Author: Chakrian Hovsep

Reports on new OSCE MG proposals exaggerated, says Armenian minister
Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
posted April 18 2005
Baku, April 15, AssA-Irada — Armenian foreign minister Vardan
Oskanian told Radio Liberty that the recent media reports about
the new proposals from the OSCE MG co-chairs on the Upper Garabagh
conflict settlement are exaggerated. The OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs
met separately with the Foreign Ministers of Azerbaijan and Armenia
in London on Friday.
Oskanian told journalists following the meetings that he considers
them a continuation of ‘Prague talks’. He declined to elaborate on
the details of the meetings but said they focused on general issues.*

AZG Armenian Daily #068, 16/04/2005
Neighbors
USA ISN’T GOING TO PROTECT BAKU-JEHYAN
Mediamax informed that Rino Harnish, US Ambassador to Azerbaijan, stated
that the US do not find it necessary to assist Azerbaijan in securing the
safety of Baku-Tbilisi-Jehyan oil pipeline.
Harnish stated that the countries that allow the pipeline pass though their
territories are mainly responsible for the security of the pipeline. Harnish
said, “This is the principal position of the US, as only the Azeri
Government can take the final decision to apply force for the securing the
safety of the pipeline.

ASBAREZ ONLINE
TOP STORIES
04/15/2005
TO ACCESS PREVIOUS ASBAREZ ONLINE EDITIONS PLEASE VISIT OUR
WEBSITE AT <;HTTP:// 1) Editorial: Say It Like You Mean It 2) Letter to the Editor from Armenian Assembly of America 3) Turkey Once Again Proposes Joint Commission on Genocide; Message to Armenia, However, Gets Lost in the Mix 4) California Marchers Cross 160-Mile Mark 5) Armenian National Committee of America Endorses Antonio Villaraigosa for Los Angeles Mayor 6) Belgian Senate Conference on Armenian Genocide to Address Issue of Recognition 7) Panic and Confusion Consume Turkey's Journey toward Europe 8) Houston Holocaust Museum Commemorates 90th Anniversary of Genocide with Prof. Dadrian 9) Nine Decades of Denial: Glendale High School Students to Commemorate 90th Anniversary 10) Crescenta Valley Center Celebrates Commitment to Community 11) UnPlucked: A one-woman show written and performed by Lory Tatoulian 12) Letter to Editor 13) Some Basic Questions 14) Lord Jeffery, Smallpox Blankets, and the TARC report 1) Editorial: Say It Like You Mean It Last week, we published the Armenian Assembly's response to our March 25 editorial (see letter to the editor below), in which we had asked "Why, on the eve of the 90th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, is the Armenian Assembly of America helping Turkey deny justice to the Armenian people?" That question had arisen as a result of the Assembly's continued use and dissemination of a study commissioned by the dubious Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission and supported by the Assembly and the pro-Turkish US State Department. That study had confirmed, as countless others haveand as our editorial, in fairness, quoted verbatimthat the Armenian Genocide was in fact genocide; however, the study also concluded that "no legal, financial or territorial claim arising out of the Events could successfully be made against any individual or state under the Convention [on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide]." The Assembly's response did not answer our question regarding the Assembly's role in facilitating a "resolution" to the Armenian Question that would benefit joint US/Turkish interests in that part of the world (to put our question in less unpleasant terms). The Assembly's response merely attempted, through verbal gymnastics, to deflect that question. But in doing so, it provided a glimpse into the Assembly's actual, though unstated, position on the subject. The first three of the four longish paragraphs of the Assembly's response are devoted to convincing readers that there was nothing wrong with using the TARC-sponsored study, because, after all, it was done for the sake of getting Congress to recognize the Genocide, and surely that can't be "fairly portrayed as 'denying justice to the Armenian people'." That sure sounds like a good response; unfortunately, it doesn't directly deal with the question we asked. We were talking about the consequences and significance of using the TARC study as a means or tactic; we weren't questioning the Assembly's stated purpose for using those meansin fact, we called it "otherwise praiseworthy." In other words, we were saying the end doesn't justify the means, especially if those means undermine the ultimate purpose; moreover, we were highlighting that the means you use says a lot about who you are, what you believe, and what you're willing or capable of doing. Let's put it this way: The TARC study "gives" Armenians something of little value, and it tries to take away from Armenians (and give to Turkey) something of great value. What it gives (Genocide recognition), countless other studies have already givenso it's not worth that much. What it takes away from Armenians (legal, financial, and territorial reparations), no other study has given awayand it's too high a price to pay. So, if the Assembly insists on using and talking up a study that gives away something so valuablewhen it doesn't have towhy blame people for thinking that the Assembly too is willing to give away legal, financial, and territorial reparations in return for recognition? Otherwise, why use those means/that report? Why take the chance? Why give ammunition to the enemy? Why undermine your own position? All of which add up to the big why"why, on the eve of the 90th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, is the Armenian Assembly of America helping Turkey deny justice to the Armenian people?" It's pretty much that simple. All the Assembly's assertions to the contrary are mere words; but its persistent actionsamong others, the continued use and hyping of that studysay and count more than any lip service about seeking "official, full and irrevocable US reaffirmation of the Armenian Genocide," which the Assembly apparently equates with "justice to the Armenian people." For the ARF, justice for the Armenian people is precisely "legal, financial, and territorial reparation." Perhaps it's time for the Assembly to state unambiguously its position, for all Armeniansand all othersto know. * * * PS: The fourth, final paragraph of the Assembly's response claims that the TARC study's findings don't "let Turkey completely off the hook," because the study "does not purport to address the applicability of the Genocide Convention to the Events of, or the rights or responsibilities of concerned individuals or entities under, any other rubric of international law or the laws of any other nation." Inevitably, we are left to conclude that the Assembly is admitting that the TARC study at least partially lets Turkey off the hook. (So, even then, why use that study?) Or one might conclude that the Assembly's invocation of such legalese cant is the equivalent of a self-appointed middleman's attempt to convince a murder victim's family that a plea bargain may not be such a bad idea: "They've concluded that the murderer can't be charged for first degree murderbut maybe he can be charged for manslaughter or criminal trespass, or maybe you can initiate a civil suit, or see if a court in a nearby county might be able to exercise jurisdiction..." Talk about low. 2) Letter to the Editor from Armenian Assembly of America RE: "The Big Why On the Eve of the 90th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide" Your March 25th commentary on the above subject constitutes a new low on misrepresentation of the facts and on the position of the Armenian Assembly. Just in case some of your readers missed your irresponsible core charge against our organization, you opined that the Assembly is "helping Turkey deny justice to the Armenian people". How is the Assembly doing this? By urging Members of Congress to invoke a study published by the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) that affirmed the fact of the Armenian Genocide. The ICTJ study declared that "the Events, viewed collectively, can thus be said to include all of the elements of the crime of genocide as defined in the Convention, and legal scholars as well as historians, politicians, journalists and other people would be justified in continuing to so describe them." As the Assembly has done over the decades of our support for congressional reaffirmation of the truth, our organization references third party judgments on the fact of the Armenian Genocide. In this particular communication to Congress, we relied on four factors: President Reagan's 1981 Proclamation that affirmed the Armenian Genocide, President Bush's April 24 statements that employ the textbook definition of genocide without using the word, the statement of 126 Holocaust and Genocide scholars declaring that the Armenian Genocide is an "incontestable fact" and the ICTJ statement quoted above. Neither the separate nor the combined effect of these citations in the Assembly's request to Congress to properly characterize this crime against humanity as genocide can be fairly portrayed as "denying justice to the Armenian people". There can be no question