According To Hrayr Karapetian, It Is Not Excluded That Arfd Can Nomi

ACCORDING TO HRAYR KARAPETIAN, IT IS NOT EXCLUDED THAT ARFD CAN NOMINATE NON-PARTISAN CANDIDATES FOR SOME POSTS

Noyan Tapan
April 11, 2008

YEREVAN, APRIL 11, NOYAN TAPAN. Newly appointed Prime Minister Tigran
Sargsian is able to head the coalition government. Hrayr Karapetian,
the head of the RA National Assembly ARFD faction, expressed such an
opinion during the April 11 press briefing mentioning that he has known
T. Sargsian at least for 20 years and is of high opinion about him
"especially as an economist." The MP affirmed that when nominating
the non-partisan candidate for Prime Minister’s post RPA also took
into consideration his "qualities," which speaks for T. Sargsian.

The deputy from ARFD also said that no negotiations on the staff of
the government to be formed have been held yet. "It is clear that
each political force would like to have more levels and would like
them to be more influential, which is natural. However, it is also
natural that as a result of mutual consent both the government’s staff
and the leading staff of the rest of departments should be formed,"
H. Karapetian said. According to him, after clarification of quotas
of posts due to the parties it is not excluded that ARFD will nominate
non-partisan candidates as well.

ANKARA: Turkish Legislation Filled With Anti- Democratic Pitfalls

TURKISH LEGISLATION FILLED WITH ANTI- DEMOCRATIC PITFALLS

Today’s Zaman
April 11 2008
Turkey

A penal code article that threatens free speech has been in the
spotlight since Turkey began talks with the European Union for
eventual membership in the bloc nearly three years ago, but a good
deal of Turkish legislation contains provisions that are inherently
anti-democratic.

Laws that limit freedom of thought and expression — abundant in the
Turkish Penal Code (TCK) — are not necessarily too different from
their counterparts in other countries, says Ergun Ozbudun, a professor
of constitutional law. "The problems we are having stem from the way
our judiciary interprets these [laws]. What we can hope for here is
that the judges, as dictated by the principle that international law
should be superior to domestic law when the two are in conflict,
take the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights as the
basis for their own decisions. Sometimes you get investigations and
convictions that do not live up to those standards. I believe this
is basically a problem of the culture of the judiciary and not the
text of the legislation."

However, laws that do not govern what you say or how you express
yourself and laws that do not depend on interpretation to be
anti-democratic can still be a violation of democratic rights. In
other words, laws that do not restrict freedom of expression or the
press might still have restrictions on your life.

Turkey has many of these outside the criminal code. One such law is
the Law on the Trial of Civil Servants and Other Public Officials,
many experts point out. Under this law, individuals holding public
office cannot be subject to legal investigation and tried without the
permission of their superiors for crimes they committed related to
the office they hold. Ergin Cinmen, one of the lawyers representing
the family of Hrant Dink, a Turkish-Armenian journalist shot dead by
a nationalist teenager in January 2007, underlined that despite an
abundance of evidence of police negligence in Dink’s killing, those
responsible could not be brought to justice due to this law. Cinmen’s
painful example refers to the police investigation and the ensuing
trial of the Dink murder, in which one of the 18 suspects in the
Dink murder trial, a former informant, testified a number of times
that he had tipped off the police on more than one occasion about a
plot to kill Dink. Although police officials in Trabzon, the hometown
of the murderer, and Ýstanbul, where Dink was shot, admitted that a
note of information about this piece of intelligence was exchanged
between them, superiors have protected the officers thought to have
been responsible.

Another law that is not only anti-democratic but also simply unfair to
the taxpayer, the Law on the Supreme Court of Accounts, imposes serious
restrictions on the inspection of military spending by civilians. EU
officials have often criticized this law as a serious obstacle to
the democratization of military-civilian relations and auditing
transparency. A similar law which limits civilian oversight over the
armed forces is the Law on the Organization of the Gendarmerie Force
in Turkey, giving this security unit power and authority unparalleled
in any other European country.

