A Survivor’s Guilt

The view from Aposhian’s room in Aleppo

Same-sex marriage laws were approved in Denmark, the state television of Egypt lifted its ban on veiled female news presenters, and the Mayan calendar came to an end. The year 2012 seemed like any other through the eyes of my 13-year-old naive self, but little did I know, the harmonious life I’d led was coming to an end.

The early 2010s marked the beginning of the Arab Spring. Unfortunately, as an Armenian who was raised in Syria, I, along with thousands of other Armenians, was heavily affected by these events. It was not until 2012 that my city Aleppo was sucked into the hole of hell and became a theater of modern-day war.

The conflict in Syria began with peaceful protests against President Bashar Al-Assad’s regime in 2011 and transformed into a bloody civil war. Reports from BBC, the New York Times, the Atlantic, and Al Jazeera characterized the war as a religious conflict opposed by Assad’s minority Alawite sect, with Shiite fighters from neighboring Middle Eastern countries pitted against the Sunni rebellious groups. Yet all of that meant nothing to me. I could not comprehend how a country where my great-grandparents, grandparents, parents and I had lived safely for decades could suddenly turn into a battlefield.

I could not comprehend how a country where my great-grandparents, grandparents, parents and I had lived safely for decades could suddenly turn into a battlefield.

I vividly remember the very first bombing that took place in Aleppo. It was late January on a cold morning, and I was at school. Everyone was quietly sitting in the classroom when suddenly, we sensed an internal vibration. We first thought that it was an earthquake, so we all hid under our desks for a few minutes. When we no longer heard the sounds, we returned to our seats, and the teacher tried to reassure us that nothing bad had happened. Yet it was no use, as we were all panicked. Parents showed up at school to take their kids home, including my two younger brothers and me, even though our house was just next door. On our short walk home, I asked my mom what was going on, to which she answered, “No one knows yet. Walk fast, and let’s get home safely.” 

When we got home, my dad hugged us tight and detached himself from the newscast for a few seconds. On the television, the reporter was announcing that the bombing location was a gas station a few blocks away from our house. I looked at my parents’ faces for reassurance, yet they could not offer any. My father’s eyebrows were pulled up, and my mother nervously bit her nails while watching the livestream of the attack. A few hours later, my mother got a call from our school, informing her that schools would shut down for a week until further notice. As we heard the news, my brothers and I jumped with joy, as we thought we would have more time to have fun, but this new announcement made my parents worry even more. Nothing happened during that week, schools and shops reopened, and normal life continued in Aleppo for a short while.

Just a month later, another bomb attack took place, and then another and another. These explosions got bigger and more frequent, and large numbers of people were killed and injured. Water shortages and electrical outages all over Aleppo followed. Leaving your home meant risking your life, yet homes were not safe either, as a bomb could fall and demolish a residential building at any given second.

A few months passed, and it was already summer. Living without electricity, especially without fans or air conditioners in Aleppo’s heat, was unbearable, as the temperature would reach 37 degrees Celsius, almost 100 degrees Fahrenheit. We spent our days sitting around the house, waiting for the power to go back on so we could use the air conditioner and watch some television. We hardly left the building except to go to my grandmother’s house, which was two blocks away, and we would return home before it got dark.

At first, people remained optimistic and convinced themselves that it would all be over soon, yet unfortunately, that wasn’t the case. As time passed, bomb attacks became more brazen. Having electricity and water for a few hours a day became the new norm, and anticipating large-scale bombings became surprisingly mundane.

In early August, my father decided that it would be best to send my mother, my siblings and me on a short trip to Yerevan, Armenia. My father was not the only one who thought of this plan, as a large number of other Syrian-Armenian families considered moving to the motherland as the best short-term solution.

Despite having never visited Armenia, my parents thought that it would be the closest thing to a safe home, and if the situation got worse in Syria, we could settle there.

My siblings and I were enthusiastic when we first heard the news about traveling to Armenia, but when I saw my mom pack my school certificate, the reality hit me: I could leave Aleppo and never come back. Although living through those six months was unbearable, I was still living in my own home with my entire family, and I got to see my cousins and friends every once in a while.

Aposhian’s seven-year-old brother drew this airplane when he learned that his family was leaving Syria for Armenia

Moving to Armenia meant leaving all of those things behind, and I was not excited about the idea of being a foreigner in my own motherland. With tears falling down my face and a muffled voice, I selfishly sobbed, “I would rather live here without water or electricity than in some strange country.” Yet it was no use, as my parents had already made up their minds.

As the day of our flight, August 22, got closer, my anxiety grew. My friends told me how lucky I was to be leaving Aleppo and moving to a city where terror was not a component of the daily lifestyle, but it was no use. When I visited my grandparents’ house for the last time, my grandfather dug out an old book he got in Armenia when he last visited it in 2010. The book was Armenia in Pictures by Bella Waters, and as he read it to me, I understood why our people admire Armenia. The idea of living in a peaceful country with beautiful nature did not sound so bad after all.

On my last day, we met up with our acquaintances for one last time. They all expressed their excitement for us, yet I felt guilty leaving them behind. Although I was going to have a much more comfortable and safe life in Armenia, they were still stuck in Syria, living every day as if it might be their last, risking their lives every time they went outdoors.

On the days leading up to our trip, I witnessed the sadness in my father’s eyes, as he realized that it might be the last time we all spent time together in our own home. He was putting his life in danger by staying in Aleppo and not leaving his job to make sure we could live a comfortable life elsewhere. Of course, he would try his best to visit us every once in a while, yet the household dynamic would never be the same again. I felt inescapable shame as I packed, leaving my hometown and my family behind to start a new chapter in my life. Yet there was nothing that I could do but accept the harsh reality and hope that one day things would go back to normal.

