Book: "We Are All Armenian: Voices of Diaspora": wrestling with questions of home and self

Armenia –

The “We Are All Armenian: Voices of Diaspora” book, edited by writer Aram Mrjoian, is a compelling collection of essays that explores Armenian identity and belonging in the Diaspora. Published on March 14, 2023 by University of Texas Press this contemporary anthology includes contributions from both established and emerging Armenian authors.

 

The book elevates the voices of individuals from historically silenced communities who share personal experiences of displacement, assimilation, inheritance, and broader definitions of home.

 

 “In a century since the Armenian Genocide, Armenian survivors and their descendants have written of a vast range of experiences using storytelling and activism – two important aspects of Armenian culture. Wrestling with questions of home and self, Diaspora Armenian writers bear the burden of repeatedly telling their history, as it remains widely erased and obfuscated. Telling this history requires a tangled balance of contextualizing the past and reporting on the present, of respecting a culture even while feeling lost within it,” says the preface of the book.

 

Mediamax.am had an interview with the editor, writer Aram Mrjoian.

 

Why was the book called “We Are All Armenian: Voices of Diaspora”?

 

The title for the anthology evolved with the project. When I was first receiving drafts from contributors, the manuscript was untitled, but eventually, I began seeking out a title from somewhere in the essays provided. At first, it was titled “Imagining and Seeing: Voices of Diaspora”, which refers to the contribution of Chris McCormick, an American novelist and short story writer, but after some discussion with my editor and team at the press we decided “We Are All Armenian” really captured the spirit of the collection. The anthology is intended to be intersectional and inclusive, so my hope is that the title makes that evident.

 

Can you please talk about the book, how the idea came about, and what the purpose of this book is?

 

The book came together from a mix of personal interest and seeing what I felt was a need in the community. I was reading a lot of Armenian writers and was interested in developing some kind of collaborative project. Then the University of Texas Press sent me an anthology of voices from the Iranian Diaspora that I found really well done. It gave me the inspiration to propose a similar project, one I am very lucky and grateful they accepted. I think I was mostly in the right place at the right time and had space while I was working toward my Ph.D. to make it happen.

Photo: Raffy Boudjikanian

It is hard for me to imagine a book having any specific purpose because I like to see art as something that changes over time and can have different meanings as it ages, but for the moment, I am mostly interested in how this anthology can open up conversations within and outside of Armenian communities.

 

What were the principles the authors of the book were chosen based on, and who are the authors?

 

The authors are a blend of emerging and established Diaspora Armenian artists writing today. It was important to me to reach out to both writers I really admired and whom I saw as mentors, as well as those who were at the beginning of their careers. The selection process was part of the proposal, so I had to figure out who would contribute very early on before I had even signed a contract with the publisher. This meant doing a lot of reading and research on the front end and having to be fairly methodical in my curation.

 

How long did the authors write the book, and what are the main points of the book?

 

From start to finish, the book took about three years to be put together. Only a small portion of that was writing time, but there were several rounds of collaborative revision and then a long lead time to proof and prepare the anthology for publication. Again, I do not necessarily want to be too prescriptive in what the essays are about, especially since I am not the author of them, but a few common themes emerged, including imposter syndrome, definitions of home, and activism. I would say these themes function as a kind of conversation between contributors and develop a larger arc to the project.

 

How important is it to have this kind of publication, and is this also an idea to unite and gather in one place the Armenian writers who are in Diaspora and whose life has been put in different directions over time?

 

Well, again, I hope the publication is useful in the sense that it opens up conversations and perhaps even inspires other collections, not only by Armenian artists but also others. I never expected this anthology to be comprehensive, so I had to accept that I could only gather so many contributors, even if I wished I could include more. I guess I mean I am cognizant that I could only accept and curate a relatively small number of essays, and so that is limiting in some ways, but I hope it is fairly representative and that readers hear some perspectives they might not have elsewhere.

 

What kind of ethnic nuances appear in the book, and what is revealed to the reader in that regard?

 

The main nuance I hope is revealed is that every experience is different, even if we share some similarities.

 

In my introduction, I argue: “Diaspora Armenians cannot be pinned to a number of essays that is any smaller than the total Diaspora population, and even that is problematic, only a brief and glancing representation of each person and community at a singular moment.” Getting past problematic tropes and generalizations is important to me, so I hope that is revealed to the reader from the introduction all the way until the end of the collection.

