian journalist in 2007
was sentenced to 18 months for reporting on politicians patronizing
prostitutes; a Polish journalist in 2007 got six months; and the
Slovakian parliament this year proposed a law making editors and
publishers criminally liable for opinions expressed in their news
organizations.

"The EU accession process has no benchmark, does not consider press
freedom," said Dadge. "The process as it stands could let Turkey join
with some of these problems remaining."

In the conflict between notions of individual privacy versus press
freedom, there used to be a presumption of press rights, he said, but
now judges are more likely to favor considerations of privacy. For
example, he cited this summer’s incident of photographs showing
racing association head Max Mosely in Nazi costume with a prostitute;
nonetheless Mosley won a libel suit against tabloid News of the World.

News organizations also need to resist government attempts to use
"national interest" to override press freedom, said Dadge. They need
to fight terrorism-led governments that curtail civil liberties in
general and press rights in particular. In the United Kingdom, for
example, the government can use a "D-notice" to prevent the press from
discussing sensitive topics or topics embarrassing to the government.

In the EU, there is a fear that discussing radical Islam in print or
on TV may incite fanatics to launch terrorist attacks, he said.

But the EU cannot lecture others on human rights when the union has
no benchmark on press freedom, said Dadge. The harmonization process
lets Bulgaria slide by without any look at its press freedom, for
example. Bulgaria entered the EU with huge corruption and a growing
mafia network, but a free press is the best antidote to government
corruption, and the situation with Sofia points to the failure of
the EU to see press freedom as fundamental to democracy.

The journalists at the meeting spent 90 minutes sharing thoughts at
the microphone. One reporter said he looked up "freedom of press" on
Google, hit the third item on the list and immediately got a warning
page from the government: "Access to this site is banned …"

–Boundary_(ID_jaAJ6265yaIKOqnon9mXQw)- –

TURKEY’S GENDARMERIE: REFORMING A FRONTLINE UNIT IN THE WAR ON TERRORISM

Jamestown Foundation
he=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=34177&tx_ttnew s%5BbackPid%5D=7&cHash=6559860084
Nov 26 2008
DC

Publication: Terrorism Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 22November 25, 2008
06:13 PM Age: 1 daysCategory: Terrorism Monitor, Turkey, Featured,
Global Terrorism Analysis, Home Page By: Andrew McGregor

Turkey’s paramilitary Gendarmerie, a frontline unit in the War on
Terrorism, is about to undergo some of the greatest changes yet
in its long history. The reforms call for a radical restructuring
of the organization, designed to generate greater efficiency in
counterterrorism efforts as well as assist Turkey in its efforts to
join the European Union.

The Gendarmerie (Jandarma Genel Komutanlıgı – JGK) was founded as
part of the 1839 Ottoman Tanzimat reforms. In 1909 it was brought
under control of the Ministry of War. The Gendarmes handled interior
security during the First World War and played an important part in
the War of Independence that followed the Ottoman collapse. Several
reorganizations followed before the Gendarmerie became involved in
the Cyprus conflict of 1974 (jandarma.tsk.mil.tr). When the struggle
began against PKK militants, the Gendarmerie, as the security body
responsible for the rural regions of southeast Turkey in which the
PKK operated, was naturally involved. Currently, the Gendarmerie has
responsibility for security in 92 % of Turkey’s area, containing over
one-third of the nation’s population.

As a law enforcement agency, the Turkish Gendarmerie falls under the
jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Interior, with responsibility
for securing public order in areas outside municipal boundaries. The
gendarmerie has special responsibilities in the areas of combating
smuggling, border control, corrections, enforcing conscription
and criminal investigations, as well as being available to perform
duties to be determined by the General Staff. In wartime, however, the
organization comes under the command of the Turkish General Staff and
falls directly under the command of the millitary. This arrangement
is supposed to make the Gendarmerie a more effective entity during
times of crises. In practice, however, the Gendarmerie has little
interaction with civilian agencies and tends to act as a department
of the Turkish military even during times of peace. The reforms
intend to eliminate this impractical two-headed command structure,
bringing the paramilitary under complete civilian control.

