Author: Baghdasarian Karlen

NEW RULES FOR NGOS: NON GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS CLOSELY MONITORING BILL THAT WOULD CHANGE LEGISLATION

SOCIETY | 25.02.15 | 15:41

By SARA KHOJOYAN
ArmeniaNow reporter

Armenian non-governmental organizations are not of the same opinion
on the government attempt to determine a new order of legislative
regulation of their activities. A group of organizations are convinced
that the new bill about “Non-Governmental Organizations”, instead of
improving the working environment of NGOs and providing more liberty
for their activities, in fact limits their possibilities.

Enlarge Photo

Meanwhile, another group, unlike their colleagues, is convinced
that changes will help to regulate numerous legal relations, which
previously had made their work more difficult.

In order to get rid of problematic provisions in the bill about
“Non-Governmental Organizations” formed in 2014, which was causing
concerns among the NGOs, the Ministry of Justice has been conducting
public discussions since last December.

Although the idea of giving NGOs the right to profitable activities,
implied by the new bill, is positive in itself, the suggested
conditions might be dangerous, Transparency International (TI)
representative Heriknaz Tigranyan said.

“In the version provided by the Ministry of Justice it says that
entrepreneurial activity must comply with statutory goals and
objectives. The definition limits the range of the activities which
can be realized. The danger is also that the NGO might be subjected to
administrative charges; it might result in liquidation, if activities
outside the statutory are carried out at least 3 times within a year,”
she said.

According to the new bill, the state also receives tools to control
the NGOs, project manager of Eurasia Cooperation Fund Mikayel
Hovhannisyan says.

“Currently discussions are led toward abolishing those tools. In
general, here, the matter is about a number of problems related
to providing financial stability for NGOs, reporting, regulating
volunteering work, as well as representing interests in courts.

Indeed, there is need to improve the legislative environment, but
the other question is how it will be achieved,” Hovhannisyan said.

Zoya Julhakyan, the head of Qaravan 88 NGO, which has been helping
refugees for 27 years, welcomes the new bill because she thinks that
the current law regulating NGO activities is very weak.

“Volunteerism did not develop in our country like in European
countries. Our very organization was penalized for volunteer works –
beneficiaries came, helped us, and the tax office blamed us for hiding
their work.”

“NGOs must be given the right for entrepreneurial activities, there
are changes provisioned in the bill, but we do not know whether the
National Assembly will approve them or not. If the concern is related
to NGOs abusing this power, let them control and exclude that,”
she added.

NGO representatives participating in the discussions with the Ministry
of Justice said that discussions are held in a transparent and healthy
manner, and the atmosphere welcomes news suggestions. There is no
guarantee, though, whether the bill will bear significant changes,
because the government seems to want to control the NGO sphere some
participants say.

“The executive body desires to gain power to participate in
NGO activities, to participate in meetings, demand documents,”
David Amiryan, a deputy project director at the Open Society
Foundations-Armenia (the organization that initiated and assisted
the establishment of the observation group) said.

From: Baghdasarian

PRESS RELEASE
Ararat-Eskijian Museum
15105 Mission Hills Rd
Mission Hills CA, 91345
Email: [email protected]
Tel: 818-838-4862

February 23, 2015

Mission Hills Calif. Ararat-Eskijian Museum, National Association for
Armenian Studies and research, and Organization of Istanbul Armenians
present an illustrated talk by Dr. Fatma Muge Gocek Professor of
Sociology and Women’s Studies, University of Michigan ‘Denial of
Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present, and Collective Violence
Against the Armenians’.

The event is on March 08, 2015, 4 PM Ararat-Eskijian Museum/Sheen Chapel,
15105 Mission Hills Road, Mission Hills CA 91345

In this talk based on her recently published book, Professor Fatma
Müge Göçek will delve into the roots of Turkey’s denial of the
Armenian Genocide and explain why it still persists. Prof. Göçek will
specifically focus on the denial of collective violence committed
against Armenians throughout Ottoman and Turkish history,
demonstrating its occurrence many times before 1915. Having
qualitatively analyzed 315 memoirs published in Turkey from 1789 to
2009 in addition to numerous secondary sources, journals, and
newspapers, she reveals that denial is a multi-layered, historical
process with four distinct yet overlapping components: the structural
elements of collective violence and modernity on one side, and the
emotional elements of collective consensus and legitimating events on
the other. In the Turkish case, denial emerged through four stages,
beginning with the imperial denial of the origins of collective
violence committed against Armenians that commenced in 1789 and
continued until 1907, followed by the Young Turk denial of violence
lasting for a decade from 1908 to 1918, then an early republican
denial taking place from 1919 to 1973, and culminating with the late
republican denial of the responsibility for the collective violence
started in 1974, which continues to this day.

– =8F Admission free (Donations appreciated) – =8F Reception and book
signing following the program. For more information call the
Ararat-Eskijian Museum at (747-500-7585 or
e-mail:[email protected]

From: Baghdasarian

APARTHEID AND GENOCIDE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

The Wesleyan Argus
Feb 24 2015

February 24, 2015, 12:41 am by Rebecca Sussman, Matthew Renetzky,
Elisa Greenberg, and Rachel Alpert, Class of 2018

You are going to hear a lot in the coming weeks. You are going to
hear that Israel is an apartheid state, and you will likely hear
it accused of genocide. These accusations are part of the message
of Apartheid Week, a university-based movement that “seeks to raise
awareness about Israel’s apartheid policies towards the Palestinians
and to build support for the growing Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions
(BDS) campaign.” We, the members of Wesleyan United with Israel, are
fully prepared to acknowledge Israel’s faults, but we must take care
when selecting our terminology. The words ‘apartheid’ and ‘genocide’
carry a lot of weight. In the case of Israel, they grossly misrepresent
the situation, and thus inhibit meaningful discourse on our campus.