 

In some places in the book, the Armenian Genocide is mentioned, is that done to draw the reader’s attention to the history of the Armenian Genocide?

 

I left the decision to discuss the Genocide or not to each of the contributors individually since one of my editorial goals for the project was to allow the writers as much creative freedom as possible. Truthfully, I imagined many of the readers that would pick up the anthology would already have some familiarity with the Genocide, and so it is not so much to draw attention as it is part of the context of the entire collection. I can not necessarily control what a reader takes from this book, but I hope they are willing to explore the contributions with thoughtfulness and a curiosity to learn more.

 

And at the end, I want to ask you, is the mentioning of all the beautiful details about Armenia and Yerevan aimed to inspire the Diaspora Armenians to visit their homeland at least once and get to know Armenia?

 

That is a great question, but it is hard for me to know. Intentionally, both in the anthology and outside of it, I try not to speak too much in generalizations about Armenians, and I do not want to assume one experience would universally appeal to everyone. I have never visited Armenia, at least not yet, though I have always wanted to and hope to at some point in the future: that is a personal decision rather than a collective one. In the same way that each writer has his/her own story, each person has to make his/her own decisions about how to relate to their heritage and how to choose to explore it.

 

Tallar Kallougian


INTERVIEW: Ruben Vardanyan, ousted state minister of Nagorno-Karabakh

By Robert Anderson in Prague 

The status of Nagorno-Karabakh must be settled as part of any final peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and this will require a joint effort of Russia and the West in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), Ruben Vardanyan, the ousted state minister of the unrecognised breakaway Azerbaijan territory, told bne IntelliNews in an interview.

“It needs to be a joint effort of Russia and the West in the UNSC,” the Armenian-born billionaire says. He admits that the “difficult relations” between East and West might obstruct this but says “in spite of differences in other areas [this could be a] good example of common ground”.

There have been indications that Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan might be prepared to cut a separate peace deal with Azerbaijan – which has held the upper hand militarily since the 2020 war – and leave the ethnic Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh to reach its own settlement with Baku. Vardanyan says the two disputes have to be handled as one.

“This has to be one deal,” says Vardanyan. “There are so many inter-connected issues, I don’t see how they can separate this issue.”

He also warns that any attempt by the Yerevan leadership to stop being the protector of Nagorno-Karabakh would be a big political mistake. “I believe it would be the end of their political career if they do the deal with the conditions they now declare,” he says, pointing out that there is a “difference between the Armenian government and prime minister and the Armenian nation” on this.

Pashinyan’s government has long had a frosty relationship with Vardanyan, who was close to the previous Yerevan regime, and it was clearly glad to see the back of him last month. When asked about his relationship with Pashinyan, Vardanyan jokes, “I have no relationship with Pashinyan.”

Putting Azerbaijan under pressure

As a first step, Vardanyan says the involvement of Russia and the West and other powers is necessary to force Azerbaijan to end its three-month blockade of the only road from the breakaway territory to Armenia.

The former state minister says the blockade had created a “really tough” humanitarian situation inside Nagorno-Karabakh. He says the economy had “collapsed” as businesses shut down, construction and agriculture were impossible and electricity, gas and petrol supplies were unreliable, while children couldn’t get a normal education. 

Last month the International Court of Justice ruled that Azerbaijan should reopen the Lachin Corridor to Armenia.

“Azerbaijan has to be put under pressure,” Vardanyan says, adding: “They [Russia and the West] need to come together to make this court decision obligatory on Azerbaijan.”

Vardanyan also argues that the existing mission of 2,000 Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh should be put under a UN mandate, extended for “dozens of years” and increased in size and given heavier weaponry.

There is no way that Nagorno-Karabakh can agree to put itself under the dictatorial rule of [Azerbaijan’s President] Ilham Aliyev, he insists. “There is no chance we can live together in one state [with Azerbaijan] but we can live side by side,” he says.

The controversial 54-year-old tycoon – who founded Russian investment bank Troika Dialog in 1991, sold it to Sberbank in 2011 and disposed of the rest of his Russian businesses in 2013 – continues to defend the Russian peacekeepers against criticism that they have deliberately stood by during the Azerbaijani blockade, which is ostensibly being carried out by environmental activists.