The Gendarmerie is composed of six branches, operating in 13 regional
commands spread over Turkey’s 81 provinces:

â~@¢ Gendarmerie Headquarters and subordinated units â~@¢ Internal
Security Forces Command (including Gendarmerie commando and aviation
units) â~@¢ Border Forces Command â~@¢ Training Forces Command â~@¢
Gendarmerie Schools Command â~@¢ Logistics Command

The Gendarmerie is designed to be mobile and is well equipped
with armored personnel carriers (APCs), helicopters, and light
artillery. The APCs include old but upgraded East German BTR-60PBs,
American-designed Cadillac-Gage vehicles, Turkish-built Otokar Akrep
and Cobra models, and the Shorland S55, originally designed for service
in Northern Ireland. A small force of helicopters includes Sikorsky
S-70A28 and S-70A17 Blackhawks, Agusta-Bell AB205A1s, and Russian
designed Mi-17 transports. During operations, gendarmerie forces may
be transported by helicopter or call in air support from the Turkish
Air Force when necessary. The Ozel Jandarma Komando Bolugu (OJKB) is
the Gendarmerie’s highly-trained Special Forces unit. It specializes
in counterterrorism operations (particularly those against the PKK)
and public security activities.

Most members of the Gendarmerie are conscript servicemen with only a
short training period. NCO’s are selected from those soldiers with at
least one year of military service. Officers are recruited while still
cadets at the Military Academy and take additional gendarmerie training
after finishing their infantry and commando training. They will usually
stay with the Gendarmerie for the rest of their career. Gendarmes
are typically posted away from their home regions to avoid conflicts
of interest. Funerals of gendarmerie conscripts killed fighting the
PKK are typically attended by thousands of angry mourners, but their
slogans and invective remain directed towards the PKK rather than the
government. For the government, this is a useful display of continued
public support for a civil conflict that has survived a succession
of governments and prevailing ideologies.

Reforming the Gendarmerie

Based on decisions taken by the Higher Counterterrorism Board (Terorle
Mucadele Yuksek Kurulu – TMYK) and the National Security Council
(Milli Guvenlik Kurulu – MGK), the new Gendarmerie will focus on
border security and the maintenance of order in rural areas. The force
will lose its last areas of responsibility in towns and cities. The
command structure will also be reformed, with civilians assuming most
of the administrative positions. Both police and gendarmerie will be
part of a new Domestic Security Under secretariat of the Interior
Ministry (Hurriyet, October 23; Today’s Zaman, November 10). The
Gendarmerie commander will no longer be listed among the top four
generals of the Turkish armed forces (Turk Silahli Kuvvetleri – TSK)
and will become subordinate to the Interior Minister, a reversal of
the current protocol (Today’s Zaman, October 25).

While the TSK General Staff appears to have given its consent to the
changes (or has at least decided not to oppose them publicly), there
has been opposition from within the Gendarmerie command. A letter from
General Mustafa Biyik, on behalf of the Gendarmerie command, demanded
a reversal of the reforms, accusing the government of ignoring the
wishes of the Gendarmerie general command and the organization’s
150 year legacy of service to the state (Taraf, October 26). The
Gendarmerie is also proving reluctant to transfer command in urban
jurisdictions to the national police.

In August, General Avni Atilla Isık, former staff commander of the
Turkish Land Forces, became the new commander of the Gendarmerie. While
General Isik has shifted to the Gendarmerie from the army, the new
Gendarmerie Chief of Staff is Lieutenant General Mustafa Biyik, a
career Gendarmerie officer, having joined the organization in 1975
(jandarma.tsk.tr). Commanders are frequently drawn from the army,
returning there after a period with the Gendarmerie.

Addressing a Controversial Legacy

For a force seeking to prove it has adopted European Union standards,
the Turkish gendarmerie is facing an embarrassing assortment of
court cases related to abuses of power. A court in Trabzon has ruled
that the case of two Gendarmerie sergeants accused of having prior
knowledge of the 2007 murder of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink can
now go to trial. A gendarmerie Colonel is facing similar charges
(Today’s Zaman, November 12). Former Gendarmerie commander Sener
Eruygur is among those charged with participation in the Ergenekon
plot (Yeni Safak, November 9; NTV November 11). Gendarmerie men are
among those implicated in the beating death of a detained protestor
last month (Anatolia, November 17; Hurriyet, November 17).