Apartheid refers to a “system or practice that separates people
according to color, ethnicity, etc.” Apartheid policies involve
“economically and politically oppressing an entire population”
(dictionary.com). The most famous example occurred in South Africa. In
Israel, there have been 69 Arab members of Parliament. Each citizen
has an equal opportunity to vote. In the West Bank and Gaza, the
local populations elect their own governments. Israel supports the
West Bank and Gaza by helping to supply power and other necessities
daily. Jews and Muslims serve side by side in the Israeli army. These
few examples alone demonstrate how Israel is easily distinguishable
from an apartheid state.

Genocide refers to the “deliberate killing of a large group of
people, especially those of a particular ethnic group or nation”
(dictionary.com). Two of the most famous examples are the Holocaust
and Armenian genocide. In Israel, there are no policies in place that
come close to deserving the word ‘genocide.’ The Israeli government
is not trying to eliminate the Palestinian population, nor would it
have any incentive to do so. On the contrary, it engages in consistent
efforts for peace talks with Palestinian leadership, and even goes
to unprecedented lengths to protect the lives of Palestinian civilians.

For example, before the counterterrorist Operation Protective Edge
this summer, hundreds of Israeli Arabic-speaking technicians recorded
phone messages that were dialed into the phones of more than 160,000
Arabs in the Gaza Strip, warning them to evacuate. The IDF willingly
surrendered the element of surprise as it warned Hamas of the precise
timing and location of the operation. In addition, Israel delivers
truckloads of aid to the citizens of Gaza, even during wartime,
when there is a risk of the aid ending up in the hands of Hamas.

Israel does not have an untainted military record, but neither
does any country that is forced to deal with violent borders and
cultural clashes. Nonetheless, the Israeli government continues to
reexamine and investigate controversial military action in an effort
to maintain a moral, accountable army. Israel is a flawed state,
but it is a state that is actively seeking to better itself and
to protect human life. Referring to Israel as an apartheid state
delegitimizes the struggle of blacks against the Apartheid South
African government and undermines the plight of other groups that have
faced genuine apartheid policies. It is one thing to try to shed light
on injustices, but it is another to fabricate them. What’s happening
in the West Bank is an occupation, but it is a far cry from apartheid
and genocide. Using such extreme terminology to describe Israel also
distracts from real, present day problems in the Middle East. In the
face of true human rights abuses, such as those involving the Syrian
government and ISIS, it is both contradictory and counterproductive
to direct our energy against Israel, a country whose human rights
abuses are grossly exaggerated.

Furthermore, open and baseless hostility towards Israel decreases the
possibility of peace. No country that feels threatened, both by its
allies and its enemies, will willingly make concessions at the expense
of its own security. Since any ceded land could potentially fall into
the hands of terrorist organizations like Hamas, we must recognize
that Israel will only make territorial concessions when it feels its
allies, particularly the United States, would support it under attack.

In fact, when Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and former Israeli
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert nearly reached a peace deal in 2008,
American-Israeli relations were at an all time high. Blindly condemning
Israel and engaging in practices like boycott and divestment makes
Israel feel threatened and thereby inhibits peace.

We believe that our words should be used to have a healthy, balanced
Israel dialogue on campus, and this is especially important during
Apartheid Week. We encourage criticism of existing policies
and institutions in the Middle East–Israel included. However,
the reactions to our Facebook event for Free Israeli Late Night
demonstrates how problematic the Israel dialogue can be on this
campus. Something is wrong when students are attacked for celebrating
simply the food and culture of a vibrant democracy. We implore
you to keep your words grounded in facts rather than unfounded,
sensationalized information. It is this rationale of truth that will
ultimately bring about the social change we all wish to see.

From: Baghdasarian

ARMENIE PROSPÈRE BOYCOTTE LES SEANCES PARLEMENTAIRES

ARMENIE

Invoquant les derniers developpements survenus sur la scène politique
armenienne, le Parti Armenie prospère (BHK) dirige par l’homme
d’affaires Gagik Tsarukian, dont les relations avec le president
Serge Sarkissian se sont considerablement tendues, a decide de mettre
a execution ses menaces de boycott de la session de quatre jours du
Parlement armenien inauguree le lundi 23 fevrier. La secretaire du
groupe parlementaire du BHK, Naira Zohrabian, a annonce cette decision
avant que les membres du BHK quittent l’hemicycle. “Considerant la
situation politique interieure sans precedent de l’Armenie, le groupe
parlementaire du BHK declare qu’il boycottera la session en cours de
quatre jours”, a indique Mme Zohrabian, en precisant que la direction
du BHK s’expliquera sans les jours a venir sur ses motivations et
sur la strategie qu’il entend mettre en oeuvre,
From: Baghdasarian

SPECTACLE L’ARMENIE SE DEVOILE LE TEMPS D’UNE SOIREE CABARET

La Provence, France
23 fevr 2015

C ‘est une soiree au tempo et au goût de l’Armenie que le CCAS d’Orange
propose samedi. L’espace Daudet accueillera en effet un dîner spectacle
sur le thème du cabaret armenien.