that the Assembly will continue to seek official, full and irrevocable U.S. reaffirmation of the Armenian Genocide - and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation knows this as our organizations work side by side on the 90th commemorative planning committees across the United States and as the Assembly works collaboratively with the ANCA on the Armenian-American community's next effort in support of a congressional resolution. As to the Asbarez charge that the ICTJ findings "let Turkey completely off the hook for Genocide," the commentary fails to use the following quotation regarding redress that contradicts the charge. According to the ICTJ study, "It does not purport to address the applicability of the Genocide Convention to the Events of, or the rights or responsibilities of concerned individuals or entities under, any other rubric of international law or the laws of any other nation." The Turkish government is not "off the hook" - not for its global denial campaign, not for its intimidation of other governments and its own citizens, not for its recent passage of a law criminalizing public discussion of the Armenian Genocide and certainly not for dealing with the consequences of its inevitable acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide. Sincerely, Ross Vartian Executive Director Armenian Assembly of America 3) Turkey Once Again Proposes Joint Commission on Genocide; Message to Armenia, However, Gets Lost in the Mix YEREVAN--According to the Turkish press, a letter that Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan claimed to have written and sent to President Robert Kocharian recently, has been resent via the Armenian embassy in Georgia. The letter, which Kocharian said he had not initially received, proposes the creation of a Turkish-Armenian commission of historians that would determine whether the 1915 massacres and systematic deportations of the Ottoman-Armenians constituted a genocide. Having seen the letter for the first time late Thursday night, Armenian officials refused to comment on the proposal, stating only that the "Genocide did occur. Under no condition will we enter a debate about the topic." The letter has received much attention from both sides, prompting even Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul to discuss it during a recent appearance within the Turkish Parliament. Erdogan first publicly called for such a study on March 9, highlighting Turkish unease over renewed international publicity attracted by the issue amid the unfolding commemorations of the 90th anniversary of the start of the genocide. Yerevan rejected the offer at the time, saying it that casts doubt on the very fact of the genocide. "I can't say what the Armenian authorities will decide after receiving such a letter," the spokesman for the Armenian Foreign Ministry, Hamlet Gasparian said. "I would just say that there have been such calls in the past and that Armenia said the fact of genocide can not be a subject of debate." The Armenians can only agree to "discussions on eliminating consequences of the genocide," Gasparian added. This position enjoys the backing of Armenia's leading political groups, including those bitterly opposed to Kocharian. "If they want to discuss whether or not there was a genocide, then that is a non-starter," said Tigran Torosian, a senior member of the governing Republican Party. "It is time for Turkey to accept that fact and try to improve its relations with Armenia instead of resorting to petty tricks." Torosian said an unconditional reopening of the Turkish-Armenian border by Ankara would be the first meaningful step toward improving the extremely strained bilateral relations. A spokesman for the Armenian Revolutionary Federation similarly argued that acceptance of the Turkish proposal would amount to questioning the genocide. "That is not a step toward dialogue," said Spartak Seyranian. According to Shavarsh Kocharian of the opposition Artarutyun alliance, the genocide study offer is aimed at easing the European Union's growing pressure on Turkey to face it troubled past. He also said no Turkish historian selected for the proposed panel would dare question the official Turkish version of the 1915 events which denies a systematic effort to exterminate the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire. "The work of historians would be effective only if there is no political attitude that rejects realities obvious to everyone," the opposition leader said. Meanwhile, Turkey announced on Wednesday that it will formally ask the British parliament to reject the so-called Blue Book, published by the British government in 1916, which uses eyewitness accounts to conclude that Armenians were being systematically exterminated. Gul was quoted by Reuters news agency as telling the Turkish parliament that London will be asked to "recognize the Blue Book as invalid and baseless as a historic document." The 700-page book is a major source of reference for the Armenians in their campaign for international recognition of the genocide. The Armenian Genocide Museum in Yerevan has a special plaque dedicated to its main author, Lord James Bryce. The United Kingdom has never officially referred to the slaughter of some 1.5 million Ottoman Armenians as genocide. Its ambassador in Yerevan, Thorda Abbott-Watt, provoked a storm of condemnation in Armenia and its Diaspora last year after publicly stating that the mass killings were not a genocide. The British government faced domestic criticism in January 2001 when it attempted to exclude Armenians from official ceremonies marking Britain's Holocaust Memorial Day. It eventually yielded to pressure from prominent public figures and media. 4) California Marchers Cross 160-Mile Mark STOCKTON--As the March For Humanity makes its way from Fresno, to Sacramento, churches have warmly welcomed the group of 16 young walkers with open arms. "One of our main concerns when we began planning the march was where we would sleep each of the 19 nights," said Serouj Aprahamian, coordinator of the march. "However, many churches throughout our route sympathized with our efforts and became our second homes. Their kindness and generosity will not be forgotten." The group has developed a tradition of expressing their appreciation to the church administrators by presenting them a copy of Peter Balakian's Black Dog of Fate and a pomegranate ornament, the Armenian traditional symbol for life. As the marchers make their way from one city to another, public awareness about their undertaking continuously grows as residents of the areas they march through encourage and support their efforts by offering food, water, and even donations. "All churches we stayed at provided their facilities to us with no questions asked and no strings attached," said Aprahamian. "This shows that in the battle to secure justice for the victims of the Armenian genocide, we have the support of the masses, and that the masses have the understanding and knowledge to stand behind the righteous." Defying sore muscles and aching joints, the group has already marched close to 160 miles in 14 consecutive days. Determined to inform the world about the Armenian genocide and the 1.5 million innocent lives that were lost as a result of the crime against humanity, the marchers will continue walking until they arrive at the State Capitol. The brave youth will join a large rally, organized to thank the state of California and the legislatures of 36 others for properly recognizing the Armenian genocide. "Alongside shelter, nutritious food is crucial for the marchers. We are grateful to the Armenian Relief Society for sponsoring all food expenses by allocated a full time staff to travel with the marchers and prepare meals for them," said Vicken Sosikian, director of the March For Humanity. "Other than great food, the staff has also been a source of guidance and inspiration, often taking the role of parents on their shoulders." 5) Armenian National Committee of America Endorses Antonio Villaraigosa for Los Angeles Mayor LOS ANGELES--The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) announced on Friday that it has endorsed Los Angeles City Council Member Antonio Villaraigosa for Mayor of Los Angeles. The ANCA conducted a vigorous evaluation process in which it met with both Los Angeles Council Member Antonio Villaraigosa and incumbent Mayor James Hahn on multiple occasions in order to make an informed decision. "We have met with the candidates and, after careful consideration, have decided that the City of Los Angeles needs the kind of energetic and visionary leadership Antonio Villaraigosa offers to the hundreds of thousands of Armenian Americans who call Los Angeles home," stated ANCA board member Steven J. Dadaian. "Having worked closely with Antonio over the past decade on the city, state and national levels, it is clear that he possesses both a keen understanding of the unique diversity of Los Angeles and has a deep appreciation for the Armenian community. He has the skills and energy necessary to unite and lead Los Angeles toward a brighter future," Dadaian said. Villaraigosa has worked closely with the Armenian American community and the ANCA throughout his years as a Los Angeles City Council Member and Speaker of the California State Assembly. As Speaker, he led the effort to include the Armenian genocide in the state's mandatory curriculum for public education as well as outlawing foreign governments like Turkey from endowing chairs in state universities with the intent of conducting work to deny the Armenian genocide. "I am thrilled to receive this endorsement and upon election as mayor pledge to continue working closely with the ANCA to make sure the Armenian American community has a seat at the table in the life and future direction of the city," said Villaraigosa. The ANCA encourages Armenian Americans to vote for Antonio Villaraigosa for Mayor of Los Angeles during the run-off election on Tuesday, May 17. 