The most controversial branch of the Gendarmerie does not appear
on the command chart. This is the Jandarma Istihbarat ve Terorle
Mucadele (JITEM), the Gendarmerie’s intelligence and anti-terrorism
department. Long-maintained official denials of JITEM’s existence are
now collapsing in the courts, as ex-members of Turkey’s "deep state"
security apparatus testify to their participation in covert and
illegal activities over the last few decades as part of the ongoing
"Ergenekon" investigation. Without any kind of civilian oversight,
JITEM appears to have descended into violence and criminality, and
are often only tenuously related to the security of the state. A
recently-published book by a former JITEM officer, Abdulkadir Aygan,
describes a force for which assassinations were normal business and
even attacks on the state itself were considered permissible. [1]

As part of the Ergenekon investigation, retired general Veli Kucuk
admitted to being the leader of JITEM after taking over from founder
Arif Dogan in 1990 (Zaman, January 30). JITEM appears to have been
composed largely of ex-PKK members and NCOs of the Gendarmerie,
operating in small, largely autonomous cells specializing in false-flag
operations. According to Aygan, torture was common and detainees were
often killed.

A May 2008 study produced by Istanbul’s Turkish Economic and Social
Studies Foundation addressed the problem of the lack of oversight of
gendarmerie activities related to national security. According to
author Ibrahim Cerrah, a professor at the Turkish Police Academy,
institutional reforms are needed to raise the ethical standards
of Turkey’s gendarmes and police, which have often resorted to
extra-judicial means in countering threats to internal stability:

Legal and ethical violations by some security personnel may occur in
the name of perceived higher ideals, such as the protection of the
higher interests of the state and the nation, without consideration
for any personal interest. However, it has been observed in the past
that legal and ethical violations for short-term benefits can in the
long run cause more harm than good to the principles defended and to
the country… It is a fact that the problem of illegal and unethical
acts committed by some security sector personnel is not sufficiently
addressed. The most important reason for this is professional
solidarity resulting from professional socialization… Members
of the security profession are in a kind of unwritten agreement to
protect each other and not to speak out against each other, outside
of exceptional and compulsory situations. [2] Independent inspection
of the Gendarmerie as required by EU regulations has so far foundered
because of the organization’s dual allegiance – its connection to
the General Staff makes any outside inspection impossible without the
approval or even participation of the General Staff itself (Turkish
Daily News, May 14). The EU’s November progress report on Turkey
stated; "no progress has been made on enhancing civilian control over
the Gendarmerie’s law enforcement activities". [3]

The JGK Commandos

Other reforms directed at Turkey’s commando forces will have an
impact on the Gendarmerie, which maintains one brigade of commandos
to the army’s five. The reforms are designed to professionalize
the commandos, with only officers and volunteer NCOs of the rank
of sergeant and above being allowed to join the force. (Hurriyet,
May 8). The move to professional troops will solve the problem of
conscripts leaving the armed forces once their term of enlistment is
up, giving the commandos the benefit of experience and continuity in
their efforts. The new commandos will receive hazard pay for serving
in southeast Turkey, the focus of fighting with the PKK.

Conclusion

Professionalization of the gendarmerie is being imposed by
necessity. As law enforcement techniques become more sophisticated,
a lack of education common to many conscripts is beginning to
hamper operations, especially those done in conjunction with the
generally better-educated police services. Changes in personnel
recruitment are being matched by improvements in equipment, with
ongoing modernization programs aimed at command and communications
systems, weaponry, vehicles and other equipment. With unification
under Interior Ministry command, the police and the gendarmerie
are being encouraged to carry out greater intelligence cooperation,
an ongoing problem in the Turkish security services.