C’est la jeunesse armenienne de France, basee a Marseille, qui animera
cette soiree. Après le genocide (voir par ailleurs), la cite phoceenne
avait accueilli de très nombreux rescapes. Leurs descendants forment
aujourd’hui la plus grande communaute de France.

La troupe, dirigee depuis une dizaine d’annees Pascal Chamassian,
compte environ 40 danseurs. Cree dans les annees 60, l’ensemble s’est
produit sur les plus belles scènes francaises comme le Casino de Paris,
la Bourse du travail a Lyon, le Dôme de Marseille, etc. et aussi a
l’international, deux fois a l’Opera de Yerevan ainsi qu’en Suisse,
en Bulgarie, ou encore en Espagne.

Ce spectacle de danse et musique sera agremente d’un repas armenien,
avec notamment une assiette mezze ou encore un ragoût de poisson.

Rendez-vous samedi a l’espace Daudet a partir de 20 heures.

Tarif unique : 30 EURO repas compris. Reservations : 04 90 51 57 57

…

L’annee 2015 sera marquee par la commemoration du centenaire du
genocide armenien par les turcs en 1915. Il debuta le 24 avril 1915 et
fit environ 1 200 000 de victimes au sein de la population armenienne
vivant dans l’empire turc.

Nicolas Lavergne

From: Baghdasarian

AZERI ENVOY BAGHIROV: LIBERATION OF OUR LANDS FROM ARMENIAN INVASION TOP PRIORITY

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Feb 23 2015

ALI UNAL

Relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey, which have similar histories,
are described by the expression “two states, one nation.” The
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which started between Azerbaijan and
Armenia in 1992, is the top-most priority of Azerbaijani foreign
policy, as well as one of Turkey’s, with the aim of achieving regional
stability. Daily Sabah spoke with Azerbaijani ambassador Faig Nusrat
Baghirov regarding recent developments in the Nagorno-Karabakh region
and the future of Azerbaijani-Turkish relations.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the most prominent topics in
Azerbaijani foreign policy. Could you tell us the historical background
of this dispute?

I would like to emphasize that solving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
is one of the most important goals of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy.

Armenia invaded one-fifth of Azerbaijani land, and the liberation of
this land, thus our territorial integrity, is of top priority.

If we are to look at the core of this issue, it can be traced back
to two years before the dissolution of the Soviet Union to 1988. The
main reason behind this issue is that the Armenian administration of
the time, with the support of the Soviet Union, aspired to confiscate
Nagorno-Karabakh and the land surrounding it, and the issue started
with border transgression. On the day of 26 February 26 1992 in
Khojaly, 613 people were brutally massacred, including children, women
and the elderly. In the time until 1994, one-fifth of Azerbaijani land
was invaded and more than 1 million Azerbaijanis were sent into exile.

The important part is all of these events transpired right in front
of the eyes of the world and they have chosen to just disregard them.

This week is the anniversary of one of the most vicious massacres
that contemporary history has witnessed – the Khojaly Massacre. What
happened in Khojaly during the Nagorno-Karabakh War?

This year is the 23rd anniversary of the Khojaly genocide, and a
memorial service will be held along with events. On the night between
25 February and 26 February1992, 613 people were brutally killed in
Khojaly, just because they were Azerbaijani. What happened in Khojaly
can be described as genocide according to the definition set by the
international community. It is important to highlight this fact again.

This genocide happened right in front of the whole world. These are
all documented, and there are witnesses still alive. The international
community has still not reacted to this genocide. There are resolutions
regarding the Azerbaijan-Armenia dispute. There are four U.N. Security
Council resolutions that state Armenia is the occupier and should
withdraw from Azerbaijani lands. These resolutions are U.N.

Security Council Resolution 822 adopted on 30 April, 1993, Resolution
853 adopted on 29 July, 1993, Resolution 874 adopted on 14 October
1993 and Resolution 884 adopted on 12 November 1993. However, none
of these were put into action.

Twenty-two or 23 years have passed since these resolutions were
issued and unfortunately, they are still not implemented. To put the
aforementioned resolutions into action, Armenia should be pressured by
the international community. But on the contrary, Turkey and Azerbaijan
are put under pressure wrongfully. As the anniversary of the so-called
Armenian genocide approaches, many international institutions are
publishing various human rights reports on Turkey and Azerbaijan,
but none of them talk about over 1 million Azerbaijanis who are unable
to live in their own land.

Despite all the international appeals, Armenia continues to occupy
20 percent of Azerbaijani land. What are the recent developments on
this issue?

They tried to conceal the massacre at Khojaly and prevented this
from being announced. However, in the past 12 years, Azerbaijan has
worked hard to reverse this situation and made concerted efforts to
document what happened in Khojaly as genocide. Azerbaijan has brought
forward this issue on many international platforms and provided
the international community with the testimonies of witnesses,
photos and other related materials. Many countries recognize it as
genocide. The event is documented, and witnesses are still live. As
long as the criminals who committed this horrible crime are not
punished, Azerbaijan will continue to bring this issue up.

Thousands of people died during the Nagorno-Karabakh War, and more
than 1 million Azerbaijanis had to leave their homes. Has Azerbaijan
fully recovered from these wounds?

Azerbaijan will recover when all of those people’s land is liberated.