6) Belgian Senate Conference on Armenian Genocide to Address Issue of Recognition BRUSSELS--As a part of the 90th anniversary commemorations, the Belgian Senate will hold a conference titled "Recognition: Paving the Way for the Future," dedicated to the Armenian genocide, announced the European Armenian Federation for Justice And Democracy (EAFJD). On the initiative of Senator Lionel Vandenberghe, 11 Belgian organizations, including the EAFJD, have played a role in organizing the conference, to take place in Belgium's Houses of Parliament on April 18. Speakers will include Belgian government officials, representatives of political organizations, experts, Turkish intellectuals, and political figures. Details of the conference will be posted on 7) Panic and Confusion Consume Turkey's Journey toward Europe PARIS (EAFJD)--As various European bodies pressure Turkey to acknowledge the Armenian genocide as a prerequisite to its EU accession, the European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy (EAFJD) characterized Turkey's latest initiatives as "panic and confusion." "Ankara's aims are perfectly clear--they try to remove the genocide recognition issue from the political field, especially because it is one the obstacles Turkey faces in its application to EU membership," stated Hilda Tchoboian, chairperson of the European Armenian Federation. Earlier this week, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan claimed to have sent a letter to President Robert Kocharian, proposing the creation of a joint commission to "investigate the Armenians massacres of 1915." To garner support for such a commission, members of the Turkish Parliament have sent a letter to European Parliament claiming that "until now, the facts have been one-sided and produced only by Armenians," and that "the unbiased truth will come from works on archives performed by a committee of historians representing both points of view of Armenia and Turkey, under the watch of an institutional arbitration board." "Their method consists of reducing this international crime to a bilateral issue between Turkey and Armenia in order to avoid addressing the demands of the international community, especially those of Europe," Tchoboian said. Recalling studies of independent experts who examined the Armenian genocide utilizing western diplomatic archives, those of the allies of Turkey, and through the great deal of documentation that the Turkish government neglected to provide--the EAFJD recapped that all three came to the same conclusion: what occurred in 1915 was a genocide in its international and juridical sense. Those experts were Jacques Vandemeulebroucke, MEP in charge of the report on the Armenian genocide (1987), Benjamin Whitaker, special Rapporteur of the United Kingdom in charge of the UN report on genocides (1985), and the prominent members of the Permanent People's Tribunal. "All this gives the impression of panic and confusion. Turkey has only one simple thing to do: recognize and redress the Armenian genocide," Tchoboian stressed. 8) Houston Holocaust Museum Commemorates 90th Anniversary of Genocide with Prof. Dadrian HOUSTON--Zoryan Institute scholar Professor Vahakn N. Dadrian was invited by ANC Texas to the opening reception of the Armenian Genocide Exhibit at the Holocaust Museum Houston on March 29. The exhibit featured artifacts made available by the Armenian Library and Museum of America (ALMA), as well as pictures by Ara Oshagan and his work on the Forgotten Genocide. Dadrian's lecture was delivered before a packed audience of some 200 people, marking the beginning of the 90th commemoration of the Armenian genocide in Texas, which also includes a march on the steps of the State Capitol in Austin and a dedication of a `Khatchkar' on the grounds of Houston's only Armenian Church, St. Kevork. Houston Holocaust Museum Director Dick Grisham sponsored an opening presentation emphasizing the atrocity of genocides and the brutality of denial, followed by Professor Dadrian's "scientific" and methodical analysis of the Armenian genocide. The audience, fascinated by the presentations, traced their own roots to either events of the Genocide or the Holocaust as described by Dadrian, confirming that their lives have been directly or indirectly affected by the horrific events. Dadrian explained key points of Turkey's denial and the need of an appropriate methodology suited to counter and overwhelm the culture of persistent denial. Dadrian called it the methodology of "compelling evidence," which revolves around the principles of reliability, explicitness, incontestability, and verifiability. He reconstructed the Armenian genocide in terms of its four major components: premeditation, genocidal intention, the organization of the genocide, and the implementation of the genocide. His hour-long presentation was greeted with a standing ovation. Using a scholarly outline of events and a description of the historical context during which the genocide occurred, he eloquently described the events and people of the period leading up to and through the Armenian genocide. Dadrian explained his risky effort to find irrefutable evidence, corroborate dates, people and places, find eyewitness reports from among the Ottoman hierarchy and archives, German sources and others, and scoured for documentation that provided first hand accounts of the first Genocide of the 20th century. The Museum Exhibit, which will be on display until the end of May 2005, has been possible through the dedication and efforts of the Armenian National Committee of Texas. 9) Nine Decades of Denial: Glendale High School Students to Commemorate 90th Anniversary Armenian high school students from throughout Glendale will present "Nine Decades of Denial," on Thursday, April 21, in commemoration of the 90th anniversary of the Armenian genocide. The student-driven event, organized by members of Armenian clubs from Hoover High, Glendale High, Clark Magnet, and Crescenta Valley High, will feature guest singers and speakers, traditional dances and music, skits, poetry, and video presentations. "What these students are doing is conveying their values and their views about the Armenian genocide. It's an expression of their pain, anger, and ultimately hope," says GUSD Board of Education member Greg Krikorian. Highlighting the importance of community support for the event, Krikorian stresses that we have to listen to this generation and provide whatever necessary support for the actualization of their vision for justice, and their desire for proper recognition of the Armenian genocide. A member of the organizing committee and Clark Magnet Alumni Patrick Der Ohanian explains that vision: "I hope that in the future, we gain recognition--along with reparations. Then our job will have been complete." Der Ohanian also commended the unified effort by high school students who have organized similar events four years in a row now. The event will take place at Glendale High School auditorium on this Thursday at 7 p.m. sharp. Admission is free. 10) Crescenta Valley Center Celebrates Commitment to Community LA CRESCENTA--About 250 members, friends, and supporters of the Crescenta Valley ARF "Zavarian" committee and the Armenian Relief Society's "Taline" chapter attended the 15th anniversary Gala of both organizations on March 18. Several representatives of both organizations addressed the guests to emphasize the important role the Crescenta Valley (CV) Armenian Center plays in the daily lives of inhabitants of La Crescenta, La Canada, Sunland, Montrose, Tujunga, and North Glendale. The center, located at 2633 Honolulu Avenue in Glendale, was purchased shortly after the establishment of the ARF Zavarian Chapter, through the efforts of its founding members, the ARS "Taline" chapter, and the help of benefactors from the community. As the years went by, the center became home to various other organizations including the Homenetmen "Shant" chapter, the Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Association, the ARF "Karekin Njteh" Badanegan Chapter, the Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) "Zartonk" chapter, as well as to the Armenian Elderly Society. These non-profit organizations offer numerous services to the community. The ARF Zavarian chapter's "Hai Tad" committee, otherwise known as the CV Armenian National Committee (ANC), has been instrumental in relaying the concerns of the Armenian community to area educational institutions and political representatives in the area. By hosting various community forums, the ANCCV has allowed political, as well as public