An important indication of the Gendarmerie’s new field of
responsibility may be found in Ankara’s recent approval of the
construction of 118 new posts along the border with Iraq, along
with the construction of roads linking the posts to urban centers
and other necessary infrastructure (Today’s Zaman, November 14). The
Gendarmerie is about to become a frontier force, with long postings in
sparsely populated and largely inaccessible regions. In this sense,
the Gendarmerie’s resistance to losing its last urban areas of
responsibility is understandable. The important reforms to Turkey’s
internal security structure may be seen as part of a general trend
in Europe away from paramilitary Gendarmerie-type security services.

Notes

1. See also Ferhat Unlu’s extensive interview with Abdulkadir Aygan,
Sabah, August 25.

2. Ibrahim Cerrah, Police Ethics and The Vocational Socialization of
the Security Personnel in Turkey, Turkish Economic and Social Studies
Foundation (TESEV), Istanbul, May 2008, p.40.

3. Turkey 2008 Progress Report, Commission of the European Communities,
November 5.

–Boundary_(ID_p/N3thQ2QVcSbc9IlQ+06g)–

AS LONG AS THE COURT PROCEEDING IS IN PROCESS
Lilit Poghosyan

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
27 Nov 08
Armenia

It is early to make any assessment

As we know, CoE Commissioner for Human Rights Thomas Hammarberg
expressed rather tough assessments on the inquest and trial of the
"March 1" case, calling into question not only the professionalism of
the judicial bodies but also the resource of trust in the NA interim
committee investigating the circumstances of the mass disorders.

In response to our questions, ARTASHES SHAHBAZYAN, Secretary of the
ARFD parliamentary faction and member of the interim parliamentary
committee, refrained from making "any accusations in return" and
at the same time, pointed out that he had some reservations about
the Commissioner’s prejudiced statement. Below we present the
considerations of the Deputy.

"How is it possible to make any assessment on or speak about the
pressures against the MPs, if the examination of the cases is in
process; they haven’t been brought to the court, and the court hasn’t
made any decision yet. For instance, in some cases, the representatives
of the opposition use pressure against a witness. There have even
been cases of moral pressure when the witnesses were asked to change
the contents of their testimony. And by the way, some witnesses did
renounce their testimonies in the court later.

Or, they say that20the arrested political figures should be
released. In this case too, I think that it’s still early to make
any assessments or speak about the release of the 7 political figures
because the verdicts haven’t yet been returned.

There have been mass disorders, and there are people accused of a
grave crime, i.e. attempting to usurp power. I don’t want to violate
the principle of the presumption of innocence and say that they did
really make that step. I wish those accusations weren’t confirmed, and
those people, including our colleagues, were released after the court
hearing. But considering such a grave accusation, it is impossible
to demand that the case be dismissed and the ‘political prisoners’
be released. This approach is unconceivable to me."

"What accounts for the European official’s negative attitude towards
the interim committee? Mr. Hammarberg actually expressed distrust to
the committee by saying that the ‘impartial’ work of the fact-finding
group was the only chance for disclosing the ‘March 1’ disorders."

"I have to agree with Samvel Nikoyan, Head of the Committee, and say
that there is probably some moral pressure against Mr. Hammarberg. What
I don’t understand is why the honorable Commissioner reiterates the
opposition’s viewpoint that the committee cannot be trusted because
the opposition does not participate in its ac tivities.

The committee did invite those people to participate in its
activities. But if they refuse to attend our sessions or provide
us with any facts (if, they of course, they have facts at all), if
they won’t answer our questions in conditions of absolute publicity,
what makes Mr. Hammarberg decide that the committee does not inspire
confidence.

What is it that doesn’t inspire confidence? Which part of the
activities doesn’t inspire confidence when we assume the function
of defense lawyers and go to the court to thoroughly study the
publications of the press and raise all the issues advanced by the
opposition; when we invite the responsible representatives of the
law enforcement agencies and pose those questions to them?"

"Could Mr. Hammarberg have thoroughly familiarized himself with the
inquest materials and the course of the proceedings within a couple
of hours so as to consider himself entitled to accuse the inquest
body and courts of ‘non-professionalism’?"