However, as Azerbaijan’s president said, Azerbaijan will always
preserve its territorial integrity and sovereignty. No one will ever
doubt that. Azerbaijan is a strong country and we will not allow any
kind of project to be imposed on us. Azerbaijan is getting stronger
by the day in politics, economy and military. Therefore, Azerbaijan
will do whatever it can to liberate its land from occupation.

While the Azerbaijani government provided housing for displaced
Azerbaijanis, it is not the same as living on their own land.

While there has been an ongoing and fragile cease-fire between
Azerbaijan and Armenia for 20 years, we have witnessed an increase
in border clashes, especially in 2014. Is there a possibility for a
new Armenian-Azerbaijani war?

Sometimes it is said that this issue is a suspended one, but it is
not true. Unless the issues are solved, it cannot be called suspended
and these kinds of issues are prone to become reignited. To solve
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, an international organization,
the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)
Minsk Group was established. The chairs of the group are the U.S.,
Russia and France. With their participation, the resolution process
has continued for 21 years. However, it still has not been concluded
due to Armenia’s non-constructive behavior. Armenia does not want
the resolution to happen because Armenia still craves land, and it
shows the same attitude toward Turkey as well. The Armenian president,
while appealing to the youth, said: “We took the Upper Karabakh. Mount
Ararat will be your doing.” This shows that they are the ones who do
not want this issue to be solved.

What happened in 2014 further shows Armenia’s unwillingness in the
resolution process. Firstly, a meeting was held in Sochi in 2014
with the initiative of Russia, then the one with U.S. Secretary of
State John Kerry presiding and another one with the French President
Francoise Hollande in France. All of these meetings failed due to
Armenia’s provocative actions. Armenia intentionally did this to put
the blame on Azerbaijan. The border clash of yesteryear is the result
of Armenia’s provocative actions.

How would Azerbaijan react to possible cooperation between Turkey
and Armenia, before Armenia withdraws from the occupied territories?

The Turkish president and prime minister along with the minister of
foreign affairs have said that cooperation was not possible without
the withdrawal of Armenia. Everyone expects a move from Turkey,
however the genocide and invasion are Armenia’s doings. Who committed
genocide in Khojaly in 1992, has committed the so-called genocide of
1915. They disregard a genocide committed just 23 years ago that has
living witnesses, while there is not any evidence of the so-called
genocide of 1915.

I do not think cooperation between Armenia and Turkey is possible
because as Azerbaijan becomes prosperous, so does Turkey, and as
Turkey consolidates its power, so does Azerbaijan.

The TANAP project that is going to transport Azerbaijani natural gas
to Turkey and Europe is still under construction. How important is
this project for Azerbaijan?

Azerbaijan is a country rich with oil and natural gas. For the first
time, in 1850 the oil industry began in Baku. Extraction of oil from
the sea for the first time again was realized in Azerbaijan. However,
in 1994, Azerbaijan also started to produce natural gas. As a result
of wise council between Azerbaijan and Turkey, the TANAP project
was decided upon in in 2012. This project was signed by President
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was prime minister at the time. According
to this project, Azerbaijan will sell its own natural gas through
Turkey, and Turkey will keep some of the natural gas. Therefore,
Turkey will be the leader of a large-scale energy project. With this
project Turkey and Azerbaijan will become the countries that provide
energy security to Europe – 80 percent of the pipes will be produced
by Turkish corporations, and the construction will also be undertaken
by Turkish corporations.

The Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railroad project will be opened for service
this year upon its completion. How do you evaluate this project’s
impact on the economies of both countries?

This will be the first transportation project after the energy
projects. The railroad should open for service this year and test
drives have been completed. The means of transportation between Turkey
and Azerbaijan is usually achieved overland, which costs more than by
railroad. With this project, roads to Beijing, and thus Asia, will be
accessible. Also, in the same way, through Turkey via the Marmaray,
access to Europe will be available. This will create opportunities
both for passengers and business people. This is a project realized
through strategic partnership.

From: Baghdasarian

THREE FRONTS FOR RUSSIA: HOW WASHINGTON WILL FAN THE FLAMES OF CHAOS IN CENTRAL ASIA?

Sri Lanka Guardian
Feb 24 2015

by Ivan Lizan
Translated by Robin

( February 24, 2015, Boston, Sri Lanka Guardian) U.S. Gen. “Ben”
Hodges’ statement that within four or five years Russia could
develop the capability to wage war simultaneously on three fronts
is not only an acknowledgment of the Russian Federation’s growing
military potential but also a promise that Washington will obligingly
ensure that all three fronts are right on the borders of the Russian
Federation.

In the context of China’s inevitable rise and the soon-to-worsen
financial crisis, with the concomitant bursting of asset bubbles,
the only way for the United States to maintain its global hegemony
is to weaken its opponents. And the only way to achieve that goal is
to trigger chaos in the republics bordering Russia.

That is why Russia will inevitably enter a period of conflicts and
crises on its borders.

And so the first front in fact already exists in the Ukraine,
the second will most likely be between Armenia and Azerbaijan
over Nagorno-Karabakh, and the third, of course, will be opened in
Central Asia.

If the war in Ukraine leads to millions of refugees, tens of thousands
of deaths, and the destruction of cities, defrosting the Karabakh
conflict will completely undermine Russia’s entire foreign policy in
the Caucasus.

Every city in Central Asia is under threat of explosions and attacks.

