The 4th London Kurdish Film Festival – London 8-14 December

THE 4TH LONDON KURDISH FILM FESTIVAL – LONDON 8-14 DECEMBER

Kurdish Media, UK
Dec 4 2006

The organizing committee for the Kurdish Film Festival is delighted
to welcome you to the 4th London Kurdish Film Festival. It features a
varied programme of over sixty films: fiction, documentary, animation,
features and shorts. The festival was the first – and is now the
largest – of all the Kurdish Film Festivals organised worldwide. The
event will be enriched by discussions with the directors, filmmakers
and actors themselves. One of our main aims is to promote new talent
that is emerging. We are glad to see so many young Kurdish film makers
from Europe making connections with the cultural developments that
are changing the face of Kurdish society back home, and their work
occupies a significant space in our programme. Cinema is the language
that transcends the barriers that politics, geography, religion and
cultural divisions impose upon us.

We need to cultivate it in order to enrich the dialogue between
nationalities that live together.

It is a particular pleasure to hold our festival at the Rio Cinema,
which has supported the event since its inception. We have come a
long way since our first festival in 2001. The LKFF was launched by a
group of volunteers who came together following an initial call from
the Halkevi-Kurdish and Turkish Community Centre in Hackney. We have
grown over the years, empowered by new recruits to the organising
committee, which has held constructive discussions to determine how
to take the work forward to best fulfil its responsibilities. All the
individuals involved in organising the film festival were aware from
the beginning of the fact that the festival is organised on behalf
of the largest nation in the world without a nation-state. This is
a difficult task not made easier by the fact that we lack the basic
support that other nations in the world enjoy. Our discussions led
us to seek to develop a structure that would be more accountable
to the Kurdish people as well as making it possible to obtain more
support from within the heart of the community. At the end of 2004,
the LKFF decided to become a joint sub-committee of the main community
centres in the UK – Halkevi Kurdish and Turkish Community Centre in
Hackney, Kurdish Cultural Centre in Lambeth, Kurdish Community Centre
in Haringey and Kurdish Exile Association in Kensington and Chelsea.

The fledgling Kurdish Film Industry has been very prolific since
our last festival in November 2004. In recent months some of these
films have managed to scoop prestigious awards at international
film festivals. Filmmaking is relatively new to Kurdistan, but it
has already produced some memorable works, some of which have taken
the critics by storm and have achieved worldwide distribution and
acclaim. As result of political developments involving the Kurds in
particular, new found stability especially in South Kurdistan (Iraq)
enabled activities to develop giving fresh impetus to Kurdish cinema.

Having received more films than ever this year, we had to go through
a rigorous selection process to decide on our one-week programme.

Sadly, we could only accomodate half of the films submitted. This
year is also a year of firsts. We are particularly proud to introduce
the classic silent film ZARE, made in 1926 in Armenia. This film is
considered to be the first film ever made about the Kurds and we
would like to thank the Armenian National Film Centre and Yerevan
International Film Festival for the great efforts they have made to
enable us to show this film in our festival. And we are particularly
happy to present some Kurdish animated films for the first time.

These, together with other films suitable for children have given
us the opportunity to present a schools/young people’s programme for
the first time.

Festival highlights will include: Bahman Ghobadi’s HALF MOON winner of
three awards at this year’s San Sebastian Film Festival, the British
premiere of Omer Ugur’s HOME COMING, about the military coup in Turkey
in 1980, Jamil Rostami’s REQUIEM OF SNOW, best foreign film contender
for Iraq at the 2005 Academy Awards, Hiner Saleem’s KILOMETRE ZERO
selected for the Cannes competition in 2005, Mahdi Omat’s brand new
NIGHT OF MANY YEARS, Jalal Jonroy’s political comedy DAVID and LAYLA,
Yilmaz Arslan’s recent feature FRATRICIDE, Masoud Arif Salih & Hussein
Hassan Ali’s film made entirely with a Kurdish crew NARCISSUS BLOSSOM,
Mano Khalil joining us with two masterful documentaries DAVID THE
TOLHILDAN and AL-ANFAL, Halil Uysal and his friends honouring us with
their latest film BERITAN, Karzan Sherabayani’s RETURN TO KIRKUK,
Gwynne Roberts & John Williams’s SADDAM’S ROAD TO HELL and Cayan
Demirel’s 38. The festival also includes many award winning short
films and a diverse range of fascinating and powerful documentaries.