“I recommend that everyone who criticises the Russian peacekeepers comes here to live. They are the only ones providing security for us. I don’t see it as wise for us to criticise those providing security for us,” he insists.

His defence of the Russian position in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict has led to accusations that he is a Russian puppet, a charge he dismisses. “They couldn’t believe someone of my level would come to this place for patriotic reasons,” he says.

Too big a problem

Vardanyan gave up his Russian citizenship in 2022 and moved to Nagorno-Karabakh. Since his dismissal he has remained in the enclave, where he has funded philanthropic activities.

Both Azerbaijan and Armenia were clearly unhappy with his appointment as chief minister in November and were relieved when Nagorno-Karabakh President Arayik Harutiunian dismissed him last month.

Baku had refused to negotiate with him as a representative of the breakaway territory, and face-to-face talks took place the day after he was dismissed. 

Vardanyan says that Harutiunian himself openly admitted that he had come under heavy external pressure to dismiss him, and denies that there are any significant differences between them. “It was too big a problem for him,” he claims.

He also denies that he was an obstacle to a settlement, pointing out that there have been no follow-up talks and the two sides remain as far apart as ever. “If I was the obstruction, nothing changed [afterwards] and so it’s not true,” he says.

The meeting between the two sides showed the “different expectations” and was a “huge misunderstanding”, he argues. “Armenians came to discuss technical issues and Azerbaijan came to talk about the takeover of the country.”

Any talks should only resume under international auspices and under clear legal principles, he argues.

Asked finally whether there could still be a role for him in any peace process, he says, “whatever I am needed for by my country I will do it”.

Reuters: Armenian PM: We have ‘problems’ with Russia, but no crisis (+Links)

March 14 2023

TBILISI (Reuters) – Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on Tuesday there were “problems” in his country’s relations with Russia, but no crisis, Russian news agencies reported.

Armenia and Russia are formal allies through a mutual self-defence treaty, but Yerevan has been disgruntled by Russia’s unwillingness to provide stronger support in its long-running conflict with Azerbaijan.

“There is no crisis in the relationship. We talk, discuss things, state that there are problems – which is objective,” Interfax quoted Pashinyan as telling a news conference.

In 2020 Russia deployed peacekeepers to Nagorno-Karabakh – an Armenian-populated region of Azerbaijan that the two sides have contested for decades – to end weeks of fighting which saw thousands killed and Azerbaijan make significant territorial gains.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev was in Germany on Tuesday to meet with Chancellor Olaf Scholz as Europe vies to take a larger role in settling the dispute between Baku and Yerevan. Pashinyan visited Berlin for a similar meeting earlier this month.

Following Pashinyan’s comments, Russia’s foreign ministry said it was planning a meeting with the Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers in Moscow as Russia tries to maintain its role as the traditional regional power broker.

In the latest stand-off over Nagorno-Karabakh, Azeris claiming to be environmental protesters have been blocking the Lachin corridor – the only road route between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh – since December, triggering food and medicine shortages in the region. Yerevan says they are agitators backed by Azerbaijan, while Baku says they have legitimate grievances over illegal mining by Armenians.

The two sides have been locked in diplomacy over an attempt to broker a lasting peace settlement since Azerbaijan staged large-scale cross-border attacks inside Armenia last September that Yerevan described as unprovoked aggression.

Azerbaijan said its soldiers responded after Armenian sabotage units tried to mine its positions. More than 200 Armenian troops and around 80 Azerbaijanis were killed.

(Reporting by Jake Cordell and Caleb Davis; Editing by Mark Trevelyan)

https://news.yahoo.com/armenian-pm-problems-russia-no-124357536.html

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Two ceasefire violations recorded in Nagorno-Karabakh over day — statement

 TASS 
Russia –
The ministry also specified that the general staffs of the Azerbaijani and Armenian armed forces were in contact in order to ensure the safety of Russian peacekeepers and prevent possible incidents

MOSCOW, March 17. /TASS/. The Russian Defense Ministry has reported two ceasefire violations in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone over the past 24 hours.

“Two ceasefire violations were recorded in the Martuni and Shushi Provinces. There were no casualties,” the ministry said.

The servicemen pointed out that the command of Russian peacekeepers was already conducting investigations together with Armenian and Azerbaijani sides.