"Ninety percent of Turkey is accepted to be under the sphere of
responsibility of the gendarmerie!" Umit Kardaþ, a retired military
judge, said, pointing to the gravity of the problem. The gendarmerie
being given the status of a force that ensures domestic security is
simply not compatible with democracy, Kardaþ noted.

Lawyer Meryem Erdal notes that in its latest progress report
released on Turkey on Nov. 6, 2007 the EU harshly criticized the
country because no expected reforms were passed to amend the Law on
the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service and the National Security
Council Law. Civilian audit of the gendarmerie, detailed parliamentary
audit of the military’s budget and spending on specific programs and
projects remain as major problems, according to the report.

Military position needs transformation

The problem with any legislation regarding the military or the
gendarmerie, Cinmen points out, does not lie in the nature of the
relationship between the military and civilian governments in Turkey.

According to him, the issue here is not the law: "This [role of
military] is an issue in itself. The only remedy for this is increased
demilitarization of the country and bringing the military in Turkey
to the status of any other state agency." Cinmen noted that this was
difficult in Turkey due to specific conditions including more than
two decades of separatist violence, which he said was a platform
where the presence of non-military elements — such as politicians
or governments — was too weak. "Even the most militaristic country
in the world does not have an agency like the Turkish Armed Forces
Assistance Center [OYAK]," he said, referring to a body set up by
members of the military and their families for solidarity but which
acts like a business holding and is active in the construction,
automotive and iron and steel sectors and until very recently was
also involved in cement production, banking and insurance.

In other words, Cinmen said, unless the military’s relationship with
the civilian administration is clearly defined — as an entity under
the authority of the civilian administration — such legislation will
always remain a grim reality for Turkey.

Last but certainly not least, the Constitution itself is a law that
is implicitly anti-democratic, merely because it was installed by a
coup d’etat staged in 1980. "This Constitution was one forced upon
the people in a referendum; they were given only a single option. A
new constitution should be drafted," Cinmen noted.

"The fundamental problem is the Constitution. If the Constitution
is the roof in this, everything else, say the penal code or the law
on political parties or any other law, are the columns holding that
roof up," agrees Kardaþ.

"First, the philosophy of the Constitution should be made harmonious
with the concept of democratization. And everything standing in
front of democratization should be dealt with as a full package,"
Kardaþ said.

–Boundary_(ID_+GIXqSeb4MkklRfVWO08Aw)–

Tragic Events In NKR Village Of Maraga Available On A Website

TRAGIC EVENTS IN NKR VILLAGE OF MARAGA AVAILABLE ON A WEBSITE

arminfo
2008-04-11 14:24:00

ArmInfo. NKR Via Lactea Company with state support, created a website
(in English) telling about Maragha, one of the
largest countries of Nagorno Karabakh. It was, because on April 10,
1992, the Azeries’ "omon" forces invaded the village and set it to
fire, threw into fire people alive and tortured peaceful population,
part of them took into hostage which are still lost. Those survived
escaped in the forests and later spread throughout the world, ArmInfo
correspondent to Stepanakert reports.

The website contains photos of victims and eyewitnesses, video
materials, eyewitnesses account, documents to certify real existence
of persons and events mentioned, certificates and other materials
of international organizations on the events mentioned, post-event
evidences of direct and indirect victims, mass media materials. The
Russian and Armenian language pages will be available shortly. The
author of the project is an NKR journalist Narine Aghabalyan.

www.maragha.nk.am

Resident Office Of Asian Development Bank To Be Opened In Armenia

RESIDENT OFFICE OF ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK TO BE OPENED IN ARMENIA

ARKA
April 8, 2008

YEREVAN, April 8. /ARKA/. Armenia’s Constitutional Court validated
the agreement signed with the Asian Development Bank on opening a
resident representative office of the bank in Armenia and confirmed
the compliance of the agreement with the country’s constitution.