All films will have English subtitles except BERITAN.

Our message for this year is: Without dialogue, peace is impossible. We
hope that our festival will encourage peace and understanding amongst
all people.

Enjoy the Festival!

David Nalbandian Heads Argentina National Team

DAVID NALBANDIAN HEADS ARGENTINA NATIONAL TEAM

Noyan Tapan
Armenians Today
Dec 04 2006

MOSCOW, DECEMBER 4, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. The most
authoritative among the world tennis group tournaments, the Davis
Cup tournament, started on December 1 in Moscow. The national teams
of Russia and Argentina are at its final stage. Nikolay Davydenko,
Dmitri Tursunov, Mikhail Youzhny and Marat Safin will enter sports
ground among the Russian team staff in the struggle for the "silver
tray." David Nalbandian of Armenian origin heads the Argentina
national team. His playmates are Jose Acasuso, Augustin Calleri and
Juan Ignacio Chela.

Chairs head for armenia

Essex Chronicle, UK
November 30, 2006 Thursday

Chairs head for armenia

More than 200 chairs from The John Bramston School, Witham are
heading for Armenia after ending their useful life at the Essex
school.

Oskanyan: NK must be settled with principle of right to self-det.

ArmInfo News Agency, Armenia
Dec 1 2006

ARMENIAN FM: KARABAKH CONFLICT MUST BE SETTLED ON THE BASIS OF THE
PRINCIPLE OF PEOPLES’ RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION

The position of the Armenian party in the settlement of Karabakh
conflict remains unchanged: the issue must be settled on the basis of
the principle of peoples’ right to self-determination, said Armenian
Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan at a press conference, Friday.

The minister thinks there is only one way to unite the two
contradictory principles (territorial integrity and peoples’ right to
self-determination – ed.) – through a referendum. The minister said
the document on the negotiating table reflects the idea of the
referendum. "That is why, I can say that we see the prospect of
combination of these principles. Thus, to allow the people of Nagorny
Karabakh, to which all this concerns, to chose either the territorial
integrity of Azerbaijan or its full self-determination," the minister
said. He added that self-determination means a choice. "It is the
only solution, and, fortunately, its elements are included in the
document. Serious discussions are in process on the possible
referendum and voting. That is why, we see the prospect of
combination of the principles," the minister said. At the request of
journalists, Vardan Oskanyan explained that the referendum applies to
the territory of Nagorny Karabakh and the people that reside and
resided there. Asked if refugees are also taken into account, the
minister said: "There are so many details there that one should not
go into details until the principle is finally determined. It is a
typical example of the principle and the details. For instance, an
agreement to the referendum does not mean anything yet. As dwelling
on the issue, one can get into a confusion: who, when, if refugees
will return, if yes, so when etc.," the minister said.

Asked what can make Armenia refuse from the idea of referendum, the
minister said: "if we are proposed a better alternative – recognition
of Nagorny Karabakh’s independence." Asked if the referendum will
cancel the results of 1991 referendum for independence of NKR, the
minister mentioned that if the international community acknowledged
them, there will be no necessity of the present negotiation process.
At the same time, the minister said that Karabakh conflict is
different from others in the eyes of the international community. "I
think this gives an advantage to Nagorny Karabakh. Everything should
be done to maintain this situation," the minister said.

Mission East: Interview with Kim Hartzner

INTERVIEW

MISSION EAST – Values in Action
Saryan 6, apt. 4
Yerevan, 375002, Armenia
Tel.:(374 10) 52.15.34, 566718
Email: [email protected]
Contact: Raffi Doudaklian
Web:

November 27, 2006
PRESS RELEASE

Up Close and Personal

Kim Hartzner’s Yearlong Sojourn in Armenia
Can Mean a World of Difference for Disabled Children

Sona Hamalian

Kim Hartzner’s bond with Armenia goes back to 1980,
when he first visited the country as a tourist. Little
did he know then that he would come back in the future
to lead large-scale relief efforts and unprecedented
advocacy programs to improve the lives of handicapped
children. In 1991 Kim Hartzner and his father, Rene,
founded Mission East, an international relief and
development organization, in their native Denmark.
Armenia became Mission East’s very first recipient
country, when in 1992 the organization established a
hospital here. Since then Mission East has distributed
thousands of tons of food to vulnerable communities in
Syunik and beyond. Beginning in 1998, Mission East has
focused increasingly on initiatives to help change
negative attitudes toward children with special needs,
promote better education and healthcare for such
children, and increase socio-economic opportunities
for the disabled and their families. In 1999 Kim
Hartzner was appointed Managing Director of Mission
East, called to oversee the organization’s expanding
aid operations in Armenia, Afghanistan, Bulgaria,
Nepal, Romania, Tajikistan, and elsewhere. In August
this year, Hartzner, who is a medical doctor, moved to
Armenia with his family for a year, aiming to gain a
broader insight into local issues and help optimize
the impact of Mission East programs throughout
Armenia.