So far this “up-and-coming front” has attracted the least media
coverage – Novorossiya dominates on national television channels, in
newspapers, and on websites -, but this theater of war could become
one of the most complex after the conflict in the Ukraine.

A subsidiary of the Caliphate under Russia’s belly

The indisputable trend in Afghanistan – and the key source of
instability in the region – is to an alliance between the Taliban
and the Islamic State. Even so, the formation of their union is in
its early days, references to it are scarce and fragmentary, and
the true scale of the activities of the IS emissaries is unclear,
like an iceberg whose tip barely shows above the surface of the water.

But it has been established that IS agitators are active in Pakistan
and in Afghanistan’s southern provinces, which are controlled by the
Taliban. But, in this case, the first victim of chaos in Afghanistan is
Pakistan, which at the insistence of, and with help from, the United
States nurtured the Taliban in the 1980s. That project has taken on a
life of its own and is a recurring nightmare for Islamabad, which has
decided to establish a friendlier relationship China and Russia. This
trend can be seen in the Taliban’s attacks on Pakistani schools,
whose teachers now have the right to carry guns, regular arrests
of terrorists in the major cities, and the start of activities in
support of tribes hostile to the Taliban in the north.

The latest legislative development in Pakistan is a constitutional
amendment to expand military court jurisdiction [over civilians].

Throughout the country, terrorists, Islamists and their sympathizers
are being detained. In the northwest alone, more than 8,000
arrests have been made, including members of the clergy. Religious
organizations have been banned and IS emissaries are being caught.

Since the Americans do not like putting all their eggs in one basket,
they will provide support to the government in Kabul, which will allow
them to remain in the country legitimately, and at the same time to
the Taliban, which is transforming itself into IS. The outcome will be
a state of chaos in which the Americans will not formally take part;
instead, they will sit back on their military bases, waiting to see
who wins. And then Washington will provide assistance to the victor.

Note that its security services have been supporting the Taliban for a
long time and quite effectively: some of the official security forces
and police in Afghanistan are former Taliban and Mujahideen.

Method of destruction

The first way to destabilize Central Asia is to create problems on
the borders, along with the threat that Mujahideen will penetrate the
region. The testing of the neighbours has already started; problems
have arisen in Turkmenistan, which has even had to ask Kabul to hold
large-scale military operations in the border provinces. Tajikistan
has forced the Taliban to negotiate the release of the border guards
it abducted, and the Tajik border service reports that there is a
large group of Mujahideen on its borders.

In general, all the countries bordering Afghanistan have stepped up
their border security.

The second way is to send Islamists behind the lines. The process
has already begun: the number of extremists in Tajikistan alone grew
three-fold last year; however, even though they are being caught, it
obviously will not be feasible to catch all of them. Furthermore, the
situation is aggravated by the return of migrant workers from Russia,
which will expand the recruiting base. If the stream of remittances
from Russia dries up, the outcome may be popular discontent and
managed riots.

Kyrgyz expert Kadir Malikov reports that $70 million has been allocated
to the IS military group Maverenahr, which includes representatives
of all the Central Asian republics, to carry out acts of terrorism
in the region. Special emphasis is placed on the Fergana Valley as
the heart of Central Asia.

Another point of vulnerability is Kyrgyzstan’s parliamentary elections,
scheduled for this fall. The initiation of a new set of color
revolutions will lead to chaos and the disintegration of countries.

Self-supporting wars

Waging war is expensive, so the destabilization of the region must
be self-supporting or at least profitable for the U.S.

military-industrial complex. And in this area Washington has had some
success: it has given Uzbekistan 328 armored vehicles that Kiev had
requested for its war with Novorossiya. At first glance, the deal isn’t
profitable because the machines were a gift, but in reality Uzbekistan
will be tied to U.S. spare parts and ammunition. Washington made a
similar decision on the transfer of equipment and weapons to Islamabad.

But the United States has not been successful in its attempts to
impose its weapons systems on India: the Indians have not signed
any contracts, and Obama was shown Russian military hardware when he
attended a military parade.

Thus the United States is drawing the countries in the region into
war with its own proteges – the Taliban and Islamic State – and at
the same time is supplying its enemies with weapons.

***

So 2015 will be marked by preparations for widespread destabilization
in Central Asia and the transformation of AfPak into an Islamic State
subsidiary on the borders of Russia, India, China, and Iran. The
start of full-scale war, which will inevitably follow once chaos
engulfs the region, will lead to a bloodbath in the “Eurasian Balkans,”
automatically involving more than a third of the world’s population and
almost all the United States’ geopolitical rivals. It’s an opportunity
Washington will find too good to miss.

Russia’s response to this challenge has to be multifaceted: involving
the region in the process of Eurasian integration, providing military,
economic, and political assistance, working closely with its allies
in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS, strengthening
the Pakistani army, and of course assisting with the capture of the
bearded servants of the Caliphate.

But the most important response should be the accelerated modernization
of its armed forces as well as those of its allies and efforts to
strengthen the Collective Security Treaty Organization and give it
the right to circumvent the highly inefficient United Nations.

The region is extremely important: if Ukraine is a fuse of war, then
Central Asia is a munitions depot. If it blows up, half the continent
will be hit.