"I don’t think he could have. Regrettable though it is, I do really
see some prejudiced disposition about all this. When the verdicts
are returned, we will consider them and draw final conclusions. It’s
quite possible that we will find certain problems with regard to the
activities of the authorities.

You have probably noticed that we have certain reservations to the
activities of the l aw enforcement agencies, and we want to listen
to everybody and disclose the truth. I don’t want to be populistic
and run ahead of time by speaking about pardoning the detainees,
but we will introduce our proposals in future.

If it is proven tomorrow that certain court decisions were made on
political motives, that will be quite a different thing. For the
sake of the truth, it is necessary to mention that the Criminal Code
contains some articles which have political shadings, and in the course
of time, it will be necessary to touch upon them. After the trials, it
will be necessary to touch upon the cases of the people convicted under
those articles, look upon the indictments and verdicts and see whether
that factor did not play any role in making the court decisions.

But I don’t think it is right to use such indirect pressure against
the justice system and finally – the state."

"If we guide ourselves with the presumption that the criminal cases
against the radicals were filed with political considerations,
we will have to admit that there were no organizers, and nobody is
responsible for what happened, and the people really gathered near
the statue of Myasnikyan spontaneously; they threw grenades at the
policemen, set the cars on fire and looted the shops in a spontaneous
manner. Do you think this hypothesis reasonable?"

"Obviously, the leaders of the demonstrations pa rticipated in the
events; they were on the Theatrical Square and near the statue
of Myasnikyan. I don’t want to say that they led the illegal
operations. The problem here is to find out to what extent their
statements and actions pushed the people to illegal action and after
all, to what extent they were involved in all those activities.

But for the time being, I will refrain from making such
assessments. The final assessment is to be made by the court which
should study all the circumstances, particularly those concerning
the case of the seven individuals."

3,000 DRAMS FOR ONE MONTH’S WORK

A1+
[06:11 pm] 27 November, 2008

The city of Noyemberyan is known for the embroidery of Armenian carpet
designs on pieces of small, white cloth.

Local buyers value this hard work at 3,000 drams and dealers help
export them to the U.S. where they are sold at a price ten times more
than the original.

There are 3-4 dealers in Noyemberyan and each of them hands out the
spectra, material and yarn of Armenian national carpets to dozens of
girls and women.

AGBU Press Office
55 East 59th Street
New York, NY 10022-1112
Phone: 212.319.6383, x118
Fax: 212.319.6507
Email: [email protected]
Website:

PRESS RELEASE

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

New York Summer Intern Program (NYSIP) Concludes 21st Season with Great
Success; Summer 2009 Applications Available Now

The AGBU is currently accepting applications for the New York Summer
Intern Program (NYSIP). The deadline for applications is December 1,
2008. Information on the application process, as well as the application
form itself, is available at

In its 22nd year, the Program has over 600 alumni from throughout the
world, including Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Brazil, Canada, England,
France, and Lebanon. This past summer, 38 interns had opportunities to
work at New York’s leading financial institutions, law firms, sports and
entertainment outlets, media organizations, and fashion houses.
Throughout the years, NYSIP interns have been placed at a number of the
city’s most prominent institutions, including Deutsche Bank Securities,
Merrill Lynch, Columbia University Medical Center, Entertainment Weekly,
Isaac Mizrahi, the National Hockey League, The People’s Choice Awards,
Telegraph Newspaper UK, and Hermes.

The internships provide rewarding professional experiences and
opportunities for enhancing career development and contacts, which are
invaluable in today’s intensely competitive global marketplace. In
addition, interns live on the campus of New York University and
participate in social and cultural events that create shared memories of
friendships.

During evenings and weekends, NYSIP interns participate in educational,
cultural and professional networking events. This past year, lecturers
included NYSIP alumnus Patrick Sarkissian, now president of Sarkissian
Mason, a full-service international interactive media and graphic design
agency, who spoke about becoming an entrepreneur, stressing the
importance of diligence, hard work, research, and belief in one’s self.

"AGBU’s NYSIP is one of the defining pillars in the personality of those
young Armenians who are brave enough to attend," said Sarkissian. "It
takes courage to be in a city where you know no one and are expected to
prove yourself – it is the essence of building character. The year I
attended I remember facing the city and feeling so small in comparison.
Ten years later, I watch my intern and realize how experience builds
courage and strength, and that the city isn’t so daunting after all."