1. You have demonstrated extraordinary commitment to
your organization’s objectives in Armenia by deciding
to live and work in the republic for a year. What do
you expect to achieve during this time, especially in
terms of Mission East’s recently-launched project for
disabled children?

The goal is twofold: first, I hope to form a better
understanding of the country’s root issues; and
second, I’d like to help expand awareness of these
problems on a wider, international level, including
the Armenian Diaspora. I’ve spent considerable
stretches of time in Armenia in the past, but today,
as Mission East approaches its 15th anniversary in the
republic, I think it’s critically important for me to
actually live here for a year or even longer, in order
to gain first-hand knowledge of the problems affecting
stakeholders, children in particular, throughout the
marzes, as well as to be better informed about
existing programs and the government’s response, about
specific policies and patterns of dealing with the
issues. I think first-hand knowledge of this order
will help me design more effective fundraising and
public-awareness campaigns, building on a long
tradition of assisting the Armenian people. You know,
Mission East has been in Armenia during the war and
the drought of 2000, providing emergency relief and
other aid to ease the pain of the population. I’d like
to engage the Armenian Diaspora and the broader
international community in our work. I’d like to have
donors and our Ministry from Denmark come and visit
Armenia to see what we’re doing here. And I would like
us to be available to the Armenian and international
media, to tell them how we see the situation.
Our two main programmatic areas in Armenia are health
and education. I think these are fundamental issues in
terms of helping get Armenia back on its feet. Some 50
percent of the country is underdeveloped. About 1.5
million Armenians live below the poverty line. And the
country is still gripped by an economic blockade. The
challenge of turning things around is indeed huge, and
it’ll probably take 10 to 15 years. But the situation
is far from hopeless. Armenia has many advantages,
including a well-educated population, a rich history
and an ingrained Christian tradition, as well as solid
connections worldwide.

2. The plight of disabled children in Armenia is a
complex issue that owes mainly to a lack of systemic
resources on the one hand, and negative social
attitudes toward vulnerable and marginalized children
on the other. How do you go about addressing these
core problems?

Basically, we address them through a comprehensive
approach. Take, for example, our 1998 pilot program at
the Nubarashen Orphanage. Imagine, the children did
not know their own birth dates; they didn’t know how
to tie their shoelaces; they didn’t know what money
looks like; they didn’t know how to buy a bus ticket.
They were socially handicapped. The orphanage
administration’s attitude was, `Why bother to teach
them if they’re not going to use it?’ The curriculum,
too, was a watered-down version of the mainstream
curriculum, with no real effort to foster actual
learning and understanding. So kids spent years in
first grade without being able to move on to second
grade. We began addressing the issue by first adopting
a hands-on methodology to impart practical knowledge
to the kids. We then implemented a more systemic
approach in terms of changing the very way that
children with special needs are taught. For the past
two and half years, we have worked to introduce a
novel curriculum designed specifically for such
children. At the same time, through our local partner,
the Bridge of Hope organization, we have successfully
lobbied the government to pass a law guaranteeing the
right of special-needs children to a good education.
As fundamentally, we are working to change the way
children’s mental aptitude is assessed in schools, the
way many children are automatically labeled as `unable
to learn.’ Well, there may be several reasons why a
child cannot keep pace: psychological issues,
developmental disorders, physical disorders, etc. We
need a team of psychologists, developmental
pediatricians, and even speech therapists to correctly
assess a children’s aptitude. We are now working to
introduce a thoroughly modern assessment tool to
assist children in the educational process, according
to their unique conditions. And we have worked
extensively to train teachers. All of these watersheds
now need to be applied in as many schools as possible,
step by step. As of today, there are seven schools
that have adopted our programs. We must continue to
train teachers, and also the trainers themselves.
We take a similarly comprehensive approach to the
children’s health situation, which is an enormously
complex issue. Aside from a lack of financial
resources, many medical practitioners in Armenia do
not have adequate training and generally function with
the Soviet belief that a child with a special need is
a child with a disease. Thus doctors are too quick to
give up on children with special needs. They’re not
trained to deal with conditions such as autism or
other developmental problems; they’re not equipped to
provide long-term treatment. Already there is a grave
social stigma attached to children with special needs,
with parents feeling ashamed of such children and even
going to great lengths to hide them from society.
Medical practitioners’ attitude only exasperates the
situation.
What Mission East does is to address the issue at all
the levels. For instance, we work through Dr.
Babloyan’s Arabkir Pediatric Center to train doctors
in diagnosing developmental conditions. Bear in mind
that of the 200 hours of pediatric training in
Armenia’s medical schools, only one hour is dedicated
to child development. We currently have a specialist,
trained in Switzerland, who trains doctors throughout
the marzes in identifying and diagnosing developmental
conditions. In Armavir alone, where we worked with 11
communities comprising a population of some 70,000, we
have identified 460 households that have children with
medical needs and/or needs for social assistance. This
is an alarming figure and it’s only getting worse, in
large part because parents are embarrassed of their
children and often don’t even take them to doctors,
fearing the family’s reputation will be ruined. The
problem is so widespread, so complex, that the
challenge is to address it in a truly comprehensive
manner – at the individual level on the one hand, and
the systemic level on the other.