officials, to clearly state their positions on various issues concerning the Armenian community, such as problems arising in public schools and Armenian genocide recognition. The ARS "Taline" chapter has been instrumental in keeping the youth in touch with their roots. Today, more than 60 children enrolled in the ARS Saturday school have the opportunity to learn Armenian, Armenian history and culture. For information on how to enroll in this school, interested parties may call (818) 248-4680. Aside from its countless benevolent deeds, the chapter has also offered many scholarships to deserving Armenian students. The Homenetmen "Shant" chapter, founded in 1993, is open for membership to boys, girls, men and women of all ages. It currently has 545 members, 85 of whom are scouts, 300 of whom are athletes and 160 of whom serve as auxiliaries. The chapter's executive committee can be reached for further details at (818) 248-4680. The Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Association has organized various cultural events throughout the years, such as art exhibits, concerts, lectures. Children ranging from 4 to 14 have the unique opportunity to attend dance classes under the supervision of skilled instructors in the field. The Hamazkayin office can be reached at (818) 248-1100. The ARF "Karekin Njdeh" chapter is open for membership to adolescents ranging from 9 to 16 years old. It aims to educate the youth about the Armenian Cause and history, and to instill leadership skills. To enroll their children in this organization, parents may call (818) 248-1100. The Armenian Youth Federation "Zartonk" chapter, open to members from 16 to 26, strives to serve the Armenian American Community through education, athletics, political activism and cultural activities. For further information about this organization, you may visit its website at <; The La Crescenta Valley center is truly open to all members of the community, regardless of their age, and is a wonderful resource to meet their needs and interests. It is the current organizations' hope that more and more Armenians in the area will utilize these resources and make the center their own "home." This past year, the Community Outreach program, In an effort to help community members in need provided the following services. A tax specialist offered help in Federal and State tax filing. An architect knowledgeable with the city's planning department's requirements offered his services free of charge. Students had the opportunity to receive guidance in their college applications and selections thanks to the counseling offered by the members of the Armenian Youth Federation. Finally, a family therapist was made available to help deal with difficult parenting issues. The Center renovation committee spent much time and effort in greatly improving the physical appearance of the center. The "Sarkis Aposhian" hall is available for rent to host events. The swimming pool is regularly used in the summer by many children for a nominal fee. 11) UnPlucked: A one-woman show written and performed by Lory Tatoulian LOS ANGELES--Hip & Heen Productions presents UnPlucked, a one-woman show written and performed by Lory Tatoulian on Friday, April 29th at 8:00pm at the Assistance League Playhouse Hollywood. Tatoulian is an actress/playwright who explores issues of cultural identity, gender, and ethnic community dynamics, and whose comedic character-studies define the core of her style. Her explorations take root in theatrical monologues that meld the comedic and absurd experiences of several ethnic groups. Her intelligible character portraits range from an Avon Lady who wants to help democratize the world, to a housewife jazz singer from Beirut, to a car addict who contemplates her free-will on the freeway in the award-winning piece "Autosapiens," a comedic realization of Californians intricate relationship with their automobiles. The San Diego Union Tribune writes, "the boldly physical writer-performer Lory Tatoulian sent up SoCals car mania in her explosive satiric solo. Tatoulian is a find. In "Autosapiens" she creates a freeway-crazed gal who decided to spend her life in her car. As she eats, observes, makes love, and fights other drivers on the highway of life, she devolves into another species altogether, the Autosapien." UnPlucked, Tatoulian's third one-woman show, is a collection of stories and musical vignettes. She collaborates with talented musician and composer Ara Dabandjian as well as percussionist Mher Vahakn. Together they bring jazz to Armenian children's songs, and sheer humor to the stylings of Glendale. Tatoulian, who has a BA in Theatre Arts from San Diego State University, has also trained at the American Academy of Dramatic Arts. This one night only performance is followed by a food and wine reception, live music and an art show. Tickets are $25 and are available at the door or by contacting [email protected] UnPlucked Friday, April 29th 8:00pm Assistance League Playhouse Hollywood 12) Letter to Editor By Zareh Mouradkhanian The following is in response to Raffi Arzouhaldjian's article "On the Eve of the 90th, Anti-Turkism should not Equal Patriotic Armenianism" (Asbarez, April 9, 2005). Had Raffi Arzouhaldjian read Nairi Mekerdithcian's article "Oh The Star Became Meteor," (Asbarez Armenian languageApril 6, 2005), he would have known that Armenian youth organizations, including the Nigol Aghbalian Youth Union, protested against inviting Filip Kirkorov to perform in Yerevan because of his tasteless songs and uncivilized conduct with a women reporter a few years ago, which was widely criticized in Russia. Since then, his popularity has sunk in Russia, Ukraine, and other Slovic countries. The students of Armenia did not protest against Kirkorov just because he sings Turkish songs. There are some beautiful Turkish songs sung by quality singers in Armenia. Kirkorov's concert didn't materialize, however, because of his lack of moral character. Arzouhaldjian writes, "This Turkophobic phenomenon exhibited by Armenian youth in Yerevan today is very similar to the worrisome anti-Armenian intolerance that is being practiced in both Turkey and Azerbaijan." This comparison is way out of proportion. A few examples of intolerance: Some fifteen years ago, 30,000 Armenians were massacred in the northern refinery town of Sumgait, north of Baku, and some 400,000 Armenians fled for their life. During Azerbaijan's imposed war on Karabagh, some 50,000 Azeris, mostly living in Shushi, were helped to leave the province by the Armenians. During a NATO sponsored program in Budapest, an Azeri officer beheaded a fellow Armenian classmate with axe while he slept. The Azeri murderer was declared a hero in Baku. There are logical reasons for Armenians, in general, to be anti-Turkish. Some 400,000 Armenians were killed in 1894 by Sultan Hamid. Then in 1915, the young Turks planned a systematic massacre of Armenians in our homelands. The Turks and Azeris have no such logical reasons to be anti-Armenian. The only fault of Armenians was wanting to preserve their culture and youth. Finally, some clarifications regarding Filip Kirkorov's character: He doesn't just deny being Armenian, rather, says he is ashamed of being Armenian. Cursing and being impolite in daily life, as reported in Russian newspapers is not behavior that should be promoted in Armenian society. It is simply unacceptable that someone who void of character and taste--and is ashamed of being Armenian--to make money in Yerevan. 13) Some Basic Questions By Leonard Manoukian, ANCA-WR Board In my short, happy, life, I've learned that questioning people's motive is a useless exercise. Inevitably, civil discourse turns to name calling; feelings are hurt and dialogue ceases. So why bother? Instead, I've found that decisions and the actions that follow are better topics of discussion and more objective means of deliberation. In the recent past, two Armenian advocacy organizations, the ANC and the Armenian Assembly, have taken their not-so-private disagreements to the public. Those who know me also know my affiliations, so I will not feign objectivity. For the sake of fairness, I will limit myself to asking some questions and allowing the reader to answer them. To clarify, the disagreement centers on the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission (TARC), which has the active support of the Armenia Assembly. From my perspective, here are some general questions regarding TARC. First, how can two individuals, nations or states "reconcile" when one has made it clear that it will not accept the "truth"? How can these two have a dialogue when one does not even acknowledge what the other has been living with for nearly a century? Second, if a nation is being represented in such a situation, what criteria should be used in deciding the appropriate representative? Should the sole consideration be politics or should deeply held national aspirations be the measure? Finally, when the entire process comes crashing down when one's "partner in dialogue" simply decides to stand away from the negotiation table, is it perhaps time to admit the abject failure of the exercise, accept responsibility for compromising a near-sacred national matter and move on? In a more specific vein, there are questions to