The cultural and educational activities help strengthen each intern’s
sense of pride in their heritage, whether they are learning about
Armenian dance and language or discussing the role and mission of the
Armenian Church with His Eminence Archbishop Khajag Barsamian, Primate
of the Diocese of the Armenian Church of America (Eastern) at St. Vartan
Cathedral, one of the key headquarters for religious life in the
diaspora.

The internship program is also enhanced by support and guidance
throughout the summer from the AGBU Young Professionals of Greater New
York (YPGNY), many of whom are NYSIP alumni. In 2008, the Young
Professionals took on an even greater role by hosting a summer-long
mentoring initiative, which paired each intern with an industry leader
in their field of study. Mentors met with their interns several times
throughout the summer, and undoubtedly many will continue as future
advisors and professional contacts for the interns.

This year was a bittersweet year for NYSIP and the extended AGBU family
as all were saddened by the passing away of Vartkess Balian. As co-chair
of the AGBU President’s Club, Mr. Balian co-founded NYSIP in 1987 along
with his wife Rita Balian. They worked selflessly and tirelessly for 20
years to build the program to where it has reached today. The AGBU and
the alumni of the Internship Programs are grateful to Vartkess and Rita
Balian for the sacrifices that they have made. This year the torch was
passed to their son Raffi Balian and AGBU Central Board Member Sarkis
Jebejian, who together co-chair the program. Raffi Balian serves as a
Foreign Service Officer at the U.S. Department of State, and Sarkis
Jebejian, is a partner in the law firm of Cravath, Swaine, and Moore.

Each summer comes to a close with the Supervisor’s Reception, which pays
tribute to the individuals who shared their time, guidance, and
expertise with the interns. The NYSIP Director Michael Hovsepian served
as the Master of Ceremonies, Patrick Sarkissian, President of Sarkissian
Mason and a NYSIP alumnus, was the keynote speaker, while supervisor
Anna Bruno of AXA Advisors and AGBU Central Board of Directors Member
Arda Haratunian also reflected on the program. Two interns, Ani Toumajan
from Michigan and Arman Kalamkarian from Fresno, also provided insight
into the student side of the experience.

As yet another summer in New York came to a close, the 2008 program
participants, like many interns before them, left the city with
unforgettable memories, lifelong friendships, professional connections,
a wealth of diverse knowledge and a feeling of wanting to give back in
the future.

"No matter how far from home you may be, when there are Armenians
around, you’re with your family," said Miranda Torosoglu, an intern from
Melbourne, Australia, after her summer in New York.

"The most important thing I learned during my AGBU New York Summer
Intern Program experience was that there is a whole world of opportunity
out there for me, just as long as I go after it and achieve my goals,"
said intern Ximena Kedikian of Buenos Aires, Argentina. "AGBU has given
me wonderful opportunities to explore my horizons and connect with my
culture."

Sponsored by the AGBU President’s Club, the AGBU New York Summer Intern
Program (NYSIP) (agbu.org/nysip) was established in 1987 by Vartkess and
Rita Balian. NYSIP places young, aspiring Armenians in eight-week
internships in leading academic, cultural, financial, governmental,
legal, media and medical institutions in New York, while providing a
well-rounded program of Armenian cultural, educational and
community-service activities.

For more information on AGBU and its worldwide programs, please visit

RA MFA: ARMENIA, TURKEY TO ESTABLISH DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS

PanARMENIAN.Net
24.11.2008 18:52 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian said
the RA will continue negotiations for normalization of relations
between Turkey and Armenia.

"Active dialogue, which started early September when Turkish
President Gul paid a visit to Armenia, will be continued. I don’t
see any serious obstacle for normalizing our relations. Our position
implies normalization of relations and opening of the border without
any preconditions, Armenia is ready to do that and we wait for Turkey
to do the same. Armenia is interested in establishment of diplomatic
relations with Turkey. There are many countries in state of war,
which have diplomatic relations and are open to each other," he said
in Istanbul during the meeting of the BSEC Secretariat.