3. Do you believe that Armenia’s ongoing bid for
democratization, coupled with the positive influence
of organizations such as Mission East, can lead to
more equitable treatment of disabled people,
particularly children, in Armenia? In other words, do
you believe it’s possible to achieve change not just
in actions, but also in an entrenched societal
mind-set?

Yes, it is possible. I think it is going to take a lot
of time, it is going to take a lot of work, effort and
energy, but I do think that people want to change. For
instance, at Yerevan State University, a facility has
just been created to assist students with
disabilities. This, I think, is a big step forward.
Another example is that of Mr. Ashot Yesayan, the
former Minister of Social Affairs (with whom Mission
East has worked since 1992), who is planning to
publish a manual for social workers. Such efforts
enjoy the support of a number of leaders, including
Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian and his wife, Nani. I
think it is important to persevere, and yes, I do
believe fundamental change is possible, otherwise I
wouldn’t be here.

4. You have three implementing partner organizations
in Armenia: Nairi, Bridge of Hope, and Arabkir. How do
they contribute to the realization of your projects?

Our three partners are involved in three different
stages of work. Let’s take Bridge of Hope first. Once
a minor organization, it has grown into a nationally
recognized organization as the country’s top
disability-rights advocate. Bridge of Hope has just
celebrated its 10th anniversary, and we are very proud
of them as we have played a great role in their
development during the past four years. Right now
Bridge of Hope and Mission East are conducting a huge
public-awareness campaign, with posters displayed in
metros, theatres, and all over town. We’re having
posters and other material sent to all
parliamentarians. We launched the campaign, which
included a recent press conference, with the theme
`your attitude toward me means more than my
disability,’ meaning societal attitudes have a major
and direct bearing on the lives of the disabled.

The Arabkir Pediatric Center is a highly specialized
facility with a superbly motivated, Western-trained
staff. Ara Babloyan is this big, charismatic driving
force behind the organization. Through local clinics
in the regions, Arabkir locates children with special
needs, provides critical help, including long-term
treatment, and trains medical professionals in
identifying and treating developmental conditions.
Arabkir depends on foreign assistance and help from
Mission East. Currently we are supporting them
financially to pay the salaries of their experts.

Our third implementing partner is Nairi, which is a
grassroots NGO providing direct relief, such as food,
clothing, etc., to children with special needs. We are
working with Nairi to make it capable of providing
children with medical help and education.

In addition, we are helping all three of our
implementing partners develop their organizational
capacities and become more sustainable in the long
run.

5. Beyond your implementing partners, how would you
characterize the level of support demonstrated by the
government of Armenia and other stakeholders toward
Mission East projects?

The Armenian government has always been positive
toward our work, partly because it sees us as an
organization with a long-term commitment to Armenia.
Of particular note are the Ministry of Social Affairs
and the Ministry of Education and Science. They have
supported us in designing a curriculum for
special-needs students and establishing clinics in the
Syunik region. Furthermore, they have actually bucked
the trend by taking responsibility for things. Our
work will have a much greater impact if we receive
this kind of support from other government agencies as
well.