The Ministry of Finance and Economy said in its note the ratification
is advisable as the agreement does not imply any additional financial
liabilities

Armenian Ministry of Justice established certain conflict between the
agreement provisions. Yet, it said the ratification will not lead to
passing new laws or amending the existing ones.

Under the Asian Development Bank program on rehabilitation of rural
roads, Armenia is to receive a $30.6mln loan. The works are to start
in 2008 and to be completed by 2010. Under the program, total of 228
kilometers of rural roads are to be reconstructed in Kotayk, Ararat,
Armavir and Gegharkunik regions.

The Asian Development Bank is also to extend a $45mln credit for
water supply modernization program in rural areas of Armenia.

Asian Development Bank (ADB) was founded in 1966 and embraces 63
countries.

Armenia joined ADB on September 20 2005.

Bryza: Karabakh May Join Talks One Day

BRYZA: KARABAKH MAY JOIN TALKS ONE DAY

PanARMENIAN.Net
09.04.2008 20:33 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Stepanakert may join talks on the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict settlement one day, said Matthew J. Bryza, U.S. Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs,
Co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group.

"However, presently, there is no need to speak about change of format,"
he said.

Mr Bryza said high-ranking Azeri officials have no intention to
reorganize the Minsk Group. "There are forces both in Yerevan and
Baku willing to find a common ground. The MG has made considerable
progress but there is still much to do. The document at the table
needs further elaboration," he said

RPA Council Unanimously Approves Candidacy Of Chairman Of Central Ba

RPA COUNCIL UNANIMOUSLY APPROVES CANDIDACY OF CHAIRMAN OF CENTRAL BANK TIGRAN SARGSYAN TO POST OF PRIME MINISTER

arminfo
2008-04-08 17:58:00

ArmInfo. The Council of the Republican Party of Armenia has unanimously
approved the candidacy of the chairman of the Central Bank Tigran
Sargsyan to the post of prime minister, says the spokesman of the
RPA Eduard Sharmazanov.

Tigran Sargsyan was nominated by the newly elected president, prime
minister of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan. 90 of 98 members of the Council
voted for Tigran Sargsyan.

Presentation Of English Translation Of Genocide Memoir "Death March"

PRESENTATION OF ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF GENOCIDE MEMOIR "DEATH MARCH" BY SHAHEN DERDERIAN TAKES PLACE IN USA

Noyan Tapan
April 8, 2008

LOS ANGELES, APRIL 8, ARMENIANS TODAY – NOYAN TAPAN. The Kessab
Educational Association and the Hamazkayin Barouyr Sevag chapter have
organized a presentation of the English translation of the memoir
"Death March" by Shahen Derderian, which took place at the Kessab
Cultural Center in Reseda on April 6. The book was presented by
Professor Vahram Shemmassian. During the event, there was also a
presentation of Knar Manjikian’s books by Mrs. Anahid Meymarian.

Delegation Of Armenian Catholicosate Of Cilicia To Attend Swearing-I

DELEGATION OF ARMENIAN CATHOLICOSATE OF CILICIA TO ATTEND SWEARING-IN CEREMONY OF ARMENIAN PRESIDENT ELECT

Noyan Tapan
April 8, 2008

ANTELIAS, APRIL 8, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. A delegation of the
Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, composed of the head of Lebanon’s
Armenian diocese Bishop Gegham Khacherian and the head of the Beriut
diocese Bishop Shahan Sargsian will arrive in Yerevan in order to
attend the swearing-in ceremony of the president elect of the RA
Serge Sargsian.

The delegation will convey best wishes of Catholicos of Cilicia Aram
I to the president elect and will express the support of the Armenian
Catholicosate of Cilicia for the cause of strenthening the Republic
of Armenia and the Armenian people and consolidating their unity. The
delegation will be received by Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II.