"My optimism originates from the negotiations with the Turkish side;
we started negotiations immediately after the visit of the Turkish
President of in September. We had very constructive, very interesting
and frank discussions," he said.

Commenting on the possibility of direct flights to be exercised by
Turkish Airlines, Minister Nalbandian said, "I came directly from
Yerevan. So if THY decides to have own direct flights to Armenia,
why not? It would be very useful for business and tourism between
two countries."

He also voiced hope that Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan will be
in Istanbul in October 2009 for Turkey-Armenia return soccer match.

CBA: LOANS EXTENDED BY ARMENIAN BANKS DOUBLE IN 2008

ARKA
Nov 25, 2008

YEREVAN, November 25. /ARKA/. Bank lending volume grew by 50% in
Armenia in 2008 only, the Chairman of the Central Bank of Armenia
(CBA) Artur Javadyan told journalists in answering the question on
the alleged bank lending problems.

"Rumors that our banks are not giving credits are not true. Armenian
banks do provide loans," Javadyan said.

He stressed that attraction of foreign funds gives the banks
an opportunity to extend credits to a greater number of common
people. Armenia’s commercial banks continue providing also consumer
credits.

Consumer credits somehow reduced as they contain some other risks,
dependence on expected income of individuals in future in particular
– that us why banks have set certain limitations and are extending
credits not to everybody, Javadyan said.

Today 22 commercial banks with 367 branches operate in Armenia. Total
assets of Armenia’s banking system had amounted to 954.1bln Drams
by the end of September this year with total capital and liabilities
amounting to 214.9bln Drams and 739.2bln Drams respectively. The volume
of economy crediting reached 617.5bln Drams against 434.5bln Drams
in the beginning of the year, including consumer credits – 172.5bln
Drams and mortgage credits – 81bln Drams. ($1=305.59Drams).

Monument to Armenian dram unveiled in Yerevan

2008-11-22 14:27:00

ArmInfo. A monument to Armenia’s national currency, Armenian dram
(AMD), was unveiled in Yerevan today on the occasion of the 15th
birthday of the currency.

Prime Minister of Armenia TIgran Sargsyan, President of the Central
Bank of Armenia Artur Javadyan, Deputy Managing Director of IMF Murilo
Portugal and other officials attended the ceremony.

Sargsyan said that the monument symbolized the short but eventful
history of Armenia’s financial sector. In the early 1990s the sector
faced lots of problems. One of them was that people did not trust
Armenian banks and Armenian currency. "We worked hard and managed to
enhance people’s confidence in our financial system and national
currency," Sargsyan said. "We want AMD to have good reputation both
inside and outside Armenia," he said.

The first lot of AMDs was brought into Armenia in Oct 1993. Then the
AMD/USD exchange rate was 14.5 AMD/1 USD. Today, it is 305.94 AMD/1
USD.

ARMENIA TO OPEN EMBASSY TO LITHUANIA NEXT YEAR

Baltic News Service
November 19, 2008 Wednesday 3:06 PM EET

Armenia plans to open an embassy to Lithuania next year. "It is a
specific move that will facilitate possibilities for the cooperation of
businessmen, artists and youth," Lithuania’s acting Foreign Minister
Petras Vaitiekunas said at a meeting with his Armenian colleague,
Edvard Nalbandian, in Vilnius on Tuesday. The Lithuanian Embassy to
Armenia was opened in October 2007 and started issuing Lithuanian
visas in the fall of 2008. During the meeting, Nalbandian applauded
the active development of relations with Lithuania, signature of the
key agreements between the two countries, however, noted the failure
to make full use of the potential of trade and economic cooperation,
the Lithuanian Foreign Ministry said in a press release. The
Armenian diplomat also stressed the significance of treaties with
the European Union (EU) on free trade and facilitated travels. In
his words, Armenia is searching for possibilities to facilitate the
visa regime for Lithuanian citizens. Lithuania and Armenia now have
visa requirements for travels of their citizens. Vilnius newsroom,
+370 5 2058509, [email protected]