We also have other partners, such as COAF (Children of
Armenia Fund), which is very supportive of Mission
East. This organization is currently funding the
construction of community centers and clinics.

6. For both the short and long terms, what are Mission
East’s main challenge and main asset in Armenia?

I think the main challenge is to change people’s
attitudes and ensure that reforms are actually
implemented. It is easy to draft a law, to draft a
plan, to even draft a curriculum, but it is important
to see it in practice. This is all doable.

We have an excellent staff in Armenia, an excellent
reputation with the government, and we are recognized
as a trustworthy organization. People believe in us.
They recognize us as honest, respectable, sensitive,
and thoroughly accountable and transparent as an
organization. This is probably our biggest asset.

7. Mission East considers Armenia a `pioneer’ country
in its work. Is this merely a reference to the
country’s early inclusion in Mission East programs, or
can it also point to Armenia as a model for other
transitional nations?

Both. Armenia was our first operational country. We
had Russia, Ukraine, but Armenia was our first
public-sponsored program. ‘Can it also point to
Armenia as a model for other transitional nations?’
This is a very interesting question. Inna, our program
officer, was in Georgia recently, attending a
conference, and representatives from Tajikistan came
to her and asked, `Can you please help our country in
the area of special-needs education?’ Which tells me
that what we have done in Armenia can be replicated
elsewhere.

8. Mission East’s `values in action’ comprise honesty,
integrity, compassion, valuing the individual, and
respect for all people. Based on your considerable
experience in Armenia, how would you assess its
connection to these values, at both the official and
societal levels?

I think I have said this in many other ways. Integrity
is about doing what you say you will do. Promising
something is very easy; doing it is much more
difficult. Compassion: if you do not have a heart for
the people, you cannot work here. If you’re biased, if
you are discriminating or have hang-ups about certain
sorts of people, I think you will not be able to work
here. Mission East is a Christian organization and we
see these as Christian values. In many ways these are
universal values. God is helping Armenia through
concerned people.

9. You were determined to learn to speak Armenian by
the end of this year. Will Kim Hartzner give a press
conference in Armenian anytime soon?

I hope so. Armenian is a far more complex language
than I first thought, but I will definitely learn it.
I’ll get there within a few months.


Sona Hamalian is a philanthropic consultant based in
Yerevan. She also heads Creative Networks, an
international public-relations firm promoting
nonprofit organizations, cultural and educational
institutions, and artists.

http://www.misest.org//

The NK conflict cannot be resolved via UN resolutions – Istratov

Public Radio, Armenia
Nov 24 2006

The Karabakh conflict cannot be resolved via UN resolutions, Russian
Ambassador to Azerbaijan says
24.11.2006 17:00

`The Nagorno Karabakh conflict cannot be resolved with the adoption
of a UN resolution. On this question the position of Russia coincides
with that of the OSC Minsk Group,’ Russian Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary to Azerbaijan Vasili Istratov told APA agency.
The Ambassador noted that the main objective of the OSCE Minsk Group
is the resolution of the conflict. "It is impossible to resolve the
conflict via imposing ways of solution to the parties. The parties
should come to an agreement themselves,’ the Russian diplomat
underlined. `Both parties know what they should do. The Nagorno
Karabakh conflict is not frozen, it is a conflict the settlement of
which had been postponed.’

Pat Buchanan Wins Dutch Elections

Brussels Journal, Belgium
Nov 24 2006

Pat Buchanan Wins Dutch Elections
>From the desk of Paul Belien on Thu, 2006-11-23 22:37

Jan MarijnissenWednesday’s general elections in the Netherlands were
won by the far-left. The Communist Socialistische Partij (SP) added
17 seats to the 9 it previously held, securing an overall number of
26 seats in the 150-seat Dutch Parliament. The SP became the
country’s third largest party, overtaking the center-right Liberal
Party VVD, which fell to 22 seats from 28. The centrist
Christian-Democrats (CDA) of Prime Minister Jan-Peter Balkenende
remained the biggest party with 41 seats (44 previously), followed by
the center-left Labour Party (PvdA) which lost ten seats, ending up
with 32 seats. To the right, the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF), the
anti-immigrant party of the late Pim Fortuyn, who was assassinated in
2002 by an animal-rights activist, lost its 8 seats. It was replaced
by the `islamophobic’ Freedom Party (PVV) of Geert Wilders, a
breakaway Liberal, who gained 9 seats. The remaining 20 seats were
divided among five parties, including the PvdD, a party of animal
right activists who gained 2 seats in the first elections they
participated in, and the Christen Unie (CU), a Calvinist and morally
conservative but economically leftist party, whose seats doubled to
6.