From: Baghdasarian

CENTENAIRE DU GENOCIDE ARMENIEN : COLLOQUE INTERNATIONAL A L’UNIVERSITE DU NEBRASKA-LINCOLN

Publié le : 24-02-2015

Info Collectif VAN – – Le Collectif VAN vous
invite a lire la traduction de Georges Festa d’un article en anglais
publié sur le site The Armenian Weekly, mise en ligne sur le site
Armenian Trends – Mes Arménies le 15 février 2015.

Armenian Trends – Mes Arménies

dimanche 15 février 2015

© Ruben Malayan, 2015

Centenaire du génocide arménien Colloque international a
l’Université du Nebraska-Lincoln The Armenian Weekly, 13.02.2015

LINCOLN, NE – A l’occasion du centenaire du génocide arménien,
l’Université du Nebraska-Lincoln (UNL) accueillera un colloque de
deux jours, du 19 au 20 mars 2015, intitulé “Crossing the Centennial:
The Historiography of the Armenian Genocide Re-Evaluated” [Le cap
du centenaire : nouveaux regards sur l’historiographie du génocide
arménien], au Wick Alumni Center – Great Hall, 1520 R Street.

Organisé par le professeur Bedross Der Matossian, du département
d’Histoire a l’UNL, le colloque est parrainé par le Norman and
Bernice Harris Center for Judaic Studies, la National Association
for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR), sise a Belmont, Mass.,
la Society for Armenian Studies (SAS), le département d’Histoire,
le Conseil scientifique [Faculty Senate Convocation Committee], le
cursus Droits de l’homme et Affaires Humanitaires [Human Rights and
Humaniarian Affairs Program], le cursus Etudes Féministes et de Genre
[Women’s and Gender Studies Program], ainsi que l’Institut d’Etudes
Ethniques a l’UNL.

Le colloque se concentrera sur quatre thèmes sous-exploités, qui
ont récemment attiré l’attention des chercheurs et fait l’objet
d’analyses en profondeur : a) humanitarisme et intervention humanitaire
dans le génocide arménien; b) femmes et enfants dans le génocide
arménien; c) dimensions comparatistes du génocide arménien; d)
et impact du génocide arménien sur la société, la politique, la
littérature et la culture. Vingt-deux chercheurs venus d’Arménie,
du Cambodge, du Canada, des Pays-Bas, de Hongrie, d’IsraÔl et des
Etats-Unis, représentant 17 institutions universitaires différentes,
participeront aux cinq tables rondes de ce colloque.

Le colloque débutera jeudi 19 mars, a 14 heures, par une allocution
de bienvenue du professeur G. Thomas III, directeur du département
d’Histoire a l’UNL, et des observations préliminaires du professeur
Bedross Der Matossian, du département d’Histoire.

La première table ronde, intitulée “Humanitarisme et intervention
humanitaire,” sera modérée par le professeur David Forsythe (UNL),
qui est largement considéré comme l’un des premiers chercheurs
a avoir établi l’étude des droits de l’homme et des affaires
humanitaires dans les disciplines des sciences politiques et des
relations internationales. La table ronde comprendra les orateurs et
les thèmes suivants : le docteur Hilmar Kaiser (Phnom Penh, Cambodge),
“Humanitarian Intervention and Ottoman Opposition to Extermination:
A Neglected Aspect” [Intervention humanitaire et opposition ottomane
a l’extermination : un aspect négligé]; PeË~Jter PaË~Jl KraË~Jnitz
(Université Catholique Pázmány Péter), “Armenian Refugees,
Humanitarian Assistance and Hungary” [Les réfugiés arméniens,
l’assistance humanitaire et la Hongrie]; et le professeur Mark
Toufayan (Université d’Ottawa), “Between Intimacy and Alienation:
Armenian Property, Denationalization and the Passions of ‘Protection’
in French Mandated Cilicia, 1918-1923” [Entre proximité et aliénation
: biens arméniens, dénationalisation et velléités de “protection”
dans la Cilicie sous mandat francais, 1918-1923].

La seconde table ronde sera modérée par le professeur Jean Cahan,
directeur du Harris Center for Judaic Studies, et réunira trois
intervenants : le professeur Richard G. Hovannisian (Université de
Californie-Los Angeles), “The Centenary of the Armenian Genocide:
What Have We Learned?” [Le centenaire du génocide arménien :
qu’avons-nous appris ?]; le professeur Michelle Tusan (Université du
Nevada-Las Vegas), “Humanitarian Empire: Britain’s Response to the
Armenian Genocide” [L’empire humanitaire : la réaction anglaise au
génocide arménien]; et le professeur Keith Watenpaugh (Université
de Californie-Davis), “Armenia, Armenians, The League of Nations and
Modern Humanitarism” [L’Arménie, les Arméniens, la Société des
Nations et l’humanitarisme moderne].

Le deuxième jour du colloque débutera a 9 heures et présentera
quatre tables rondes. La première, intitulée “Femmes et enfants
durant le génocide,” sera présidée par le professeur Patrice
McMahon, spécialiste en sécurité internationale, conflits et
droits de l’homme, et comprendra les orateurs et thèmes suivants : le
professeur Benny Morris (Université Ben-Gourion, Beer-Sheva), “Women
and Children in the Turkish Ethnic Cleansing of Armenians and Greeks,
1919-1923” [Femmes et enfants dans l’épuration ethnique turque des
Arméniens et des Grecs, 1919-1923]; le professeur Carina Karapetian
Giorgi (Pomona College, Claremont, CA), “Critical Examination of the
Historiography of Women during the Armenian Genocide” [Approche
critique de l’historiographie des femmes durant le génocide
arménien]; Anna Aleksanyan (Clark University, Worcester, MA),
“‘Neutral Home’ and the Issue of Identity of the Surviving Armenian
Women and Children” [‘Foyer neutre’ et la question de l’identité
des femmes et des enfants arméniens survivants]; et Tugce Kayaal
(Université du Michigan-Ann Arbor), “A Critique of the Concept of the
“Genocide Survivor”: Armenian Orphans in Aleppo Between the Years
of 1915-1918″ [Critique du concept de ‘survivant du génocide’ :
les orphelins arméniens a Alep entre 1915 et 1918].