be asked regarding the nominal accomplishment of TARC, and a study prepared for International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) at TARC's request--the authors of which remain anonymous. Using the Genocide Convention as its analytical basis, this report concludes that: --Under the rubric of the Genocide Convention, the process that began on April 24, 1915, was genocide. --Under the same framework, no reparations are due to Armenians. Taking a step back, one wonders why anyone would allow the most vital issue that has ever faced his nation be decided by a third party, especially when there is already universal unanimity regarding that issue? Here's another matter to consider, did anyone think that Turkey was going to change its decades' long position simply because of the report's findings? Several nations, many organizations and scores of scholars have already concluded that the Ottoman government was guilty of genocide against Armenians. What possible utility would one more report have? The facile answer, of course, is that the acknowledgment of the genocide from every quarter will have the cumulative effect of shaming Turkey into admission of responsibility. The problem, however, should be obvious; whenever anyone points to the ITCJ report as support for the Armenian Cause, they will necessarily, be pointing to the conclusion that no reparations are due. The Assembly overlooks all this and tells us that no one would ever accept acknowledgment without reparations. Fine sentiment, but it can't have it both ways. It must either disavow TARC and its product--the ITCJ report, or it must adopt both the report's conclusions. The last point, and admittedly the most personal, is the constant reminder that on the eve of the 90th commemoration of the genocide, we have better things to do than to discuss these matters. Really? This sentimentalizes the genocide. We do not remember the genocide only on April 24, we, all of us, live with the genocide and its effects every day of the year. In a manner of speaking, April 24 is the first day of a new year, a new year of diligence and work for the Armenian cause. We do not do this work simply for ourselves; there are one and a half million other reasons for it. Real leaders never forget that. 14) Lord Jeffery, Smallpox Blankets, and the TARC report By Ani Shahinian Anyone who has read their high school history knows that during the French and Indian War, Lord Jeffery Amherst distributed smallpox-infected blankets to local Indians. The Indians, not knowing the implications of accepting this "gift," may have very well thanked Amherst for these blankets, unaware of the terrible suffering and widespread death they would cause amongst a population defenseless against this new disease. With the benefit of hindsight, however, we can all see Amherst's gift for what it was--a deliberate attempt, in his own words, to "extirpate this execrable race." Very simply, Amherst, using the pretense of providing warmth to the Indians, actually sought their destruction. Today, we face an analogous situation. In the same "generous" spirit as Lord Jeffery, the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission (TARC) has given its "gift" to the Armenian nation. They have produced a study--whose authors strangely remain anonymous--that confirms the obvious fact that the Armenians were victims of genocide. But before you wrap yourself up in this blanket, consider the consequences. Just like the smallpox hidden in the Amherst's gift, TARC has infected its offering with its own brand of poison, in the form of the conclusion that the Armenians don't have any right to justice under the Genocide Convention. Nothing could be more damaging to the Armenian Cause. Sadly, we still have modern day Lord Jeffery types--now in the form of TARC--and they are still peddling poison in the brightly colored packages. Thankfully, we have the common sense to not accept such "gifts" at face value. Except for a small handful of naïve Armenians, we know our history well enough to protect our interests, to safeguard our rights, and to turn away the wolves--even when they come in sheep's clothing. All subscription inquiries and changes must be made through the proper carrier and not Asbarez Online. ASBAREZ ONLINE does not transmit address changes and subscription requests. (c) 2005 ASBAREZ ONLINE. All Rights Reserved. ASBAREZ provides this news service to ARMENIAN NEWS NETWORK members for academic research or personal use only and may not be reproduced in or through mass media outlets. From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Media Monitors Network
April 15 2005
Commemorating Lebanon’s War Amid Continued Crisis
by Laurie King-Irani
“The true, lasting and successful opposition in Lebanon, 30 years
after the onslaught of the vicious war, will be the group or party
that demands “the truth” for all. In other words, the real opposition
is opposition to impunity.”
At midnight on April 13, ringing church bells and the call to prayer
echoed across Beirut. These haunting sounds intermingled over
Martyrs’ Square, the unfinished main plaza of old Beirut where
thousands of Lebanese have been mixing, day and night, since the
assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri in
mid-February. The blending of the aural symbols of Christianity and
Islam was but one component of a carefully orchestrated series of
events designed by the family and supporters of the late prime
minister, the architect of downtown Beirut’s reconstruction, to
commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of the beginning of Lebanon’s
long and devastating civil war.
Entitled “a celebration of national unity,” the week of commemorative
events dovetailed with the themes of the massive demonstrations that
took place in Martyrs’ Square in February and March. Those
demonstrations saw tens of thousands of Lebanese demanding
accountability from the Lebanese government for the killing of Hariri
and nearly 20 others, coupled with calls for an end to Syria’s
political, military and intelligence presence in Lebanon. The
unifying demand of the protests, which have brought Christians,
Sunnis and Druze together in an unprecedented alliance, has been
“al-haqiqa” – the truth. Although the main political tribune of
Lebanon’s Shiite community, Hizballah, has not joined in these
demonstrations, the party’s leaders have been adamant in voicing the
need to safeguard national unity and have staged immense
demonstrations featuring the Lebanese flag, rather than the yellow
Hizballah banner.
CELEBRATION AMID CRISIS
Yet even as thousands of Lebanese from nearly every point on the
country’s diverse political spectrum fill the city center, the
centers of government — no less than the centers of opposition to
the government — appear increasingly hollow and insufficient for
carrying out the pressing tasks at hand, most notably forming a
cabinet, running parliamentary elections, effecting overdue
institutional reforms, providing security and grappling with
Lebanon’s massive debt. The Lebanese press, on both the left and the
right, warns of the dangers of the current “political vacuum” (firagh
siyasi) and “national crisis” (azma wataniyya). Meanwhile, the US
media and the International Crisis Group have described Lebanon as a
country “awash in arms” and on the brink of a perilous political
transition. The implicit message of such reports is that conditions
are ripe for a reprise of the civil war and that cooler heads will
not prevail for long.
As Lebanese went out to see art exhibits, films, concerts and panel
discussions about the 1975-1990 war, they were learning that Omar
Karami, unable to form a cabinet, had stepped down as prime minister
designate for the second time in six weeks. As the cabinet was to
have set the rules for upcoming parliamentary elections, the
likelihood that the balloting will take place on schedule by late
April is now slim. A key sticking point was whether to arrange voting
on the level of the governorate (muhafaza) or the smaller level of
the district (qada’). The latter approach would ensure greater
representation by confessional groups having less demographic weight
in the population, and it is the preferred method of balloting among
most members of the opposition to the government. In the event that
elections cannot be held on time, the current parliament’s term will
be extended. The majority in the current parliament are “loyalists”
who back President Emile Lahoud and acquiesce in Syria’s interference
in Lebanese affairs.
Despite Karami’s resignation, the public mood is surprisingly upbeat.
A friend who called from Beirut described bicycle races, Arab-Cuban
music concerts and the screening of a 1961 Fairouz film, all of which
took place in Martyrs’ Square over the weekend. He laughed into the
phone and asked: “What kind of crazy people are we? We are
celebrating our war!”
Celebrating the war is not quite as crazy as denying it or ignoring
it, though, which is what most Lebanese did for three decades. If
addressed at all, the 15 years of carnage were usually described as
“the war of others on our soil.” This perspective prevented any
serious probing of Lebanese accountability, perhaps out of fear that
such questions could rekindle angry recriminations and even fighting.