The 2006 elections mark a dramatic shift to the Left. Theoretically
Labour, the SP and all the various smaller leftist parties can form a
76 seat majority, since the parties of the Right hold only 33 seats
and the centrist CDA holds 41. This, however, is unlikely to happen
as it would require a coalition of no fewer than 6 parties. Moreover,
Labour regards the SP as too far to the Left and too radical on other
issues, such as European unification which the SP is very critical
of. Hence a center-left coalition of CDA, Labour and the Christen
Unie is the most likely successor to the current center-right
coalition of CDA, Liberals and Liberal-Democrats. This will allow
Balkenende to succeed himself as Prime Minister.

The swing to the left had been predicted. Last March the local
elections in the Netherlands revealed the growing importance of the
Muslim vote. Immigrants overwhelmingly vote for left-wing parties.
This is hardly surprising since most of the immigrants were attracted
to the country by its generous welfare benefits, which they want to
safeguard. Official statistics show that the Netherlands have 16.3
million inhabitants, of which 1.7 million are non-Western immigrants.
Most of the latter are Turks and Moroccans. Indeed, already one
million of the country’s inhabitants are Muslims. Many have become
Dutch citizens.

Seventy per cent of the immigrants participated in yesterday’s
elections, indicating a political awareness almost as high as that of
the indigenous Dutch. Though not all the elected candidates are
officially known yet, at least eight Muslims are expected to have
been voted into Parliament. If Labour joins a government coalition
the Moroccan-born Amsterdam politician Nehabat Aboutaleb is likely to
become the first Muslim minister in Dutch history.

The new generation of immigrant politicians do not have much in
common with the former Dutch politician Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a
Somali-born immigrant who moved to the Netherlands in 1992. Hirsi
Ali, a Muslim apostate, was a member of the Dutch Parliament for the
center-right free-market Liberals from January 2003 until last July.
She has since moved to the U.S. because Islamist fanatics threatened
to kill her and the Dutch were not able (or willing) to adequately
protect her. Hirsi Ali was very critical of Muslim immigrants who do
not want to embrace Dutch secular values. The newly elected immigrant
politicians, on the contrary, represent a growing and demographically
young electorate that insists on its Muslim identity. Often their
loyalties lie more with their countries of origin than with the Dutch
nation, which they look upon mainly as a welfare distributing Santa
Claus.

Over 80% of the immigrants voted for Labour in last March’s local
elections, so this party was very keen on attracting their continued
support. It placed many Moroccan and Turkish candidates on its list,
but fell out with the Turks when the latter discovered the official
party line on the Armenian genocide. Labour’s position is that this
genocide really took place and that Ankara should recognize it as a
historical fact before Turkey can join the European Union. As a
result the Turkish vote in the Netherlands seems to have migrated to
smaller parties of the Left and to the Socialistische Partij of Jan
Marijnissen, the biggest winner of yesterday’s elections.

The SP’s ideological roots are Marxism-Leninism and Maoism, although
the American politician who comes closest to it might very well be…
Pat Buchanan. The latter is, of course, not at all a Communist, but
the end of the Cold War has led to political realignments which today
may put Marijnissen and Buchanan closer to each other than one would
think.

The SP (its party symbol is a tomato) was founded in 1972 by young
Marxists who deemed the official Dutch Communists too reformist and
too submissive to Moscow. They preferred a pure, radical Maoist and
Leninist line. Jan Marijnissen, then a 20 year old blue collar
worker, became the party’s leading figure. Marijnissen was born in
1952 in Oss in the province of North Brabant, the Catholic southern
part of the Netherlands, in a very Catholic family, the youngest of
four. When his mother was widowed she sent him to a boarding school
run by monks. The 1960s were the years of rapid secularization in
Europe, especially in the Netherlands, and especially among the
Catholic half of its population. Marijnissen never finished school,
but when he left it he had lost his faith in God and found another
faith in Socialism.