The ministry also specified that the general staffs of the Azerbaijani and Armenian armed forces were in contact in order to ensure the safety of Russian peacekeepers and prevent possible incidents.

‘Armenia deserves our full support’, EU Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement

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 14:01,

YEREVAN, MARCH 16, ARMENPRESS. Armenia “deserves” the EU’s full support, the EU Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Oliver Várhelyi said during the March 15 European Parliament plenary debates on the resolution concerning the EU-Armenia relations.

He delivered a speech on behalf of High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy / Vice-President of the European Commission Josep Borrell.    

Várhelyi said that Armenia is looking toward the European Union as a fundamental partner and that given steady progress on reforms in democracy, fundamental freedoms, rule of law and the fight against corruption Armenia deserves the EU’s full support. 

Below is the official transcript of Várhelyi’s speech.

“Let me thank the Rapporteur, Mr [Andrej] Kovatchev, and all Members who have contributed to the report on EU-Armenia relations that we are discussing today. Your report provides a good overview of the challenges the country faces.  

Armenia is a country that has suffered a double crisis – the 2020 war and the Covid pandemic. 

Moreover, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Armenia finds itself in a difficult position, having to rely for its security on a country that is carrying out an unprovoked aggression against its neighbour. 

In this context, Armenia is looking toward the European Union as a fundamental partner. Given steady progress on reforms in democracy, fundamental freedoms, rule of law and the fight against corruption, Armenia deserves our full support. 

Our Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement is the blueprint for Armenia’s domestic reforms agenda. It has now been fully in force for over two years.  

The Economic and Investment Plan has the potential to mobilise over €2.6 billion in public and private investments, and it is already delivering in Armenia through developing green connectivity, energy efficiency and as well as supporting SMEs and supporting socio-economic development. 

Of course, as your report rightly points out, much still needs to be done, when it comes to the functioning of the justice sector, fight against discrimination, gender equality, but also the protection of vulnerable groups, and to tackle foreign disinformation. We have an in-depth regular dialogue with Armenian authorities on all these issues. 

The report calls to further enhance EU-Armenia economic and trade relations. The EU-Armenia but also Armenia-Russia trade flows have increased several folds since the EU imposed additional sanctions on Russia. While we welcome our more intensive exchanges with Armenia, due to its geographic location, it is also one of the partner countries we intend to cooperate more closely with the aim to prevent the circumvention of sanctions.   

The European Union is also actively involved in facilitating dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We remain committed to continue acting as an honest broker to help achieve the common goal of a secure, prosperous and peaceful South Caucasus, for the benefit of all its people. 

The President of the European Council [Charles Michel], supported by the European External Action Service (EEAS) and our Special Representative [Toivo Klaar], is personally invested in this. We also have regular contacts with the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of both countries on this. 

The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan should use the historic opportunity to solve this conflict for good and return to the substantial dialogue, as many important questions need still to be solved urgently. 

One such urgent issue is the obstruction of movement in the Lachin corridor. Since the beginning of December, the European Union has mobilised all diplomatic efforts to solve this situation. The ongoing restrictions to freedom of movement and to the supply of vital goods are causing serious distress for the local population. As the deadly incident of 5 March showed, the situation in this area is flammable. 

Finally, I would like to mention the full-fledged civilian CSDP mission [EU Mission in Armenia] that the EU has established in Armenia since January. Among others, the mission observes and reports on the security situation on the ground. This is yet another concrete and essential element in the European Union’s efforts to support the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan.”

Armenia to urgently initiate international mechanisms for genocide prevention in Nagorno Karabakh

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 12:07,

YEREVAN, MARCH 16, ARMENPRESS. The Azerbaijani propaganda has for long been creating an information background for a large-scale attack on Nagorno Karabakh and the trends of tensions are visible on the ground, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan warned Thursday.

“Our assessment remains the same, the Azerbaijani military-political leadership is making preparations for ethnic cleansing and genocide against the people of Nagorno Karabakh. By and large, this assessment is also present in the February 22 ruling of the International Court of Justice, where it is clearly recorded that the closure of the Lachin Corridor can result in irreversible humanitarian consequences for the people of Nagorno Karabakh. In this regard I find it important and urgent for Armenia to take measures in direction of initiating international mechanisms for genocide prevention. I am speaking about the mechanisms envisaged within the framework of the United Nations. I have given a relevant instruction to the foreign ministry about this,” the PM said.