I still remember my last night in Aleppo. The bed that I had slept in for the past 11 years did not feel as comfortable anymore. I spent that night rolling around, looking outside the window, listening to the chirping of birds, and waiting for the sunlight to reflect on my skin. Finally, the alarm clock rang at 6 a.m. sharp. My young brothers could barely open their eyes, and I was in charge of waking them up and getting them fully clothed. “Come on, get up! We’re leaving for Armenia,” I sighed while standing in the middle of their two separate single beds. They both jumped out of their beds with excitement and smiles that ran from one ear to another. Breaking away from its usual mold, I witnessed pure chaos in our home as I left the room. My dad carried our heavy luggage out the door, while my mom ran back and forth shoving paperwork and passports into her handbag.

The moment arrived. We stepped outside our building, and my brothers and I waved goodbye to the place we called home. The airport was just a 30-minute drive, but it felt never-ending. Each street, each building and each shop represented pieces of home to me, pieces that I tried so hard to cling to as I took blurry pictures of them from our new pink digital Sony camera that my father bought for our trip. As my father accompanied us inside the airport, I remember how firmly I held his hand, trying to stop the tears from falling and gathering the strength to say goodbye. 

What followed next was a blur–tearful eyes, long hugs and saying goodbye to things and people I never thought I’d ever have to leave behind. As we sat on our cold, metal chairs at the gate, waiting for the announcement to get on our plane, I saw the emptiness in my mother’s tired brown eyes. In a desperate attempt to distract myself, I took out the camera and glanced through the pictures I had taken earlier that day. I gazed at those pictures of random empty streets in amazement, clueless that the city, my home, would never be the same again.

I can never erase the beautiful view of Armenia from above from my memory. The mountains were like nothing I had ever seen before, and I remember thinking to myself that the pictures in Waters’ book did not do the country any justice.

I’d be lying if I said that moving to Armenia was easy, regardless of the misconception that moving to one’s motherland should be easier than moving elsewhere. It was difficult to get accustomed to the Eastern Armenian language, post-Soviet culture and an unfamiliar yet calmer lifestyle than the one back home. Yet as time went by, waking up to the view of Mount Ararat every morning, having sweet Medovik cake and hot tea with our new neighbors in the afternoons, and seeing Armenian letters used for street signs, neighborhood names and billboards made it all worthwhile.

In spite of all the efforts to move on and live my new life, the sense of wrongdoing would forever linger. Whether it was a simple phone call with a relative from back home, a scroll through Facebook or even a glimpse through old photos, all the feelings I so desperately tried to leave behind would effortlessly reemerge. It still occurs to this very day, 11 years after I moved to Yerevan. Whenever someone asks me where I’m from, I reply Syriawith a tone saturated in both remorse and pride.

Although we were forced to move to Armenia, we were caught off guard when it turned not into our second home, but our first one. Despite all the tragedies and difficulties my parents, grandparents and great-grandparents endured, we were finally in the motherland. We were back home. 

Hena Aposhian is a freelance journalist who primarily focuses on Armenian arts & culture. She is a graduate of the American University of Armenia and holds a bachelor's degree in English & Communications.


NAASR’s 69th Annual Assembly to feature talk by Dr. Henry Theriault on Artsakh crisis

Dr. Henry Theriault

The National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR) invites the public to attend its 69th Annual Assembly of members on Saturday, November 4, 2023, at the NAASR Vartan Gregorian Building, 395 Concord Avenue, Belmont, MA, convening at 1 p.m. EDT / 10 a.m. PDT.  All are welcome to attend. Members current as of the date of the meeting may vote. Attendees have the option of in-person or online participation.

The Assembly will feature a talk entitled “The Artsakh Crisis: Scholarly Ethics, Activism, and Genocide” by Dr. Henry Theriault, Associate Vice President for Academic Affairs at Worcester State University, past president (2017-2021) of the International Association of Genocide Scholars and founding co-editor of Genocide Studies International

Dr. Theriault’s talk and the NAASR business sessions are open to the public, though only NAASR members with dues paid for the current year are eligible to vote. For in-person participation, two actions are required: 1) register online (for voting) and 2) RSVP by email to [email protected] by October 30, 2023. For online participation, it is necessary to register online by November 3, 2023.

If you wish to attend in-person but are unable to register online, please email Laura Yardumian ([email protected]) or call 617- 489-1610 (ext. 104). The NAASR staff will assist members with in-person voting.

NAASR Organizational Reports and Elections

The Assembly will also include presentations of certificates to 25-year, 50-year, 60-year and 65-year members and the chairperson’s report from NAASR chair Judith Saryan. Following Dr. Theriault’s talk, the business session of the Assembly will take place as will the election of directors.

Founded in 1955, NAASR is one of the world’s leading resources for advancing Armenian Studies, supporting scholars, and building a global community to preserve and enrich Armenian culture, history, and identity for future generations.


Support for Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians

Minister of Foreign Affairs, Australia
Senator the Hon Penny Wong
Oct 17 2023
  • Joint media release with:
  • The Hon Pat Conroy MP, Minister for International Development and the Pacific

The Australian Government will provide $500,000 to the United Nation’s refugee agency, UNHCR to alleviate the suffering of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians who fled the region following Azerbaijan’s recent military escalation.

Australia is deeply concerned by the humanitarian situation and the welfare of the more than 100,000 people from Nagorno-Karabakh now in Armenia. Australia’s contribution will be delivered by the UNHCR to help provide shelter and supplies to refugees and host communities.