No truth commission or war crimes tribunal has ever been convened. In
2001, a writer for Beirut’s al-Safir newspaper explained why not:
“It’s simple: the war has not yet ended. We have not yet had any
transition. No one dares to raise such issues now, as there is
actually less freedom of thought, expression and assembly now than
there was during the war.”
The fact that Lebanese are now actively debating the war and its
causes, on Internet discussion lists, on radio and television, and in
Martyrs’ Square, is evidence of fears surmounted and demons faced. It
signals that the 1975-1990 war has indeed ended, although the
internal Lebanese dilemmas that sparked and sustained it remain.
IMPUNITY, MIDWIFE OF THE POST-WAR ORDER
The Lebanese war, which began on April 13, 1975 in the Beirut suburb
of Ain al-Rummaneh, was a multi-dimensional horror show in multiple
installments. Several interlinked conflicts were fought out amid a
tormented civilian population, destroying thousands of lives while
introducing disturbing new terms — car bombs, suicide bombers and
hostage takers — into the world’s political vocabulary. The war even
spawned a new word: Lebanonization, a term connoting the total
breakdown of social order and internecine conflict without bounds.
The war was a nightmare from which the Lebanese feared they might
never awaken.
Beginning in 1975 as a confrontation between right-wing Lebanese
Christians and left-wing and Arab nationalist Lebanese Muslims allied
with the Palestinians, by 1990 the war saw Maronites killing
Maronites, Shiites killing Shiites, two governments vying for
legitimacy, indiscriminate shelling of civilian neighborhoods,
mafia-like militias assuming state and municipal administrative
functions, and the near destruction of Lebanon’s once vibrant
economy. Seemingly interminable, the Lebanese war took place against
a larger canvas that featured the rise to power of the Likud in
Israel in 1977, the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the
Israeli-Egyptian peace accord of 1979, the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq war,
the 1987-1993 Palestinian intifada, the decline and breakup of the
Soviet Union, and the emergence of the United States as the world’s
sole superpower, announced in 1991 with the US-led war to dislodge
Saddam Hussein’s troops from Kuwait. All of these developments
reverberated through Lebanon’s war system, each boosting the fortunes
of some militias at the expense of others. But it was the last
development that effectively quashed active fighting between and
among Lebanese militias.
The war did not end organically through popular activism or peace
talks, though Lebanon witnessed many such endeavors over the 15 years
of conflict. Rather, external pressures halted the fighting. Syria’s
price for participating in the US-led coalition to drive the Iraqi
army out of Kuwait was gaining decisive control over Lebanon. With US
support and Israeli permission, Syria crushed Gen. Michel Aoun’s
rebellion in October 1991 and put all other Lebanese militias and
warlords on notice that no further internal skirmishes would be
tolerated.
In less than a year, most militia leaders had traded in their
fatigues and battle gear for the tailored suits of parliamentarians,
ministers and businessmen cooperating with Syria and taking care not
to obstruct Damascus in the pursuit of its political and economic
interests in Lebanon. The first law passed by the newly reconstituted
Lebanese parliament in the spring of 1991 was the General Amnesty Law
(al-‘afw al-‘amm), which granted immunity to any and all Lebanese
individuals and groups for war crimes and crimes against humanity
committed between 1975 and 1991. Impunity was thus the midwife of the
post-war political order, and silence was the price that Lebanese
citizens were asked to pay for the privilege of no longer sleeping in
bomb shelters, hurrying past unfamiliar parked cars, scanning the
urban horizon for snipers or queuing up for water.
As in other venues where past crimes go unpunished, the ultimate cost
exacted by impunity was the violation of Lebanon’s collective memory.
Damage to the Lebanese people’s ability to remember has engendered
perennial doubts about the truth of what has happened, what is
happening and what can happen. Impunity and its effects have put
political identity and agency in question for over a decade, creating
a complex problem that is at once judicial, personal, geographic,
social, educational, political and psychological.
INDICES OF RECONCILIATION
Although the Lebanese war had a definite starting date, its ending
seemed uncertain until very recently. The war’s conclusion has, in
fact, been unfolding gradually for over two decades; disparate
events, like puzzle pieces falling into place, have closed the war’s
various chapters. In retrospect, it is clear that the regional and
international dimensions of the war began to end with the departure
of the PLO in 1982, and with Israel’s evacuation of south Lebanon in
2000. The local dimensions of the war have not been not so easily
erased. But one index of inter-confessional reconciliation emerged
during the April 1996 Israeli assault on Lebanon, codenamed Operation
Grapes of Wrath. Maronites, Sunnis, Druze and Armenians joined in
solidarity with Lebanese Shia to assist Shiite families fleeing
indiscriminate Israeli bombardments of towns and villages in the
south. Young people of all confessional backgrounds volunteered with
the Red Cross, and in the wake of Israel’s aerial massacre of over
100 civilians sheltering at a UN base in Qana, the outpouring of
unified national grief and outrage was genuine and profound.
Another index of reconciliation appeared in the summer of 2001 with
the visit of Maronite patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir to the Chouf
Mountains, where he met with Druze leader Walid Jumblatt at Mukhtara.
Despite a history of mutual bloodletting that goes back to the
mid-nineteenth century, the Druze and Maronite communities are the
two founding sects of contemporary Lebanon, a country unique in being
comprised solely of minority groups. Eighteen officially recognized
ethno-confessional sects make up Lebanon, and although some have more
demographic weight than others, power sharing and accommodation are
constitutionally mandated. The long-standing formula by which
Lebanon’s prime minister is Sunni, the president is Maronite and the
parliamentary speaker is Shiite was sealed in 1989 by the Taif
Accord, signed by the various communal representatives to help end
hostilities. This agreement also transferred some executive powers
from the president to the cabinet and changed the balance of
parliamentary seats to reflect the demographic reality that
Christians were no longer the majority community in Lebanon.
The warming of Druze-Maronite relations had significance not only for
members of these two sects and for Lebanon as a whole, but also for
Lebanon’s relationship to Syria, whose leaders saw the rapprochement
between the patriarch and Jumblatt as a potential threat to Syrian
control of Lebanon. A Druze-Maronite reconciliation might demonstrate
the limitations of Syria’s “divide and rule” approach, and risk
weakening patron-client relations linking key players in Lebanon to
Damascus at a time when Syria was still reeling from the death of
President Hafiz al-Asad.
The dramatic events of 2005 did not arise out of a vacuum, but rather
built upon these earlier developments. The last 60 days have
demonstrated that Lebanon’s war has finally ended. In refusing to use
violence as a primary means of responding to Hariri’s assassination,
Lebanese from across the political and confessional spectrum have
announced that killings, bombings, rumor and blackmail are no longer
acceptable ways of conducting politics. The nighttime bombings that
have taken place in East Beirut and Jounieh have been denounced
broadly as attempts to destabilize the country. Most Lebanese suspect
these explosions are the work of Syrian or Lebanese intelligence
agents unhappy to be losing their grip on the population. Sadly, some
Lebanese individuals have taken their anger out on innocent Syrian
workers, some of whom have been seriously injured and even killed.
Yet by calling for “the truth” and insisting on and securing an
objective forensic investigation of the assassination, the Lebanese
have signaled they are ready to look into the dark shadows of their
collective political history and dispense with comforting myths,
rumors and stereotypes.