He returned to his home town and became a factory worker, organizing
wild strikes all over the Oss area. For a long time the SP was a
local Oss phenomenon. In 1975 Marijnissen became an Oss town
councillor. Other 1970s far-left parties in other West European
countries, were run by disillusioned children from bourgeois families
and soon turned to violence and even terrorism, as in Germany. Jan
Marijnissen, however, was a man of the people, who spoke the language
of the people. Though he sympathized ideologically with the
international far-left, he realized that the European blue-collar
workers did not have a high opinion of the
offspring-of-the-rich-turned-terrorist-in-the- name-of-the-workers.
Marijnissen shunned the terrorist methods of the hares and worked
like a tortoise, solidly establishing his party locally.

It took decades, but the strategy worked. In 1987 Marijnissen became
a provincial councillor in North Brabant, in 1994 he was elected to
the Dutch Parliament, in 1998 the SP gained 5 seats, in 2002 9 seats,
and yesterday it jumped to 26. In the European Parliament the SP
belongs to the group of the European United Left, together with
parties such as the French Communist Party, the Italian Refounded
Communists, the German Left Party (the former GDR Communists), Sinn
Féin, and others.

Though Marijnissen is said to be an authoritarian party leader, he
never lost touch with the blue-collar workers. He realized they did
not like the immigrants. In the late 1990s Pim Fortuyn, a gay
intellectual who, like Marijnissen, had been raised a Catholic, began
to criticize Muslim immigrants for their unwillingness to integrate
in Dutch society. The mainstream media and parties branded Fortuyn a
`racist’ and a `xenophobe.’ Marijnissen never joined the
name-calling. After Fortuyn’s assassination in 2002 the parties that
had attacked him, especially Labour, got a terrible beating, but not
the SP which gained four seats.

In Marijnissen’s view the immigration problem was not caused by the
welfare state but by the capitalist system which invited foreign
`guest workers’ over to Europe in order to keep the wages of
indigenous workers low. Unlike the other leftist parties in Europe
the SP was not very fond of immigrants. It cared more for the native
lower classes, who felt threatened by the newcomers. In the 1990s the
SP’s election slogan was `Against’ and one of the things it was
against was immigration – this weapon used by the capitalists to
exploit the workers.

Though the SP has immigrant members Marijnissen never actively
encouraged them to stand for election. In 2004 Ali Lazrak, one of the
SP’s elected representatives, was ousted from the party because he
had accused Marijnissen of dictatorial behaviour. In a newspaper
interview Marijnissen commented: `This is what you get if you put
forward candidates not because they are qualified for the job but
because they are immigrants.’ He insists that immigrants learn to
speak Dutch, that Dutch national history be taught at school, and
that immigrants be spread over the country in order to avoid
ghettoization.

The SP is also against the European Union. It is the largest
Eurosceptic party in the Netherlands. It is significant that Geert
Wilders, the other victor of yesterday’s elections, is also an
outspoken Eurosceptic. However, while Wilders can be called a
neo-conservative, Marijnissen resembles a paleo-conservative. He is
also an outspoken opponent of the war in Iraq and one of the fiercest
critics of America’s international policies.

Marijnissen’s leftism is most apparent in the economic policies he
proposes – protectionism, higher taxes for the rich, state
interference to curtail the `greed’ of the markets, free healthcare,
more social benefits for the poor,… On cultural [Americans would say
`social’] issues, however, the SP has become ever more conservative.
During the past decade its ideology moved towards communitarianism.
Marijnissen even rediscovered his former Christian faith. One of his
supporters is Monsignor Tiny (Martinus) Muskens, the `red’ Bishop of
Breda, who once said that stealing is not a sin for the poor, but who
also stressed that dialogue between Christians and Muslims will lead
nowhere so long it remains impossible to build churches in Saudi
Arabia. The SP’s party conference last month resembled a Christian
meeting. Huub Oosterhuis, a Dutch theologian and former priest who
was excommunicated by the Vatican over sexual ethics, held a sermon
extolling the virtues of Christianity. The audience sang psalms and
listened to gospel music. In this sense the SP, though one of the
most anti-American of the Dutch parties, seemed almost the most
American of them.