He said they continue to work in order to send an international fact-finding mission to Lachin Corridor and Nagorno Karabakh.

“I believe the fact-finding mission is important also for addressing the groundless claims by Azerbaijan accusing Armenia of maintaining an army in Nagorno Karabakh and arms shipments from Armenia to Nagorno Karabakh. These claims are groundless, and Azerbaijan is attempting to use it as a new pretext for a regional military escalation, therefore sending an international fact-finding mission to Nagorno Karabakh and Lachin Corridor is becoming a necessity in this regard.”

He said the matter was discussed during the EU-mediated meeting with Azerbaijani President Aliyev in Prague in December. The Azerbaijani president claimed during the meeting that Armenia maintains a military presence in Nagorno Karabakh. In order to refute the claim, Pashinyan said he offered to send an international fact-finding mission to NK to confirm Armenia’s claim that it has no army there, however Aliyev himself rejected the idea.

Azerbaijani state system should be changed fundamentally

The negotiations between Azerbaijan and the self-proclaimed Nagorno Karabakh Republic have been one of the most discussed topics since the end of the 2020 Nagorno Karabakh war. The international community believes that these negotiations can help find a long-term solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, while the Armenian government has agreed to separate Armenia-Azerbaijan relations from the issue of the future of Nagorno Karabakh. Armenia insists that a special international mechanism should be established for Azerbaijan-Nagorno Karabakh contacts. At the same time, Azerbaijan rejects this option, claiming that no international involvement is necessary for the Azerbaijani government to speak with representatives of the Armenian minority in Azerbaijan. The self-proclaimed Nagorno Karabakh Republic rejects the “Azerbaijan-Armenian minority” framework of talks, arguing that talks should be conducted within the international mechanism and between two entities: Azerbaijan and the Nagorno Karabakh Republic.

Since the end of the war, several meetings took place between representatives of Azerbaijan and the Nagorno Karabakh Republic focused on technical and humanitarian issues. Azerbaijan’s decision to impose a blockade on Nagorno Karabakh and to lose the Lachin road have created additional obstacles for any meaningful negotiations. In recent months, Azerbaijan put forward another demand to resume contacts: the dismissal of Nagorno Karabakh state minister Ruben Vardanyan. President Aliyev reiterated this position at the Munich Security Conference. The removal of Vardanyan seemed to open the way for the resumption of talks. Two meetings took place on February 24 and March 1, 2023, facilitated by the Russian peacekeepers. Azerbaijan appointed a special envoy for these talks. However, four days after the last meeting, Azerbaijani special forces ambushed and killed three police officers near the Azerbaijan-Nagorno Karabakh line of contact. This vicious attack casts doubts on Azerbaijani’s intentions to resolve the Nagorno Karabakh conflict peacefully.

Meanwhile, after a three-month break, Armenia-Azerbaijan negotiations were resumed at the Munich Security Conference. Discussions are underway to organize a new meeting within the Brussels format. The future of Nagorno Karabakh is one of the critical issues which should be discussed and agreed upon. In recent months, the Armenian government has made significant steps to facilitate the peace process. In April 2022, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that Armenia is considering the possibility of lowering the bar of Nagorno Karabakh status, apparently hinting that Armenia may abandon its long-term position that Nagorno Karabakh cannot exist under Azerbaijani jurisdiction. Since the summer of 2022, Armenian officials have stopped the usage of the term “status,” emphasizing the necessity to ensure the rights and security of Nagorno Karabakh Armenians. The international community accepted this approach, pushing forward the idea that status is not the mandatory condition for providing security and protecting the rights of Nagorno Karabakh Armenians. The Azerbaijani government also pushed forward this option, claiming that it is ready to provide the same rights to the Armenians as to other ethnic groups in Azerbaijan.

However, this vision, according to which Armenians in Nagorno Karabakh may enjoy rights and security under Azerbaijani jurisdiction without any status, has several systematic flaws. First of all, it does not consider the 35 years of conflict and anti-Armenian propaganda, which was and is widespread in Azerbaijan. Since many Azerbaijanis perceive Armenians as existential enemies, it is challenging to assume that by some miracle, Azerbaijani society will eliminate the effects of this propaganda. To achieve this result, Azerbaijan should stop spreading hatred toward Armenians and launch a long-term information campaign to overcome the results of anti-Armenian propaganda, which may take decades to provide tangible results.