On 11 October 2023, Australia joined the Joint Statement on the Situation in Nagorno-Karabakh at the 54th Session of the Human Rights Council, supporting the rights and security of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians.

Australia has been clear that we expect Azerbaijan should guarantee the rights and security of the inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh, including those who may wish to return from Armenia.

Australia supports mediation efforts to secure a just and lasting peace. A peace agreement would recognise the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both Armenia and Azerbaijan and uphold the rights and security of Armenians who have remained in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as those who may wish to return in the future.

The Australian Government continues to monitor the situation closely.

“Australia remains deeply concerned by the unfolding humanitarian situation in the Nagorno-Karabakh region in Azerbaijan and the welfare of its inhabitants who may have left for Armenia.”

“Australia is providing $500,000 in humanitarian aid to assist Nagorno-Karabakh residents who left for Armenia after Azerbaijan’s military escalation in September, which will be used to help provide shelter and supplies to refugees and host communities.”

“Australia opposes any military escalation in the region, and we continue to call on Armenia and Azerbaijan to negotiate a just and lasting peace.”

“It was deeply distressing to see the thousands of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians displaced by conflict.

“This contribution of $500,000 to UNHCR will ensure humanitarian support and supplies go where they are most needed.”

  • Minister's office: (02) 6277 7500
  • DFAT Media Liaison: (02) 6261 1555
https://www.foreignminister.gov.au/minister/penny-wong/media-release/support-nagorno-karabakh-armenians

Music: The Duduk, the Ancient Armenian Double Reed Instrument

World Music Central
Oct 17 2023

The duduk, a traditional Armenian woodwind instrument, has a rich history and cultural significance. Made of apricot wood and featuring a double reed mouthpiece, it produces a haunting and melancholic sound. Moreover, the duduk’s roots can be traced back to the times of the Armenian king Tigran the Great (95-55 BC), making it an integral part of Armenian culture for centuries.

In terms of playing technique, the duduk is typically performed by two musicians. One player creates a continuous drone by playing a single note, while the other player develops complex melodies and improvisations. Additionally, circular breathing is commonly used to sustain long notes and create a seamless sound. This requires skill and practice to master, given the instrument’s unique fingering system and the need for control over breath and embouchure.

Despite its long-standing cultural significance, the duduk has gained modern interest and influence. It has been featured in numerous film soundtracks, where its distinct, evocative sound adds authenticity and emotional depth to the music. This popularity has also led to the creation of duduk libraries and virtual instruments for digital music production.

Variations of the duduk exist, with different lengths ranging from 28 to 40 cm. The longer duduks are often used for love songs, while the smaller ones are more commonly used for dances. While apricot wood is the traditional material used for making duduks, variations made from other woods can also be found.

Several notable duduk musicians have contributed to its popularity, such as Jivan (or Djivan) Gasparyan, Gevorg Dabaghyan, Arsen Petrosyan, Lévon Minassian, Anna Mkhitaryan, and Armen Grigoryan.

https://worldmusiccentral.org/2023/10/17/the-duduk-the-ancient-armenian-double-reed-instrument/

‘They Taunted our Children with Knives’: Armenia’s Exodus from Nagorno-Karabakh

Oct 11 2023

Joseph Draper talks to some of the hundred thousand refugees fleeing the blockade and then invasion by Azerbaijan




When the drumbeat of artillery began on 19 September, six-year-old Robert Khosrovyan was ambling home from school. Instead of taking the usual path, he fled down a rocky embankment to reach his house in Chartar, a town in the self-declared Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan. 

His parents, mad with worry, went in search of him when his classmates returned without him. Unbeknown to them, Robert had crept into an outhouse on their property and crawled into a fridge to hide from the Azeri soldiers he had learned to fear, refusing to show himself even when his loved ones screamed his name. He stayed there for hours before they found him.

Days later, when Azeri soldiers swarmed their settlement, Robert’s mother, Arevik Grigoryan, a caretaker at a local school, watched them laugh as they brandished their knives at the children who cowered at the edge of the town square. Then they went door to door, Arevik said, looking through the bundles that families had hastily packed and tearing open the women’s handbags, helping themselves to whatever they wished. This encounter, while terrifying, might have been far worse if not for a curt bark from a unit commander telling the soldiers to sheave their weapons.

An abandoned municipal schoolbus was a blessing for Arevik and her family. Ernest (left) with Robert, grandmother and siblings. Photo: Joseph Draper

Arevik and her husband Ernest Khosrovyan, a construction worker, found an abandoned school bus which they filled with their nine children and 24 other locals before collecting relatives at the Karabakh capital of Stepanekurt and fleeing for the Armenian border, stopped along the way by Azeri soldiers who searched their vehicle and took photos of the men. They had survived a nine-month blockade, when Azerbaijan closed the only road to Armenia from Karabakh, choking those inside of food and supplies from the outside world. Now they were leaving their homeland forever, along with over 100,000 others, almost the entire population of Artsakh – the Armenian name for Karabakh. 


When Azerbaijan launched its brutal blitzkrieg to reclaim the mountainous enclave, killing over 200 people, including at least 10 civilians, according to estimates by Karabakh officials, stories of atrocities followed the tide of refugees. While these claims have not yet been verified, they have a precedent; In 2020, when Azeri forces captured land around Karabakh, they were known to mutilate Armenian soldiers and behead elderly civilians who had not fled.

An exhausted Karabakh refugee sleeps in Goris. Photo: Anoush Baghdassarian, Rerooted Archive

Anoush Bagdassarian, an American human rights lawyer collecting evidence of Azeri war crimes, spent days interviewing refugees flooding into the Armenian border town of Goris. She told me of Maria, a middle-aged woman from Martakert whose relative, an elderly grandmother in the town, died with her nine-year-old grandson in her arms when a bomb struck their home.