ANCA Outlines Bush Admin. Failings on Armenian American Issues

Armenian National Committee of America
1711 N Street, NW
Washington, DC 20036
Tel. (202) 775-1918
Fax. (202) 775-5648
Email [email protected]
Internet

PRESS RELEASE
April 8, 2008
Contact: Elizabeth S. Chouldjian
Tel: (202) 775-1918

ANCA OUTLINES 13 FAILINGS BY THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION ON ARMENIAN
AMERICAN ISSUES

WASHINGTON, DC – The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA),
in a letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, has outlined
the Armenian American community’s concerns regarding the Bush
Administration’s seven-year record of largely counterproductive,
frequently unfriendly, and, at times, antagonistic policies toward
Armenia and the Armenian American community.

The April 4th letter, signed by ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian, listed
thirteen areas in which the President and his Administration fell
short of both their own commitments and our nation’s basic human
rights standards, retreated from America’s historic commitment to
Armenia, and strained – through a series of ill-advised policies
and often hostile actions – the enduring ties that have long bound
together the American and Armenian peoples. The following points
are covered in significant detail in the 6-page letter, the full
text of which is provided below:

1) The President’s broken campaign pledge to recognize the
Armenian Genocide
2) Opposition to the Congressional Genocide Resolution
3) The Evans firing and the Hoagland nominations
4) The waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act
5) Reduction in aid to Armenia
6) Abandonment of the military aid parity agreement
7) Mistaken listing of Armenia as a terrorist country
8) Lack of U.S.-Armenia Presidential visitations
9) Failure to confront the desecration of the Djulfa cemetery
10) Failure to maintain a balanced policy on Nagorno Karabagh
11) Taxpayer financing of the Baku-Ceyhan bypass of Armenia
12) Failure to effectively pressure Turkey and Azerbaijan to end
their blockades
13) Neglect of relations with the Armenian American community

Over the course of the past seven years, the ANCA has repeatedly
requested, to no avail, the opportunity to meet with the President
and his Secretary of State to discuss these and other issues of
concern to Armenian Americans. This most recent ANCA letter, once
again, asks for such a meeting, inviting the Secretary of State to
visit with the collective leadership of the Armenian American
community to discuss U.S. foreign policy toward Armenia and the
surrounding region over the remaining months of the Bush
Administration.

#####

April 4, 2008

The Honorable Condoleezza Rice
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
Washington, DC 20520

Re: Administration policies on Armenian American issues

Dear Secretary Rice:

As the Administration of George W. Bush completes its final year in
office, we write to once again ask you to meet with the collective
leadership of the Armenian American community to discuss our
commonly held views and express our shared disappointments
regarding the Administration’s policies on a broad range of foreign
policy issues of special concern to our nation’s one and a half
million Americans of Armenian heritage.

We are profoundly disappointed by the Administration’s complicity
in Turkey’s denial of the Armenian Genocide and troubled that its
approach toward Armenia – measured against the standard of past
presidents, the special relationship that has long existed between
our two countries, and the enduring ties and shared values that
have historically brought together the American and Armenian
peoples – has been, in our view, largely counterproductive,
frequently unfriendly, and, at times, antagonistic.

Closer to home, we remain troubled by the Administration’s failure
to reach out to and to meaningfully engage the Armenian American
community. Rather than looking to the Armenian American community
as a uniquely valuable source of regional understanding, a
wellspring of civic activism, or a vital bridge to the future
growth and expansion of our bilateral ties, the White House and
State Department chose instead to dismiss those Americans who, by
virtue of their heritage, feel most strongly about these very
issues. At every key juncture since 2001, the Administration
placed artificial obstacles in the way of greater Armenian American
participation in and support for the formulation and implementation
of balanced and constructive policies toward Armenia and the
surrounding region. This approach in our view reflects both a
missed opportunity and an unfortunate symbol of an Administration
that lacks the confidence to engage with its citizens and answer
openly for the policies it advances in the name of all Americans.