The state-spread anti-Armenian hatred is not the only obstacle to implementing this vision. Azerbaijan is an authoritarian state, and this is not an Armenian estimate. This is an assessment of all international organizations, like Freedom House, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and others. Azerbaijan systematically violates the fundamental rights of Azerbaijani citizens, regardless of their ethnic origin. In the recently published Freedom in the World 2023 report, Freedom House again rated Azerbaijan as a “Not Free” country, giving it only nine points out of 100. In the current environment, arguing or hoping that the Azerbaijani government is able or ready to provide necessary rights to the Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh is not realistic. If implemented, this approach will result in the hard or soft ethnic cleansing of Armenians from Nagorno Karabakh. Any country or organization pushing forward for such a solution will bear responsibility for such an outcome.

One should argue for fundamental changes in the Azerbaijani state system and state institutions before discussing the possibility of providing security and rights to Armenians under Azerbaijani jurisdiction. If it ever starts, this process of substantial reforms in Azerbaijan will take years, if not decades, to transform the country and bring it closer to basic democratic standards. Until this happens, the only option to prevent the hard or soft ethnic cleansing of Armenians living in Nagorno Karabakh is the solid and permanent international presence in Nagorno Karabakh, which should continue after the expiration of the Russian peacekeepers’ initial mandate in November 2025.

Dr. Benyamin Poghosyan is the founder and chairman of the Center for Political and Economic Strategic Studies and a senior research fellow at APRI – Armenia. He was the former vice president for research – head of the Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense Research University in Armenia. In March 2009, he joined the Institute for National Strategic Studies as a research Fellow and was appointed as INSS Deputy Director for research in November 2010. Dr. Poghosyan has prepared and managed the elaboration of more than 100 policy papers which were presented to the political-military leadership of Armenia, including the president, the prime minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Poghosyan has participated in more than 50 international conferences and workshops on regional and international security dynamics. His research focuses on the geopolitics of the South Caucasus and the Middle East, US – Russian relations and their implications for the region, as well as the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. He is the author of more than 200 academic papers and articles in different leading Armenian and international journals. In 2013, Dr. Poghosyan was a Distinguished Research Fellow at the US National Defense University College of International Security Affairs. He is a graduate from the US State Department Study of the US Institutes for Scholars 2012 Program on US National Security Policy Making. He holds a PhD in history and is a graduate from the 2006 Tavitian Program on International Relations at Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.


Former Armenian Deputy Health Minister arrested over alleged COVID embezzlement

 

Gevorg Simonyan. Photo via Iragir.am

Yerevan’s Deputy Mayor, Gevorg Simonyan, and the head of a medical centre were amongst eleven people arrested on Friday on charges of embezzling funds intended to fight COVID-19. 

Simonyan held the position of Deputy Health Minister at the time and is accused of ‘not fulfilling official duties due to personal interest, as a result of which significant damage was caused to legitimate state interests’. 

The former deputy health minister’s office was raided on Friday, after which all eleven suspects in the case were detained. On Saturday, a decision was made to keep Simonyan in pre-trial detention for two months. 

Simonyan was elected Deputy Mayor of the Armenian capital, Yerevan, in February last year, and served as Deputy Health Minister from 2020 to 2022. 

The criminal case was initiated last summer by Armenia’s Anti-Corruption Committee on the basis of investigations by the government’s Audit Chamber. 

The investigations found that between July 2020 and December 2021, the director of Medline Clinic Medical Centre and at least eight other doctors included incorrect information in the medical records of 385 patients, falsely claiming that they had received treatment in the intensive care unit.

The charges state that the head of the Medline Clinic Medical Centre, Babken Shahumyan, worked together with Simonyan to embezzle ֏119 million ($300,000) from a state-financed COVID-19 treatment programme.

Both have been charged with abuse of power, punishable with imprisonment from two to six years. 

Arsen Torosyan,  a senior ruling party MP who served as Minister of Health during the pandemic, wrote that the investigation had been carried out by ‘unprofessional people’ using incorrect data, and that the conclusions that were made as a result of the investigation ‘do not withstand any criticism’. 

Torosyan added that it was strange that neither he nor the current health minister had been summoned for questioning, despite his repeated requests to be included as part of the investigation. 