“People feel scared, incredibly vulnerable and traumatised,” Anoush said.


A Karabakh refugee with her belongings in Goris. Photo: Anoush Baghdassarian, Rerooted Archive

“The majority of people I asked answered ‘how can we live together when they have beheaded us, killed our children, and made very clear their intentions about ridding the world of Armenians?’” 

Then there were the deaths caused by months of deliberate deprivation. As one man who spoke to Anoush described it, “they choked the very air to breathe.” Parkev Aghababyan, a father of two from Askeran and his wife, Anush, witnessed one child die of an epileptic fit after he ran out of medication and another boy, just 10 years old, perish after being shoved to the ground where he struck his head on the concrete pavement when a fight broke out over bread in the final days of the Azeri blockade. “He died right there, within minutes,” Anush said in her testimony. 

Such stories imbue the seemingly harmless text messages, sent by Azeri authorities to Kharabakh Armenians during their offensive, with a cruel and sinister irony. These texts, which supported Azerbaijan’s claims that they wanted the local populace to stay, added to the fog of confusion after they hijacked the communications infrastructure, preventing locals from connecting with the outside world or with each other. “Peace developments and bright days are close in Karabakh,” read one, while another read: “Azerbaijani government guarantees your safety.”

In his office in Armenia’s capital, Yerevan, Tigran Grigoryan, an analyst on the conflict with Azerbaijan who grew up in Karabakh before leaving in 2020, struggled to articulate the grief felt by his people. “Psychologically, emotionally, Artsakh is like an Armenian Jerusalem,” he said. 

“There won’t be any homes left for these people to return to – they will be settled by Azerbaijanis.

“This is a catastrophe which will stay with us until our final days. There is no forgiving, there is no forgetting.”

The international community had planted the seeds of another conflict with their timid response to the crisis, Tigran said, emboldening Azerbaijan’s authoritarian president, IIham Aliyev, and increasing the odds that he will strike Armenia proper. This would not be the first time. Since 2020, Azeri soldiers have made several incursions into the province of Syunik.

“The international order isn’t working anymore,” Tigran said.

“We are living in a very dangerous time. There is a significant risk of an attack and there are no deterrents on the ground. Aliyev sees this as a weakness. He sees a unique window of opportunity.

“This is a jungle – whoever is strong can take what they want. It will be impossible to talk about peace in the South Caucasus.”


In the immediate term, Armenia must grapple with a humanitarian crisis as its population of less than three million absorbs thousands of traumatised refugees. Already, the country’s housing prices are inflated, Tigran told me, after a wave of Russians left their country following the invasion of Ukraine.

In Yerevan, one school had been turned into a makeshift refuge, while an army of volunteers at the Armenian General Benevolent Union delivered around 2,000 meals a day to refugees throughout the region. Arevik and her family, meanwhile, have found shelter at a farmhouse outside the city, packed six to a room with dozens of people from Karabakh including two other families.

I sat with them in their smoky living room as they crowded around a roaring iron stove. We were joined by Arevik’s sister, Nune Hovsepyan, and her three children, including her 22-month-old daughter. They had buried their father Artur just a day before. A soldier in the Karabakh military, he was shot defending his comrades on September 19, just a week before his 41st birthday. Among the small number of items they grabbed before fleeing was his military cap which they laid at the foot of his grave in Yerablur, a hilltop military cemetery overlooking Yerevan.

“He was told to go and get his other weapons”, Nune told me as her mother-in-law quietly wept beside her. “But he said, ‘no, I’m staying with my friends – I go wherever they go.’ If he’d listened he wouldn’t have been shot.” 

Outside, Ernest showed me the yellow bus which saved their lives. Arthur played with his siblings, stopping occasionally to consider me before bursting into flight again and skirting by with a roguish grin.

In the liquid haze of late evening the snowy peak of Mount Ararat, floating above it all, caught the pink gaze of the setting sun. The Armenians who look longingly at the biblical resting place of Noah’s Ark, now on the farside of the Turkish border, have a phrase for it: “Ours but not ours.” It is a reference to another mass tragedy: the genocide of 1915 to 1916 when over a million Armenians were killed and thousands more expelled from their homes in the ailing days of the Ottoman Empire. 

“When I heard about Artsakh, I suddenly felt I didn’t live in Armenia anymore,” I was told by Serena Hajjar, an American aid worker of Armenian descent. Serena, 26, relocated to the country after the 2020 war where she met her Karabakh husband and started a family.

“It doesn’t feel like the same place. We are a peaceful people but we became complacent,” she said.

“We need to be like Sparta, ready to fight at any time. 

“Aliyev will come for Syunik next. If he does, that will be the end for Armenia.”

Before I left Arevik and her family, they insisted I stay to break bread and drink homemade vodka, made with the mulberries they shook from the bushes around their Karabakh home. Toasting to better times, they had found a measure of happiness. For how long, I wondered, will it last?


Only targeted provisional measures will prevent Azerbaijan from continuing ethnic cleansing – Armenia at world court

 14:20,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 12, ARMENPRESS. Time and again, Azerbaijan has shown not only that it is willing to mislead the international community, but also that it is willing to misrepresent the International Court of Justice orders in doing so, or even to use them to justify its own violations of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination, Armenia’s agent before the ICJ Yeghishe Kirakosyan said in his opening remarks during the world court oral proceedings on the request for the indication of provisional measures filed by Armenia against Azerbaijan.