La seconde table ronde, intitulée “Le génocide arménien et la
Shoah,” sera présidée par le professeur Ari Kohen, directeur du
cursus Droits de l’homme et Affaires humanitaires a l’UNL, et réunira
les intervenants et thèmes suivants : Umit Kurt (Clark University),
“‘Legal’ and ‘Official’ Plundering of Armenian and Jewish Properties
during the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust within a Comparative
Perspective” [Pillage ‘légal’ et ‘officiel’ des biens arméniens
et juifs, durant le génocide arménien et la Shoah, d’un point de
vue comparatiste]; le professeur Stefan Ihrig (Institut Van Leer,
Jérusalem), “From the Armenian Genocide to the Holocaust – A Connected
Perspective” [Du génocide arménien a la Shoah – Approche en réseau];
et le professeur Harutyun Marutyan (Académie Nationale des Sciences
d’Arménie), “The Institute of Righteous Among the Nations in the
Armenian and the Jewish Cases” [L’institution des Justes parmi les
Nations dans les cas arménien et juif].

La dernière table ronde du colloque, intitulée “Suites du génocide
: politique, culture, société et littérature,” sera présidée
par le professeur Chantal Kalisa, spécialiste du génocide rwandais
et directrice du cursus d’Etudes Féministes et de Genre a l’UNL, et
présentera les intervenants et thèmes suivants : le professeur Tsolin
Nalbantian (Université de Leyde, Pays-Bas), “Armenian Nation Building
through Sport: The Armenian Olympiad Before and After the Armenian
Genocide” [La construction de la nation arménienne au moyen du sport :
les Olympiades arméniennes avant et après le génocide arménien];
le professeur Heghnar Watenpaugh (Université de Californie-Davis),
“Art, Heritage, and the Armenian Genocide: Toros Roslin’s Zeitoun
Gospels between 1915 and 2015″ [Art, patrimoine et génocide arménien
: les Evangiles de Zeïtoun, de Toros Roslin, de 1915 a 2015”; le
professeur Talar Chahinian (Université d’Etat de Californie-Long
Beach), “Impossible Testimonies: Literature and Aesthetics in the
Aftermath of the Armenian Genocide” [De l’impossibilité de témoigner
: littérature et esthétique au lendemain du génocide arménien]; et
le docteur Seyhan Bayraktar (Séminaire d’Histoire de l’Université de
Zurich), “The Armenian Genocide and the Politics of Denial: on Turkey,
Civil Society, and EU Recognition Politics” [Le génocide arménien
et la politique du déni : a propos de la Turquie, de la société
civile et de la politique de reconnaissance de l’Union Européenne].

Le discours de clôture sera prononcé par le professeur Lloyd
Ambrosius, du département d’Histoire.

“C’est un grand honneur pour l’Université du Nebraska-Lincoln de
programmer le plus important colloque dans le Midwest, afin de marquer
le centenaire du génocide arménien,” souligne le professeur Der
Matossian, organisateur du colloque. “Non seulement nous invitons des
chercheurs issus de disciplines variées a débattre de différents
aspects du génocide arménien, mais nous devons aussi voir dans
ce colloque une opportunité unique, permettant a la communauté
universitaire, au sens large, de tirer profit de la compétence des
meilleurs chercheurs dans ce domaine et de mieux comprendre l’un des
premiers génocides de la période moderne.”

L’affiche du colloque a été concue par Ruben Malayan, un artiste
réputé, originaire d’Arménie. L’affiche illustre la vision par
Malayan du vécu de la nation arménienne (représentée par des
femmes et des enfants), lors des marches de mort du génocide. Les
espaces blancs, entourant leurs têtes, symbolisent la sainteté
des victimes. Le contraste appuyé entre les arrière-plans noirs et
blancs représente les souffrances inhumaines, que la population a
endurées, avant de mourir. L’Ã…”uvre s’inspire d’une photographie
réelle, représentant une famille arménienne emmenée lors des
expulsions et de l’extermination de 1915.

La manifestation est ouverte au public. Pour plus d’informations,
veuillez contacter le professeur Der Matossian a [email protected]
ou (402) 472-2417.

__________

Source :
Traduction : © Georges Festa – 02.2015

Source/Lien : Armenian Trends – Mes Arménies

From: Baghdasarian

BANNERS CELEBRATING ARMENIAN GENOCIDE DISPLAYED IN TURKEY

11:25, 24 Feb 2015
Siranush Ghazanchyan

Anti-Armenian banners celebrating the Armenian Genocide have been
displayed in cities around Turkey. Meanwhile, on Feb. 22, two protests
were held under the banner of “Demonstrations Condemning the Khojali
Genocide and Armenian Terror,” in the Kadikoy and Beyoglu districts in
Istanbul. Some protesters chanted anti-Armenian slogans, while others
invoked the name of Ogun Samast, the ultra-nationalist youth who gunned
down Agos Editor Hrant Dink in 2007, the Armenian Weekly reports.