Mai Masri, a Beirut-based, award-winning Palestinian filmmaker, said
that “people of all backgrounds and ideologies are really talking to
one another and listening to each other for the first time. There is
no fear any more; there is a big sense of freedom. Young people want
something new and different. They don’t want the leaders of the war
years. People are talking to each other, but the leaders, whether
loyalists or the opposition, are not.” At present, there is little if
any institutionalized articulation between the tens of thousands of
citizens who are protesting and the leaders of the opposition.
Indeed, as Masri remarked, “There are many, many people who define
themselves as being neither with the opposition nor with the
loyalists. They want something very different from what is being
offered by the politicians.”
One of the most visible and controversial members of the unwieldy
anti-Syrian opposition, Druze leader Jumblatt, demanded in a weekend
press conference that his fellow opposition members hammer out a
political program. Asking “Ma ba’d?” (“What’s next?”) after the
elections, he highlighted the opposition’s lack of a comprehensive
strategy. Those opposed to the current government, he stressed, must
develop a clear set of policies to deal with Lebanon’s pressing
domestic and foreign matters. Others in the opposition have been
focused primarily on the technicalities of the elections, as well as
the fate of jailed Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea and the
possible return of the exiled Aoun. These latter two issues, in
particular, would seem to be to be far from the concerns of young
people in Martyrs’ Square.
NEITHER A NATION NOR A STATE
Lebanon is a country that has never been a nation, yet which managed
to cohere without having a working state administrative structure for
nearly two decades. Despite giving much blood to pan-Arab and
Palestinian causes, despite a key militia’s battle against Israeli
occupation forces in south Lebanon, doubts still remain about
Lebanon’s Arab identity and role. Of course, Lebanon is also the
country where Palestinian refugees live the most hellish lives, where
Christian militiamen aided and abetted by the Israeli army
slaughtered over 1,000 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians at Sabra
and Shatila in 1982. Lebanon is home, moreover, to an ideology
asserting that Lebanese are Phoenicians, not Arabs. Yet many Lebanese
are perplexed when Syria is hailed as the guardian of Arab
nationalist causes, since Syria neither sacrificed thousands of its
civilians nor witnessed the destruction of its cities, as did
Lebanon, in the framework of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Despite having survived 15 terrifying years of war and 15 years of
post-war limbo, Lebanon is still a “precarious republic,” in the
words of political scientist Michael Hudson, and an “abducted
country,” in the words of journalist Robert Fisk. Even before the war
began, the title of a book by Lebanese political scientist Iliya
Harik asked Man yahkum Lubnan? (Who Governs Lebanon?), a question no
one would have thought to ask about Hafiz al-Asad’s Syria (though one
might ask it today about Bashar al-Asad’s Syria).
For the late Pope John Paul II, Lebanon was “not a nation, but a
message” (of Christian-Muslim coexistence, presumably). Former
Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Arens disparaged Lebanon as “not a
nation, but a game.” Perhaps the most stinging comment in this vein
came from Maronite intellectual Georges Naccache, who dismissed
Lebanon’s National Pact of 1943 with some acidity. Of the unwritten
agreement between Christians and Muslims, in which the two
communities pledged not to rely upon the West or the Arab world,
respectively, in the pursuit of communal interests, Naccache said:
“Deux negations ne font pas une nation” (“Two negations do not make a
nation”).
OPPOSITIONS
Today, one might offer an updated version of Naccache’s observation:
two oppositions do not make a nation. Neither the loyalists nor the
anti-Syrian forces have articulated what they are for. They only
proclaim what they are against.
The loyalists, led by Lahoud, his term in office having been extended
through Syrian arm twisting in blatant violation of the Lebanese
constitution in September 2004, have no political program beyond
holding on to power and privilege. Comprised of Christians, Shiites
and a few Sunnis, the loyalists present themselves as being against
US and Israeli interference in Lebanese and wider Arab affairs. The
opposition, a fractious and shape-shifting collection of groups and
individuals encompassing the Christian Lebanese Forces and the Druze
Progressive Socialist Party along with leftist movements and Hariri’s
predominantly Sunni Mustaqbal (Future) party, defines itself as
upholding Lebanese sovereignty and protesting Syria’s interference in
Lebanese affairs. Their program, to the extent that one exists,
strikes some in Lebanon, even those sympathetic to their demands, as
being too close to US desiderata for Lebanon and the region. Neither
loyalists nor the opposition, however, have fresh answers to the
perennial institutional problems that have plagued Lebanon since
before the war. The leadership of both groups, in fact, represents
confessionalized patron-client politics and division of the spoils as
usual.
With the exception of some recent comments by Jumblatt, neither group
has broached the crucial question of how to transform Lebanon from a
system of contending power bases defined by sectarian affiliation
into a unified yet pluralistic democratic system characterized by
equal representation, power sharing and access to justice. This is a
question not merely of constitutional engineering, but rather of the
restructuring of Lebanon’s entire political order from the ground up.
It touches not merely upon governance, but on identities as well.
Last but not least, neither the loyalists nor the anti-Syrian
opposition have decisively captured the hearts and minds of Lebanon’s
largest, most unified and best organized group — Hizballah, which is
more than a militia or a party, but indeed, an institutional order
unto itself. Unrepresented in the National Pact, kept on the margins
of the pre-war political system, the large numbers of Lebanon’s Shia
who back Hizballah do not see themselves reflected in the ill-defined
platform of the opposition. Rather, they view its leaders as the
privileged children of those who excluded their parents and
grandparents from power in the 1950s and 1960s. Meanwhile, they
perceive Syria’s departure as a threat to Hizballah’s survival and
fear that authorities will strip Hizballah of its weapons (as
required by UN Security Council Resolution 1559), thus ending the
group’s role as the vanguard of national resistance and truncating
its autonomy in the southern suburbs of Beirut and the south of the
country.
To assuage Shiite fears and concerns, many in the opposition, most
notably Jumblatt, have urged that the Taif Accord, not Resolution
1559, should be the road map for the coming transitional period. The
two documents are similar in their demands, particularly those
concerning Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanon, but the Taif Accord does
not require the disarming of Hizballah. It appears that UN
representative Terje Roed-Larsen is using a blend of the two
documents to chart his way through negotiations with various Lebanese
interlocutors among the loyalists and the opposition, indicating that
the international community, including the US, will not make
Hizballah’s disarmament a priority at this stage.
LEBANON’S LARGEST RECONSTRUCTION SITE
Ten years ago, the twentieth anniversary of Lebanon’s war came and
went without much comment or emotion. No one commemorated the date in
public; no one celebrated the war’s cessation. Looking back did not
inspire the same urgency as did looking ahead in 1995. Fifteen years
of war were bracketed and shoved aside, even though evidence of their
destructiveness was all over Beirut. The lunar urban landscapes were
something to look beyond, toward the horizons, as suggested by the
omnipresent signs announcing Horizons 2000, the ambitious urban
renovation project launched by the billionaire Hariri, who promised
to restore Beirut, “the ancient city of the future,” to its former
glory.
On the twentieth anniversary of the war that had destroyed it,
Beirut, touted in the local press as “the world’s largest
construction site,” was criss-crossed daily by huge dump trucks and
tractors and dominated by high-rise construction cranes as various
groups and individuals protested the project’s plans to transform
Beirut into Hong Kong on the Mediterranean, not to mention decrying
the project’s troubling quasi-public, quasi-private nature and its
expropriation of private lands through legal means of dubious
legitimacy.