Kirakosyan said that in these circumstances, nothing other than targeted, unequivocal provisional measures protecting the rights of the ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh will suffice to prevent the ethnic cleansing Azerbaijan has perpetrated from continuing and becoming irreversible.

Below is the transcript of Kirakosyan’s speech at the ICJ hearing.

“Madam President, distinguished Judges of the Court, it is an honor to appear before you today as the Agent of the Republic of Armenia. 

“Less than nine months ago, I stood at this podium and warned that Azerbaijan was putting in motion a plan to ethnically cleanse Nagorno-Karabakh of all ethnic Armenians. Madam President, it pains me greatly to say – that has now materialized.

“After a nine-month blockade, maintained in flagrant violation of the Court’s Orders and in the face of widespread international condemnation, on 19 September, Azerbaijan launched a full-scale attack on Nagorno-Karabakh. It then cynically opened the Lachin Corridor for the first time in nine months only to let out more than 100,000 fleeing ethnic Armenians. Despite comprising for millennia the great majority of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh, almost no ethnic Armenians remain in Nagorno-Karabakh today. If this is not ethnic cleansing, Madam President, I do not know what is.

“I expect my counterpart will tell you this afternoon that Azerbaijan is committed to “reconciliation” and a “peaceful future” with ethnic Armenians. But if those words sound familiar to you, it is because he said the exact same thing nine months ago, after which Azerbaijan continued to deliberately interrupt vital public utilities and starve the ethnic Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh for another eight months, before brutally attacking them and causing them to flee their ancestral home.

“I expect my counterpart will tell you that Azerbaijan will permit those it considers its citizens to return. He promised the same thing in October 2021 when he claimed that, in areas that had been transferred to Azerbaijan in 2020, Azerbaijan was  “committed to the return of displaced persons, regardless of their national or ethnic origin.” Two years later, not a single ethnic Armenian has been permitted to return to those areas, and instead virtually all remaining ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh have been forced to flee their homes.

“I expect my counterpart will also tell you that Azerbaijan will treat any ethnic Armenian who returns in accordance with Azerbaijan’s obligations under the CERD. He promised treatment of ethnic Armenians in accordance with the CERD in October 2021 as well. Two provisional measures orders by the Court did not deter Azerbaijan from escalating its violations of the CERD.

“Madam President, distinguished Judges of the Court, let me be perfectly clear: since September 2020, Azerbaijan has been taking steps to cleanse Nagorno-Karabakh of ethnic Armenians, and it has been doing so while Armenia’s claims under the CERD are pending before the Court. Political considerations may have prevented the international community from acting to stop it, but the reality of such ethnic cleansing is crystal clear to all.

“Azerbaijan’s accountability for violations will be determined at the merits stage of this case. But you can still make a meaningful difference on the ground today. There is still time to prevent the forced displacement of ethnic Armenians from becoming irreversible, and to protect the very few ethnic Armenians who remain in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as those who have been abducted and are currently unlawfully detained in Azerbaijan’s prisons.

“Madam President, distinguished Judges of the Court, Azerbaijan’s cynicism crosses any imaginable boundary. It complains that Armenia’s claims before this Court are “contrary to the norms and principles of international law,” and asserts that such actions  “constitute the main threat to establish peace, security and justice in the region,” and alleges that Armenia is “not interested in the process of peace and normalization with Azerbaijan.” Such remarkable stance is in stark conflict with the very foundations of the international legal order, which is based on the premise that disputes should be resolved by peaceful means only. And it reflects the way Azerbaijan prefers to resolve its disputes, that is by resorting to the illegal use of force. Is this how Azerbaijan understands peace and security? 

“Before I conclude by outlining the presentation of Armenia’s case this morning, please allow me one final point. Time and again, Azerbaijan has shown not only that it is willing to mislead the international community, but also that it is willing to misrepresent the Court’s Orders in doing so, or even to use them to justify its own violations of the CERD. In these circumstances, nothing other than targeted, unequivocal provisional measures protecting the rights of the ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh will suffice to prevent the ethnic cleansing Azerbaijan has perpetrated from continuing and becoming irreversible; to safeguard Armenians’ millennia long enduring cultural presence in Nagorno-Karabakh from being eradicated, as was already done in Nakhichevan and is being done elsewhere in Azerbaijan; and to protect the abducted political-military leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh from fabricated criminal charges. If your provisional measures retain any ambiguity whatsoever, Azerbaijan will exploit them. And in so doing, it will ensure that the ethnic Armenian presence and history in Nagorno-Karabakh are permanently wiped out.  While we do not do so lightly, it is in these circumstances that we approach the Court for the third time.

“The remainder of Armenia’s presentation this morning will be structured as follows:

“First, Mr. Martin will set out the facts compelling Armenia’s request.

“Second, Professor Sicilianos will explain why Armenia’s requests fall within the jurisdiction of the Court, why the rights for which protection is sought are plausible, and how those rights are linked to the provisional measures requested.

“Third, Ms. Macdonald will demonstrate the ongoing irreparable prejudice and urgency necessitating the indication of provisional measures.

“Fourth, Professor Murphy will explain why each of the first nine provisional measures requested by Armenia is necessary to protect the rights of ethnic Armenians.

“Fifth, Professor d’Argent will explain why the tenth and final provisional measure requested by Armenia is equally necessary and offer certain concluding remarks about Armenia’s third request for provisional measures.

“Finally, I will return to the podium to read Armenia’s final submissions.

“I thank you, Madam President, distinguished Members of the Court, for your attention and careful consideration of Armenia’s Request. I now kindly ask that you invite Mr. Martin to address the Court.”

AW: Letter to the Editor: Feel neither guilt nor regret

Feel neither guilt nor regret.