We have, as you know, in a series of letters over the past seven
years, shared our concerns regarding a broad array of Armenian
American issues, thirteen of which we have listed below in the text
of this correspondence. We have repeatedly noted that the
Administration’s policy of active complicity in Turkey’s denial of
the Armenian Genocide represents both a moral outrage against
America’s core values, and a shameful retreat, under foreign
pressure, from our nation’s proud legacy as the world’s leading
defender of human rights. This moral failing has, of course, only
been compounded by the Administration’s strident opposition to the
Armenian Genocide Resolution and the State Department’s firing of
U.S. Ambassador to Armenia, John Marshall Evans, for simply
speaking truthfully about this atrocity.

We have the right to expect more from our government. America
should never hide from the truth, no matter how "inconvenient" it
may seem at the time to stand up for our values. History has
taught us that we should never compromise our nation’s values or
allow a foreign country to impose a gag-rule on our defense of
human rights.

The Administration has also failed, over the past seven years, to
stand by Armenia or, with the sole exception of Armenia’s
participation in the Millennium Challenge Account, a merit-based
program, to take meaningful steps to strengthen the U.S.-Armenia
relationship. This performance is perhaps most notably illustrated
by the consistent attempts by the White House and Department of
State to sharply reduce U.S. economic aid levels, the "mistaken"
listing in 2003 of Armenia as a terrorist watch country, and, of
course, by the conspicuous refusal by President Bush to either
visit Armenia or to officially invite the President of Armenia to
the White House.

Equally troubling has been the Administration’s silence or even
acquiescence in the face of the regional threats faced by the
people of Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh. Among our concerns in this
area, as reflected below, are the Administration’s unwarranted
waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, its abandonment
of its own Military Aid Parity Agreement, its support for taxpayer
financing of the Baku-Ceyhan bypass of Armenia, its failure to
maintain a balanced policy toward Nagorno Karabagh, and – perhaps
most notably – the absence of any meaningful effort to pressure
either Turkey or Azerbaijan to end their illegal blockades.

Finally, we are profoundly troubled that, over the course of the
past seven years, despite repeated requests, neither our President
nor our Secretary of State chose to meet with the leadership of our
community to solicit our views, to share the rationale behind your
policies, or to engage in an open and honest discussion about
America’s future relationship with Armenia and the region. In
light of the fact that we have not had an opportunity to meet, we
would like to share with you the following areas in which we have
been troubled by the shortcomings of the Administration’s policies
and actions:

1) The President’s broken campaign pledge to recognize the
Armenian Genocide

Almost immediately after taking office, President Bush abandoned
his campaign pledge to recognize the Armenian Genocide. Rather
than honoring this promise and keeping his word, the President has,
in his annual April 24th statements, used evasive and euphemistic
terminology to avoid describing Ottoman Turkey’s systematic and
deliberate destruction of the Armenian people by its proper name –
the Armenian Genocide. Moreover, the Administration has
unconscionably echoed the Turkish government’s denial by claiming
that the Armenian Genocide, one of the most studied genocides of
the 20th century, "should be a matter of historical inquiry, not
legislation."

As you recall, on March 21st of last year, during a hearing of the
House Appropriations Subcommittee on State-Foreign Operations, you
refused to answer questions, posed by Congressman Adam Schiff, as
to whether the murder of 1.5 million Armenians could be
characterized as anything other than a genocide. Later that year,
on October 17th, after the Foreign Affairs Committee passed the
Armenian Genocide Resolution, the President, from the lawn of the
White House, argued that, "one thing Congress should not be doing
is sorting out the historical record of the Ottoman Empire,"
claiming there was "more important work to do."

2) Opposition to the Congressional Genocide Resolution

The Bush Administration, throughout its tenure, has actively sought
to block the adoption of the Genocide Resolution in both the House
and Senate. As recently as October of last year, the President
spoke to the national media from the White House against the
recognition of the Armenian Genocide, and, giving into the
blackmail and threats of Turkey, personally lobbied Members of
Congress to prevent the commemoration of this crime. We are
particularly saddened that you personally lobbied against the
resolution, as did Secretary of Defense Gates, and remain troubled
by the truly unprecedented level of participation by the nation’s
most senior leadership in a foreign government’s campaign to defeat
human rights legislation in the U.S. Congress.