http://www.brusselsjournal.com/node/1682

Days of Armenian National Assembly at FC

ITAR-TASS News Agency, Russia
November 22, 2006 Wednesday
Media advisory: Days of Armenian National Assembly at FC
Russian Federation Council
Press Service
Days of the Armenian National Assembly will be held at the Federation
Council on Thursday and Friday, November 23 and 24.
Federation Council Speaker Sergei Mironov will meet with Speaker of
the Armenian National Assembly Tirgan Torosian at the Federation
Council building (26, Bolshaya Dmitrovka Street, room 701) at 12:00
on Thursday, November 23.
Accreditation of Russian and foreign journalists for covering the
meetings will be held by the Federation Council Press Service until
16:30 on Thursday, November 23.
For more information, please call 692-4145, 692-1877, 692-7525 or
692-5604.
Fax: 692-4305.

BAKU: Giving Independence Status To Nagorno-Karabakh Is Impossible –

GIVING INDEPENDENCE STATUS TO NAGORNO-KARABAKH IS IMPOSSIBLE – AZERI PRESIDENT
Author: E.Huseynov
TREND Information, Azerbaijan
Nov 23 2006
Giving independence status to Nagorno-Karabakh is impossible, the
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev stated in an interview with the
Abu Dhabi television,Trend reports.
“Armenia wants independence for Nagorno-Karabakh. It is impossible.
Azerbaijan will never accept it. We may present autonomy status to
them,” the President said.
Ilham Aliyev said that Azerbaijan tries to settle the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict peacefully. “If the Armenians want to achieve the solution
of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and live in safe environment, then
they should fulfill 4 Resolutions of the U.N. Security Council,”
Aliyev said.
We support the peaceful solution of the conflict, Aliyev said, adding
that at the same time, “Azerbaijan established strong economy, army
and should be ready to release the occupied lands. It is our legal
right”, Mr. President Said.

ICG Concerned About The Fate Of Armenian And Azeri Minorities In Geo

ICG CONCERNED ABOUT THE FATE OF ARMENIAN AND AZERI MINORITIES IN GEORGIA
Public Radio, Armenia
Nov 22 2006
“The Georgian government must take significant steps to avoid conflict
in the country’s ethnic Armenian and Azeri areas,” says the last
report of the International Crisis Group titled “Georgia’s Armenian
and Azeri Minorities. The report examines the grievances of these two
communities. While there is no risk of the situation becoming Ossetian
or Abkhaz-like threats to Georgia’s territorial integrity, tensions
are evident in the regions of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kvemo-Kartli,
where the two predominantly live. There have been demonstrations,
alleged police brutality and killings during the past two years.
Georgia has made little progress towards integrating these minorities,
who constitute over 12 per cent of the population.
Armenians and Azeris are underrepresented in all spheres of public
life, especially government, and a lack of dialogue between them and
Tbilisi adds to perceptions of discrimination and alienation. This
is aggravated by economic problems, including high unemployment l
and decaying infrastructure.
“Tbilisi needs to do much more to build confidence and to encourage
minorities to address their problems through state structures rather
then in the street”, says Sabine Freizer, Crisis Group’s Caucasus
Project Director.
While the government denies there is any inequality, many minorities
claim they are treated as second-class citizens. Feeling betrayed by
the Abkhaz and Ossetians, who declared independent states on Georgian
territory, Tbilisi has a deeply rooted, if unfounded, fear that others
may do the same. More sensitive and effective minority policies would
dampen such demands and might even help build trust with the Abkhaz
and Ossetians.
Some steps have been taken to improve the lives of minorities. With
donor support, Georgia has invested in road and infrastructure
rehabilitation in minority regions and created a ministry for civic
integration, established a public administration institute to train
minorities and ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection
of National Minorities.
None of this is likely to appease minorities’ political grievances
without policies that increase inclusion and participation.
Implementation of local government reform after the 2006 elections
provides a new platform for minorities to affect decision-making
through municipal bodies. More consultation by Tbilisi when drafting
legislation can also help.
The government needs to establish a comprehensive education system
to teach Georgian as a second language to minorities, but while a
new generation is educated, minorities should not be discriminated
against, especially in hiring for state jobs. The state should also
implement its international commitments, particularly allowing use
of minority languages for state affairs in municipalities with large
numbers of minority citizens, as is standard throughout Europe.
“Only by acting on both tracks will Georgia succeed in reducing
tensions and increasing minority integration”, says Nicholas Whyte,
Crisis Group’s Europe Program Director.