We realize the dire straits in Artsakh. How can we not with the constant barrage of bad news? Our hearts weep every day for those in need. We could spend every hour of every day reading on social media and in the Weekly about this injustice. We must all rise above this.

I agree with my friend Steve Piligian on most issues related to Armenia. Recently, he posted on Facebook a statement that I respectfully disagree with:

“I know that life must carry on, but I feel empty with celebratory and social functions in our community given our Artsakh tragedy. Too soon…Too serious.”

I know it is hard to decouple our sadness and outrage from the importance of moving forward. But we must.

The weekend following the events in Artsakh, the Providence community held their annual Armenian Food Fest. It is the largest fundraiser for Sts. Vartanantz Church, which will allow the church to continue to serve the Armenian community in a multitude of ways. It allowed us to celebrate our culture, our heritage which identifies who we are. 

More importantly, in these trying times it allowed us to bring to light the plight of our brothers and sisters in Artsakh. We took the occasion to have a booth dedicated to bringing awareness to both Armenians and non-Armenians of the Artsakh situation complete with a video presentation. We collected funds at every booth to donate to those in need in Artsakh. We invited politicians, so they would hear from us firsthand what we expect of them in regards to Artsakh. We heard from community leaders, such as Hagop Khatchadourian, who through emotional speeches encouraged the community to get involved and to help our homeland in any way they can. Having this event did more to help the cause than if it was canceled due to our sadness.

I am not sure how many share my feelings. However, I am sure that everyone would agree that at this time, it is most important that we stand together, in the light, proud of being Armenian and collectively defiant against those who aim to do us harm.

John Mangassarian is a former camper, counselor, board member and lifelong supporter of Camp Haiastan.


AW: Armenia warns of imminent attack by Azerbaijan

The road from Goris to Vorotan in the Syunik province of Armenia (Photo: Former Human Rights Defender of Armenia Arman Tatoyan, Aug. 26, 2021)

YEREVAN—Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has announced his plans for a meeting with the president of Azerbaijan to discuss a durable peace agreement, a few weeks after Azerbaijani forces took control of Artsakh.

In an interview with Armenian Public TV on Tuesday, Pashinyan claimed that the principles for negotiation were set in Granada and that the suggested meeting in Brussels must follow the same principles. “When Aliyev tries to suggest another platform for negotiations, it neutralizes the agreed upon principles,” said Pashinyan.

The announcement comes a week after Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev pulled out of an EU-brokered meeting with PM Pashinyan in Granada, Spain on October 5. Aliyev had requested the presence of Turkey at the meeting, to which France and Germany objected. Aliyev stated that Baku felt “an anti-Azerbaijani atmosphere” had developed among the meeting’s potential participants and refused to participate.

During his interview on Tuesday, Pashinyan said that the meeting in Granada delivered two important statements with European leaders: a quadrilateral statement with French President Emmanuel Macron Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and European Council President Charles Michel and a bilateral statement with the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen. 

These statements highlight the deepening relations between Armenia and the EU. Pashinyan asserts that these statements outline the pillars of “peace” in the region, including mutual recognition of territorial integrity, delimitation of borders based on the Alma Ata declaration and USSR maps, and the unblocking of communications under the protection of sovereignty, jurisdiction, equality and reciprocity. However, Aliyev’s decision not to attend the meeting and refusal to recognize the territorial integrity of Armenia complicate prospects for the protection of sovereignty, equality and any sort of reciprocity. 

The quadrilateral statement signed by Pashinyan in Granada recognizes 86.6 thousand square kilometers of Azerbaijani territory, which includes not only Artsakh but also the enclaves liberated during the First Artsakh War. While the Prime Minister’s press office has denied these allegations following the meeting in Granada, Pashinyan stated that the 86.6 thousand square kilometers include these enclaves during a press conference in May 2023. 

Indeed, the recent phone conversation on October 7 between Aliyev and Michel highlighted the ongoing territorial disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan. President Aliyev reiterated the presence of eight occupied Azerbaijani villages in Armenia and emphasized the importance of liberating these areas. 

During the first Artsakh War in the 1990s, Armenia liberated approximately 60 square kilometers of land from Azerbaijan. This included the enclaves of Verin Voskepar, Tigranashen, Sofulu and Barkhudarlu, as well as several villages near Baganis in the Tavush region and a small area near Sarigyugh. Conversely, Azerbaijan seized around 71 square kilometers of territory from Armenia, including Artsvashen (51 square kilometers), the village of Berkaber (12 square kilometers), and territory near Sevkar in the Tavush region (about 5 square kilometers).

The enclaves controlled by Armenia hold significant strategic importance for the modern Armenian state. Tigranashen is crucial as it lies on the interstate highway connecting central Armenia with Syunik, Artsakh and Iran. Losing Tigranashen would limit Armenia’s access to Artsakh and Iran, with only one exit through the village of Vedi. This would allow Azerbaijan to launch attacks on central Armenia and potentially isolate Syunik. Additionally, the Voskepar enclave is vital as it hosts the gas pipeline from Georgia to Armenia, and losing control over it would pose risks and potentially lead to an energy blockade. 

The sloping mountain of Tigranashen (Photo: George Tsangaris)

A few days after the summit in Granada, Aliyev said France would be to blame for any new conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, following Paris’ promise to deliver military equipment to Armenia last week. “The provision of weapons by France to Armenia was an approach that was not serving peace, but one intended to inflate a new conflict, and if any new conflict occurs in the region, France would be responsible for causing it,” said Aliyev.