According to the Audit Chamber report published in June 2022, more than ֏26 billion ($67 million) allocated from the government’s fund for the fight against the pandemic was not spent effectively, and that expenditure was not properly controlled or planned.

The report noted that more than ֏900 million ($2.3 million) of salary and bonuses intended to support those working on COVID-19 was allocated to medical institutions not tasked with fighting the coronavirus. The report also stated that the number of people hospitalised was overstated by over 50,000. 

Speaking to Factor TV, Arsen Torosyan said the report had failed to take into account the nature of the pandemic, and that it was not possible to plan in advance what volume and types of work would need to be done, the number of patients that would require treatment, and how many hospitals would need to be reprofiled for targeting COVID. 

‘It is very strange for me that the Audit Chamber does not understand these basic truths’, he added. 


Armenia calls for sending international mission to Nagorno-Karabakh

 TASS 
Russia – March 8 2023
The Armenian Foreign Ministry denied that Azerbaijan’s statement that Armenia had sent a column of military vehicles on the Stepanakert-Lisagor road on March 7 and used the same road to transport its troops

YEREVAN, March 8. /TASS/. The Armenian Foreign Ministry on Wednesday called for sending an international fact-finding mission to Nagorno-Karabakh to verify statements by Azerbaijan that allege Armenia deployed its troops there.

“Armenia has said multiple times that no ammunition or military-purpose goods were transported along the Lachin Corridor, either before or after its blockade on December 12, 2022. In addition, we reaffirm that the Republic of Armenia doesn’t have an army in Nagorno-Karabakh,” the Foreign Ministry said in a statement. “The proposal to send an international fact-finding mission to Nagorno-Karabakh to verify the credibility of this information has been repeatedly rejected by the top leadership of Azerbaijan.”

“Reaffirming Armenia’s desire to achieve peace in the region, we once again emphasize the need for the immediate dispatch of an international fact-finding mission to Nagorno-Karabakh and the Lachin Corridor to prevent Azerbaijan from unleashing a new aggression and Azerbaijan’s clear preparations to subject the people of Nagorno-Karabakh to ethnic cleansing and genocide,” the Armenian Foreign Ministry said in the statement.

The ministry also denied that Azerbaijan’s statement that Armenia had sent a column of military vehicles on the Stepanakert-Lisagor road on March 7 and used the same road to transport its troops.

AraratBank committed to the Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations

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 17:02, 7 March 2023

YEREVAN, MARCH 7, ARMENPRESS. On 3 March 2023, an event dedicated to the 1st anniversary of AraratBank joining the United Nations Global Compact international initiative was held in the banquet hall of the “Zargatsum” branch of AraratBank.

Chairman of the Board, AraratBank, Mr. Grigor Hovhannissian, and UN Resident Coordinator a.i. in the Republic of Armenia, Mr. Nils Scott, made opening remarks. The event was attended by the representatives of the UN and the public sector, international financial institutions’ Yerevan branch and foreign offices, local and international organizations that are members of the UN Women Empowerment Program.

By joining the UN Global Compact international initiative in 2022, AraratBank has expressed its willingness to incorporate the UN sustainable development principles into its business practices and act in accordance therewith.

The Ten Principles of the United Nations Global Compact are derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Labour Organization’s Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, and the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.

“We are committed to making the UN Global Compact and its principles part of the strategy, culture, and day-to-day operations of our company and to being involved in collaborative projects which advance the broader development goals of the United Nations, particularly the Sustainable Development Goals,” stated the Chairman of the Board, AraratBank, Mr. Grigor Hovhannissian.

“Providing a universal framework for corporate responsibility, the UN Global Compact, the world’s largest corporate sustainability initiative, sets principles to guide responsible business management. By joining the UN family through the UN GLOBAL Compact, a global movement of more than 12,000 businesses and 3,000 non-business stakeholders across 160 countries, AraratBank has a unique commitment to strengthen the cooperative, mutually supportive environment in Armenia for a more sustainable and inclusive future”, noted the UN Resident Coordinator a.i., Mr. Niels Scott.

A number of the world’s leading banks, such as Raiffeisen Bank International AG, Bank of America, British Business Bank, National Bank of Greece S.A., TBC Bank, Korea Development Bank, China Development Bank, Deutsche Bank AG.

 

The Ten Principles of the UN Global Compact.