The banners celebrating the Armenian Genocide were spotted in different
parts of the country. In the southwest province of Mugla, a banner
declared, “We celebrate the 100th anniversary of our country being
cleared of Armenians. We are proud of our glorious ancestors.

-Young Atsizs.” Atsizs refers to Nihal Atsiz (1905-75), a leading
ideologue of Turkish racism and a proponent of Turanism. The banner
was displayed in front of the Provincial Directorate of Youth and
Sports in Mugla. The Directorate claimed the banner was hung far
enough that they had not seen it, but that “responsible citizens”
had removed it, according to Demokrat Haber.

Similar banners were also displayed in Manisa (north of Izmir),
and Ordu (on the Black Sea coast). Demokrat Haber also reports that
similar posters were put up by the Mayor’s office in Sogutlucesme,
Istanbul, as well as Marmara University’s Goztepe campus.

“The Human Rights Association can only attempt to raise a voice
protesting these initiatives. As long as the Turkish public is not
upset, and feels no shame by these demonstrations, the discourse,
and the slogans, there will be no real response to these rabid
anti-Armenian initiatives,” human rights activist Ayse Gunaysu told
the Armenian Weekly, adding, “This reality has been haunting me in
recent days.”

From: Baghdasarian

ARTIST BUYUKTASCIYAN’S QUERY ON ‘UNSAID WORDS’ IN ATHENS GALLERY

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Feb 24 2015

Contemporary artist Hera BuyuktaÅ~_cıyan, known for her eloquent
site-specific installations on issues related to identity, memory
and history, is currently showcasing a solo exhibition at the State
of Concept gallery in Athens, the only non-profit contemporary art
institution in the Greek capital.

Titled “Fishbone,” this is BuyuktaÃ…~_cıyan’s first solo exhibition in
Greece, which has a significant role in the artist’s life since she is
Greek on her mother’s side and thus Athens is a place where the artist
can confront that part of her identity. “This is why I approached this
exhibition differently and in time the work became site-specific,”
BuyuktaÃ…~_cıyan said during a recent interview with Today’s Zaman.

“In the beginning, I was making these small feet shapes out of a
bronze material and when I put wooden parts onto them, I started to
question what they were turning into. Then I remembered some of my
childhood memories I had recalled in one of my previous visits to
Athens. It was about the problems I had related to talking in Greek
in my childhood. My father is Armenian and my mother is half-Greek,
half-Armenian so as a consequence we spoke Armenian at home. My
mother’s relatives used to call me the ‘quiet child’ because I
couldn’t talk in Greek with them. Although I internalized the language
completely and felt it to be something of my own, I always felt it
was stuck in my throat and never came out. I can read and write and
understand people speaking Greek but still cannot respond. I dealt
with this issue in my previous works, too. The theme of having a lump
in my throat is something I have been thinking about a lot. I’m trying
to figure things out one by one,” BuyuktaÃ…~_cıyan said, noting that
“fishbone” became a metaphor for this process.

The main installation, titled “The Stranger in my Throat,” is the
centerpiece of the exhibition, held in a gallery that used to be a
glove shop in the past. “There is a table which was used in this shop
and many artists have included it in their exhibitions before me,”
BuyuktaÅ~_cıyan noted. A line she created with small bronze leg-shaped
statuettes resembles a huge fishbone extending from that table.

The artist said she read a lot of books on fishing and related issues
during the preparation process and finally found herself at the port of
Piraeus near Athens. “I collected several crates fishermen use there
and included them in the show,” she said. A green curtain at the top
of the table also evokes the idea of fishing, and together with the
green stones on the floor gives the impression of being underwater.

On the walls of the gallery are several drawings that are linked
to the idea of things that cannot be uttered or come out. While
BuyuktaÅ~_cıyan was artist in residence at the Delfina Foundation in
the United Kingdom, she had the chance to visit the East coast. “While
walking on the beach I saw giant iron ropes half buried in the sand.

Later on I learned that these were the submarine cables installed
between the UK and France [during the] 1800s. They are in fact the
first telegram cables in the world. I was really moved by the idea of
connecting two countries — connecting lands underwater. I started to
think about the invisibility of connection. They are disconnected on
the surface of the water but are actually connected underneath.” Her
drawings in the exhibition are based on gravures she collected from
libraries and archives that depict workers installing submarine cables
in different countries in the past.

In a press statement announcing the show, the gallery describes
“Fishbone” as an “intervention of revealing hidden aspects of memory,
stuck in the ‘throat’ of the mind.”

“Things that have been nailed and forgotten at murky corners of time
do not allow the new to pass through in order to become visible. A
fishbone may get stuck during a moment when an unexpected particle
of language is about to flow out. It is like a wreck that carries
the sharp edges of time, and scrapes everything whilst coming out
from the spot it is plunged,” the press release continues.

“This exhibition is an attempt to remove those bits of sharp edges
one by one in order to see what has been blocking the path of unsaid
words and unspoken memories. The fragments in the show, such as the
bronze-legged organisms, the works on paper — in a dialogue with a
saint and an angel who heal and bless throats that are blocked by
aspects of time — are a gathering of different memories from the
artist’s life.”

“Fishbone” is on display until April 4 at State of Concept in Athens.

From: Baghdasarian