Following Aliyev’s statement regarding the enclaves, in an interview with Brussels Signal, Armenia’s ambassador-delegate to the EU Davit Balayan said that Armenia expects Azerbaijan to invade within a few weeks. According to Balayan, Azerbaijan may not stop at the capitulation of Artsakh and could potentially launch an attack on Armenia itself. Balayan expressed concern that President Aliyev’s expansionist plans have not faced any concrete repercussions. He emphasized the need for practical steps from the collective West to confront Azerbaijan and prevent further aggression. 

Armenia says that President Aliyev intends to target the “Zangezur” corridor, which refers to the strategic transportation route extending from the Azerbaijani capital of Baku to Kars, Turkey’s eastern province, passing through sovereign Armenian territory in the Syunik province near the country’s border with Iran. Balayan suggested that the EU should set a deadline for Aliyev to withdraw his army from the Armenian border region and consider suspending Azerbaijan’s visa-free travel agreement. He also mentioned that individual sanctions could send a clear message.

In parallel to the peace process brokered by the European Union led by France, other major players in the region continue their efforts. In an interview with Russian RBC news, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin noted that Moscow is considering the possibility of a meeting between the foreign ministers of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan at the CIS summit in Bishkek on October 13. 

Galuzin expressed hope for continued dialogue between the three countries and emphasized the importance of Armenian participation in the negotiations. He also discussed the potential for cooperation between Russia, the U.S. and the European Union in normalizing Armenian-Azerbaijani relations, highlighting the need to acknowledge the progress made through Moscow’s mediation. However, the office of the Armenian Prime Minister said that Pashinyan will not travel to Bishkek to participate in the CIS summit.

Hoory Minoyan was an active member of the Armenian community in Los Angeles until she moved to Armenia prior to the 44-day war. She graduated with a master's in International Affairs from Boston University, where she was also the recipient of the William R. Keylor Travel Grant. The research and interviews she conducted while in Armenia later became the foundation of her Master’s thesis, “Shaping Identity Through Conflict: The Armenian Experience.” Hoory continues to follow her passion for research and writing by contributing to the Armenian Weekly.


Three in four residents of Nagorno-Karabakh have fled to Armenia

The National, UAE
Sept 29 2023

Gillian Duncan

More than 70 per cent of Nagorno-Karabakh’s population has now fled to Armenia, part of a continuing stream after the swift fall of the separatist enclave.

More than 88,000 people have crossed into Armenia from Nagorno-Karabakh and the total could reach 120,000, according to UN refugee agency officials on Friday.

On Thursday it was announced that the separatist government will cease to exist on January 1, after a decree signed by President Samvel Shakhramanyan, who declared the dissolution of all state institutions by the new year – an apparent death knell for its 30-year de facto independence.

Azerbaijan, which routed the region’s Armenian forces in a lightning offensive last week, has pledged to respect the rights of the territory’s Armenian community and urged the population not to leave.

READ MORE
Former Nagorno-Karabakh leader arrested as half of population flee to Armenia

But many in Armenia and the diaspora fear a centuries-long community in the territory they call Artsakh will disappear in what they say is a new wave of ethnic cleansing.

They accuse European countries, Russia and the United States – and the government of Armenia itself – of failing to protect ethnic Armenians during months when the territory was blockaded by Azerbaijan’s military and in the lightning blitz earlier this month that defeated separatist forces.

Armenians say the loss is a historic blow.

Outside the modern country of Armenia itself, the mountainous land was one of the only surviving parts of a heartland that centuries ago stretched across what is now eastern Turkey, into the Caucasus region and western Iran.

Many in the diaspora had pinned their dreams on it gaining independence or being joined to Armenia.

Nagorno-Karabakh was “a page of hope in Armenian history”, said Narod Seroujian, a Lebanese-Armenian university lecturer in Beirut.

“It showed us that there is hope to gain back a land that is rightfully ours. For the diaspora, Nagorno-Karabakh was already part of Armenia.”

Ethnic Armenians have communities around Europe and the Middle East and in the United States. Lebanon is home to one of the largest, with an estimated 120,000 people of Armenian origin, 4 per cent of the population.

Most are descendants of those who fled the 1915 campaign by Ottoman Turks in which about 1.5 million Armenians died in massacres, deportations and forced marches.

The atrocities, which emptied many ethnic Armenian areas in eastern Turkey, are widely viewed by historians as genocide. Turkey rejects the description, saying the toll has been inflated and that those killed were victims of civil war and unrest during the First World War.

In Bourj Hammoud, the main Armenian district in the capital Beirut, memories are still raw, with anti-Turkey graffiti common on the walls. The red, blue and orange Armenian flag flies from many buildings.

“This is the last migration for Armenians,” said Harout Bshidikian, 55, sitting in front of an Armenian flag in a Bourj Hamoud cafe. “There is no other place left for us to migrate from.”

Azerbaijan says it is reuniting its territory, pointing out that even Armenia’s prime minister recognised that Nagorno-Karabakh is part of Azerbaijan.

Although its population has been predominantly ethnic Armenian Christians, Turkish Muslim Azeris have communities and cultural ties to the territory as well, particularly the city of Shusha, famed as a cradle of Azeri poetry.

Nagorno-Karabakh came under control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by the Armenian military in separatist fighting that ended in 1994.

Azerbaijan took parts of the area in a war in 2020. Now, after this month’s defeat, separatist authorities surrendered their weapons and are holding talks with Azerbaijan on reintegration of the territory into Azerbaijan.

In December, Azerbaijan imposed a blockade of the only road connecting Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia, alleging that the Armenian government was using the road for mineral extraction and illicit weapons shipments to the region’s separatist forces.

Armenia claimed that the closure denied basic food and fuel supplies to Nagorno-Karabakh.