3) The Evans firing and the Hoagland nominations

The Bush Administration fired U.S. Ambassador John Evans, a career
Foreign Service officer with 35 years of experience, simply for
speaking truthfully about the Armenian Genocide. Despite numerous
Congressional inquiries, the Administration continuously attempted
to cover up the true reasons for his removal and the Turkish
government’s protests over his statements. When the American
Foreign Service Association (AFSA) awarded John Evans the Christian
Herter prize for constructive dissent, Administration officials
forced AFSA to rescind the award just days before Turkish President
Erdogan came to Washington, DC to meet with the President.

The President’s nominee to replace Ambassador Evans, Dick Hoagland,
denied the Armenian Genocide in his written responses to Senate
inquiries during his confirmation process. After being blocked by
a Senatorial "hold" placed by Robert Menendez in the 109th
Congress, the President again nominated Ambassador Hoagland, only
to have this nomination blocked once again on the grounds that a
diplomat who denies the Armenian Genocide cannot serve effectively
as the U.S. representative to Armenia.

4) The waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act

The Bush Administration, in 2001, aggressively pressured Congress
into granting the President the authority to waive Section 907, a
provision of law that bars aid to the government of Azerbaijan
until it lifts its blockades of Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh.
President Bush has subsequently used this authority to provide
direct aid, including military assistance, to the government of
Azerbaijan, despite their outrageous and escalating threats of
renewed war and their continued violation of the provisions of this
law.

5) Reduction in aid to Armenia

In the face of the devastating, multi-billion dollar impact of the
Turkish and Azerbaijani blockades on the Armenian economy,
President Bush has, in each of his years in office, proposed to
Congress that Freedom Support Act humanitarian and developmental
aid to Armenia be reduced. The President’s most recent economic
aid request, for Fiscal Year 2009, was $24 million, dramatically
less than the $91.5 million, when he came into office in Fiscal
Year 2001. Furthermore, for Fiscal Year 2009, the President’s
budget proposed either maintaining or increasing aid to every
former Soviet Republic, except Armenia, for which the President
recommended a 59% decrease in aid.

6) Abandonment of the military aid parity agreement

The Bush Administration broke its word and abandoned its November
2001 agreement with Congress and the Armenian American community to
maintain even levels of military aid to Armenia and Azerbaijan. In
successive budgets submitted to Congress, the President effectively
sought to tilt the regional military balance in favor of
Azerbaijan, undermining the role of the U.S. as an impartial
mediator, despite Azerbaijan’s increasingly violent threats of
renewed aggression.

7) Mistaken listing of Armenia as a terrorist country

The Bush Administration sought, unsuccessfully, in December of
2002, to place Armenia on an Immigration and Naturalization Service
watch list for terrorist countries. This obvious error was reversed
only after a nation-wide protest campaign. Neither the White House
nor the Department of Justice has ever apologized for the offense
caused by this mistake, choosing, instead, to attempt to justify
what is broadly perceived as an effort to pander to Turkey by
vilifying Armenia.

8) Lack of U.S.-Armenia Presidential visitations

The President neither visited Armenia nor did he invite the
President of Armenia to visit the United States, despite similar
visits by the leaders of Georgia and Azerbaijan.

9) Failure to confront the desecration of the Djulfa cemetery

The Administration again illustrated its lack of willingness to
confront anti-Armenian violence and aggression in its lack of a
meaningful response to the desecration, in December of 2005, of an
ancient Armenian cemetery by Azerbaijani soldiers. As documented
on videotape and in photos that were promptly shared with the State
Department following the incident, approximately 200 troops using
sledgehammers and picks systematically destroyed hundreds of
khatchkars (intricately carved stone-crosses) in the cemetery in
the Djulfa region of Nakhichevan. This sacred, 1,200-year old site
of the Armenian Apostolic Church, once home to as many as 10,000
khatchkars, is now nearly entirely destroyed, and has, in fact,
recently been converted into a firing range by the Azerbaijani
military.