As for the thousands of wartime handicapped and orphaned, the 150,000
dead, and the 17,000 disappeared and still missing, there was only
numbness and averted gazes for them in 1995. Only a very few spoke in
terms of investigating war crimes, assigning accountability or
reconciling former combatants. To pursue such questions in a country
that had recently passed a general amnesty law while rewarding
warlords with key ministerial positions and lucrative business deals
was ill-advised. Though Beirut’s infrastructural horizons appeared to
be expanding, its political horizons had shrunk considerably.
As work on Horizons 2000, the apple of Hariri’s eye, proceeded apace,
it seemed odd that Martyrs’ Square remained unreconstructed even
after “Centreville” was renovated and buzzing with wealthy
restaurant-goers and shoppers. Though the late Hariri, who is buried
now at the edge of the square, could never have imagined it, this
empty space, now filled with diverse voices calling for change, is
where Lebanon’s war has decisively and finally ended. This venue for
public display of diverse opinions by Lebanese who do and do not
agree with the opposition, representing every sect and a variety of
political currents, may prove to be Lebanon’s largest political
reconstruction site.
But it cannot be Lebanon’s only site of acknowledgement and
accountability. The truth to be sought now in Lebanon, as the freedom
to open old war files grows, is not just for Hariri, but also for all
the war’s victims, especially those who lack the wealth and
connections to stage festivals of unity. The true, lasting and
successful opposition in Lebanon, 30 years after the onslaught of the
vicious war, will be the group or party that demands “the truth” for
all. In other words, the real opposition is opposition to impunity.

The Messenger, Georgia
April 15 2005
Armenia and China: targets of velvet revolutions
Russian newspaper GazetaSNG reports that on the eve of the ninetieth
anniversary of the Armenian genocide at the hands of the Ottoman
Empire, Turkish analysts and mass media unanimously forecast the
“Orange Transformation” of Armenia.
The paper writes that this looks like to be a response to the effort
by Yerevan to force Ankara to recognize the genocide and take
responsibility for it. According to an expert of the organization
Eurasian Strategic Researches (Ankara) Sinan Ogan, the revolution in
the Kyrgyzstan will not be the last in CIS countries.
He forecasts that in the next 10 years the target of the United
States will be not Russia, but China. According to him, they want to
spread their influence to China, because Americans need a base and
“Kyrgyzstan will play this role.”
He also thinks that the second target of the United States will
become Armenia, because the policy in Yerevan does not coincide with
Washington’s policy in the Caucasus. “Armenia will remain
pro-Russian, will fight with Turkey and impede the construction of
the Georgian part of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline,” he said. The
paper writes that the socioeconomic situation in the territories of
Armenia bordering Turkey and Georgia is rather deplorable.
“In addition, possible Russian interference should also be taken into
consideration,” the paper writes, adding that such forecasts can
entirely impede the construction of Iranian-Armenian gas pipeline and
aggravate relations between these two countries. “However, the export
of such events is inevitable for Nagorno-Karabakh,” GazetaSNG
reports, adding that there is impression that the next targets for
revolution have become these two countries – potential strategic
partners of Russia.

A1plus
| 17:39:05 | 14-04-2005 | Politics |
NPA LEADER MET WITH HIS SUPPORTERS
Today leader of the National Party of Armenia (NPA) Stepan Demirchyan met
with his regional supporters in Talin. Mr. Demirchyan informed they will
often organize such meetings since any political force needs «live» contacts
with the population to conduct the right policy. Armenia needs to establish
justice and overcome the crisis of trust, said Mr. Demirchyan.
According to him, today’s authorities cynically speak about combating
corruption while in fact not a single top official has been called to
account. NPA supporters decisively declared that the current authorities
should be removed from office by force. `They should follow the example of
Kyrgyzstan’. However, the NPA leader thinks these authorities will be
removed peacefully and within the Constitution.
When asked whether the NPA will cooperate with the coalition, Stepan
Demirchyan said their party is cooperating with the people.
People also shared with Demirchyan their everyday concerns. The NPA leader
told them to present the problems in writing and promised to deal with them.

SERGE SARGSIAN: EXPENDITURE ON ARMENIAN ARMY IN 2005 WON’T BE LESS
EVEN BY ONE CENT THAN AZERI ARMY EXPENDITURE
YEREVAN, APRIL 11, NOYAN TAPAN. “A soldier should be filled with
feelings of dignity and patriotism rather than with revenge,” the RA
Defence Minister Serge Sargsian expressed this conviction at the April
8 meeting with members of the Union of Writers of Armenia. Asked if
maintaining balance with Azerbaijan requires the Armenian army’s
rearmament, the defence minister replied it would be more expedient to
modernize the armaments available. According to the Defence Minister,
maintaining balance requires considerable financial resources. He
noted that although today the Armenian army’s armaments are at a high
level in comparison with the neighboring countries, there are programs
of its rearmament, with stress being laid on modernization rather than
on purchase of new military equipment. In particular, about 1 bln USD
is needed to acquire 300 new tanks, that is, 10 times more than
modernizing the tanks. Serge Sargsian stated that the amount to be
spent on the Armenian army in 2005 will will not be less even by one
cent that the expenditure on the Azeri army but “it is a different
matter how and where we will obtain these funds.” As regards
Azerbaijan’s hopes for a big military budget, the minister noted that
“we have heard this for 10 years already, and will hear for another 10
years.”
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

NO ARMENIAN CITIZENS WERE AMONG CASUALTIES IN A TERRORIST ACT IN CAIRO
Arminfo
YEREVAN, APRIL 8. ARMINFO. No Armenian citizens were among the
casualties in a terrorist act in Cairo on April 7 2005. Press Secretary
of the Armenian Foreign Ministry Hamlet Gasparyan informs ARMINFO’s
correspondent today.
The POlice version is that yesterday approximately at 21:00 a terrorist
on a motorbike threw an exploitive at the tourists in the historical
center of Cairo. According to the preliminary data, 4 were killed and
20 injured in the terrorist act. The whole area is surrounded by the
police, details are being determined.-

Turkey New Goal – UN Security Council Temporary Membership
07.04.2005 06:52
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The new goal of Turkey’s foreign policy is to become
a temporary member of the UN Security Council within 2009-2010,
the Yerkir newspaper reported. To attain this goal the Premier and
the Foreign Minister go on tour to the African and Muslim countries
hoping to win their support. Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan will soon
visit the South African Republic, Morocco, Ethiopia and Tunisia, where
in the course of the meetings with the leader of those countries he
will ask them to support the initiative. Meanwhile Turkish Foreign
Minister Abdullah Gul has already visited Saudi Arabia, where he met
with Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Conferences
Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu. Yesterday the visit of the Turkish FM to the
United Arab Emirates began. The main advantage, making Turkey one of
the potential candidates for UN SC temporary member is contribution
to UN peacekeeping operations worldwide. Turkey will compete with
Austria and Island for the place in the Security Council.

Boris Yeltsin visits Azerbaijan
Apr 7 2005 1:49
BAKU. April 7 (Interfax-Azerbaijan) – Former Russian President Boris
Yeltsin came to Azerbaijan on Thursday, an Interfax correspondent
reported from the Baku Airport.
Yeltsin told the press that he had come to Azerbaijan at the invitation
of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.
He said he would meet with Azerbaijani officials and tour the country
during the four-day visit.
Meanwhile, the Azerbaijani non-governmental Organization for Karabakh
Liberation protested against Yeltsin’s visit to Baku.