Azerbaijan rejected the accusation, saying that the region could receive supplies through the Azerbaijani city of Aghdam – a solution long resisted by Nagorno-Karabakh authorities, who called it a strategy for Baku to gain control of the region.

Meanwhile, 170 people are known to have died after a fuel reservoir exploded at a petrol station where people trying to leave were queuing for fuel that, due to the blockade, had been in short supply.

“To date, a total of 170 remains … have been found in the same area and handed over to the forensic medical examination bureau,” the separatist authorities said on social media on Friday.

Authorities had earlier said the blast claimed the lives of 68 people and injured another 200. They said on Monday that remains would be transferred to Armenia for identification.

The fireball erupted as refugees were stocking up on fuel for the long drive along the lone mountain road leading to Armenia.

https://www.thenationalnews.com/world/europe/2023/09/29/more-than-70-per-cent-of-nagorno-karabakhs-population-has-fled-to-armenia/

At least 20 dead in gas station explosion as Nagorno-Karabakh residents flee to Armenia

Associated Press
Sept 26 2023

YEREVAN, Armenia (AP) — At least 20 people were killed and nearly 300 others were injured in an explosion at a crowded gas station in Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh region as thousands of ethnic Armenians rushed to flee into neighboring Armenia, the separatist territory’s authorities said Tuesday.

Some 19,000 people — about 16% of the region’s population — have fled across the border since Azerbaijan defeated separatists who have governed the breakaway region for about 30 years in a swift military operation last week, according to Armenian’s Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan.

Residents of Nagorno-Karabakh scrambled to flee as soon as Azerbaijan lifted a 10-month blockade on the region’s only road to Armenia. That blockade had caused severe shortages of food, medicine and fuel. While Azerbaijan has pledged to respect the rights of Armenians, many residents feared reprisals.

“I think we’re going to see the vast majority of people in Karabakh leaving for Armenia,” said Thomas de Waal, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Europe think tank. “They are being told to integrate into Azerbaijan, a country that they’ve never been part of, and most of them don’t even speak the language and are being told to dismantle their local institutions. That’s an offer that most people in Karabakh will not accept.”

The explosion took place as people lined up to fill their cars at a gas station outside Stepanakert, the region’s capital, late on Monday. The separatist government’s health department said that 13 bodies have been found and seven people have died of injuries from the blast. An additional 290 people have been hospitalized and scores of them remain in grave condition.

The cause of the blast remains unclear, but Nagorno-Karabakh presidential aide David Babayan said initial information suggested that it resulted from negligence, adding that sabotage was unlikely.

Armenia’s health ministry said a helicopter brought some blast victims to Armenia on Tuesday morning, and more flights were expected. The Russian peacekeeping force in Nagorno-Karabakh also provided helicopters to carry victims to Armenia.

Azerbaijani presidential aide Hikmet Hajiyev said on X, formerly Twitter, that hospitals in Azerbaijan were ready to treat victims, but did not say if any had been taken there. Azerbaijan has sent in burn-treatment medicine and other humanitarian aid, he said.

Azerbaijan also said Tuesday that 30 metric tons (33 U.S. tons) of gasoline and 34 metric tons (37 U.S. tons) of diesel fuel were being sent into the region.

The Azerbaijani military routed Armenian forces in a 24-hour blitz last week, forcing the separatist authorities to agree to lay down weapons and start talks on Nagorno-Karabakh’s “reintegration” into Azerbaijan.

Gasoline has been in short supply in Stepanakert for months, and the explosion further added to the shortages, compounding anxiety among many residents about whether they will be able drive the 35 kilometers (22 miles) to the border.

Cars bearing large loads on their roofs crowded the streets of Stepanakert, and residents stood or lay along sidewalks next to heaps of luggage.

Nagorno-Karabakh authorities asked residents to hold off on leaving in order to keep the road clear for emergency services and said buses would be provided for those who want to leave.

Nagorno-Karabakh was an autonomous region within Azerbaijan under the Soviet Union. Separatist sentiment grew in the USSR’s dying years and then flared into war. Nagorno-Karabakh came under the control of ethnic Armenian forces, backed by the Armenian military, after a six-year separatist war that ended in 1994.

In another war in 2020, Azerbaijan took parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and completely reclaimed surrounding territory that it lost earlier. Under the armistice that ended the 2020 fighting, Russia deployed a peacekeeping force of about 2,000 to the region. Russia’s influence in the region has waned amid its war in Ukraine, emboldening Azerbaijan and its main ally, Turkey.

Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has blamed Moscow, the country’s main ally, of failing to prevent the hostilities, accusations the Kremlin has angrily rejected. The Russian Foreign Ministry retorted, denouncing Pashinyan’s statement as an “attempt to shift responsibility for failures in domestic and foreign policies onto Moscow” and part of efforts to take Armenia out of Russia’s orbit in favor of forging stronger ties with the West.

“The Armenian leadership is making a huge mistake by deliberately attempting to sever Armenia’s multifaceted and centuries-old ties with Russia, making the country a hostage to Western geopolitical games,” the ministry said in Monday’s statement.

It denied allegations that Moscow was fomenting the protests in Yerevan calling for Pashinyan’s ouster.

De Waal predicted that political infighting in Armenia would increase.

“We’re going to see unstable days in Armenia with various forces trying to get rid of Pashinyan and others on the contrary trying to defend him because they fear some kind of Russian-backed attempt to get rid of him,” he said.

Associated Press writers Aida Sultanova and Emma Burrows in London and Jim Heintz in Tallinn, Estonia, contributed to this report.

https://apnews.com/article/nagorno-karabakh-explosion-armenia-azerbaijan-e882628cc8a3895ddd23fd79d333b996