Despite repeated and sustained attempts on our part, calls for an
investigation by International Christian Concern and other civic
and faith-based groups, and a series of Congressional inquiries,
the Administration, which has otherwise and elsewhere trumpeted it
defense of religious freedoms, remained silent for several months,
until March of the following year, when a State Department official
finally condemned the desecration in response to an inquiry at a
press conference in Yerevan. The 2006 State Department
International Religious Freedom Report does not mention this widely
reported demolition, although it does detail desecrations of other
cemeteries in several other countries, such as in Estonia, France,
Latvia, Poland, Lithuania and Germany.

10) Failure to maintain a balanced policy on Nagorno Karabagh

The Bush Administration, to its credit, took an early initiative to
help resolve the Nagorno Karabagh issue in the form of the Key West
summit meeting in 2001 between Secretary of State Powell and the
presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan. After Azerbaijan’s failure to
honor its Key West commitments, however, the Administration failed
to hold Azerbaijan accountable for unilaterally stalling the
Nagorno Karabagh peace process. The negative impact of our
unbalanced policy toward this conflict was compounded last year by
the publication, in the State Department’s annual Human Rights
report, of inaccurate official claims that Armenia occupies Nagorno
Karabagh and Azerbaijan. Although this error was not repeated in
this year’s report, it did represent a setback to the peace process
and undermined our role as an honest broker in this conflict.

11) Taxpayer financing of the Baku-Ceyhan bypass of Armenia

The Bush Administration, despite bipartisan Congressional
opposition, supported American taxpayer-funded subsidies for the
politically motivated Baku-Ceyhan pipeline route that, at the
insistence of both Turkey and Azerbaijan, bypassed Armenia, to its
significant economic detriment.

12) Failure to effectively pressure Turkey and Azerbaijan to end
their blockades

The Bush Administration has not forcefully condemned the Turkish
and Azerbaijani blockades as clear violations of international law,
nor, outside of occasional public statements, has it taken any
meaningful steps to pressure the Turkish or Azerbaijani governments
to end their illegal border closures against land-locked Armenia.

13) Neglect of relations with the Armenian American community

Breaking with the tradition of the last several Administrations,
President Bush and his Secretaries of State failed to reach out in
any meaningful way to our nation’s one and a half million citizens
of Armenian heritage. Over the past seven years, the collective
leadership of the Armenian American community was neither invited
to the White House to consult with the President, or asked by the
Secretary of State to meet and discuss our community’s priorities.

We would welcome the opportunity for the collective leadership of
the Armenian American community to meet with you to discuss each of
these issues, and others, in greater detail. We are confident
that, if such a meeting can be arranged, we would benefit
considerably from your insights and perspectives, and that,
together, we will be able to explore ways in which we can work
together toward our shared aims during the coming months.

Thank you for your review of our concerns and for your
consideration of our request.

Sincerely,

[signed]
Kenneth V. Hachikian
Chairman

www.anca.org

RA Ombudsman Shares His Opinion

RA OMBUDSMAN SHARES HIS OPINION

A1+
07 April, 2008

RA Ombudsman’s opinion on the amendments to the Law on "Marches,
Rallies and Demonstrations" in the main coincides with that of
the Venice Commission, the Department of the Information of the RA
Ombudsman’s Office reports.

Numerous citizens have asked the Ombudsman to dispute the conformity
of the recent amendments in the Constitutional Court (CC).

The Human Rights Ombudsman finds it expedient to appeal to the
CC after the disputed amendments are considered in the National
Assembly by Armenian parliamentarians and international experts’
panel on April 15-16.

"The authorities are to elaborate a complete programme of legal,
political, socio-economic and cultural reforms to eliminate the
deeply-rooted polarization in the society."