Author: Baghdasarian Karlen

LE GOUVERNEMENT DEVOILE SON PROJET DE BUDGET 2014 AU PARLEMENT

ECONOMIE

Le gouvernement armenien a devoile lundi son projet de budget pour
l’annee prochaine. Il se traduira par une hausse de 8 pour cent des
depenses publiques qui beneficieront selon le Premier ministre Tigran
Sarkissian a la securite sociale, l’education et la sante.

Le projet de loi presente par Sarkissian aux commissions permanentes de
l’Assemblee nationale, engage le gouvernement a depenser 1240000000000
drams ( 3,1 milliards de dollars ), soit une hausse de 1,15 trillions
de drams par rapport a ce qui etait prevu pour cette annee. Les
recettes budgetaires devraient parallèlement augmenter d’environ 10
pour cent, soit plus de 1,13 trillions de drams .

Les objectifs budgetaires sont fondes sur l’hypothèse que l’economie
armenienne devrait croître de 5,2 pour cent en 2014.

S’adressant aux membres des commissions, M. Sarkissian a precise
que le gouvernement ne cherchera pas a financer cette augmentation
appreciable du budget par de nouvelles taxes. Il a declare que les
autorites fiscales concentreront leur efforts sur les secteurs ”
a risque ” de l’economie où ils pensent que l’evasion fiscale est
particulièrement repandue. Cela prendra la forme de contrôles fiscaux
plus frequents sur des entreprises soupconnees de sous declarations
grossière leurs revenus, a-t-il dit .

Ces remarques ont suscite des inquietudes de certains legislateurs qui
critiquent le bilan economique du gouvernement. En particulier, Naira
Zohrabian du parti Armenie prospère ( BHK) qui se dit inquiète que le
Comite national des impôts (SRC) puisse penaliser les entrepreneurs
en desaccord avec le gouvernement. ” N’y aura-t-il jamais de motifs
politiques a ces contrôles ? ” a-t-elle demande.

Le chef BHK, Gagik Tsarukian, est un riche homme d’affaires qui a
longtemps ete accuse par ses detracteurs d’evasion fiscale. Zohrabian
a insiste, cependant, sur le fait que ses preoccupations ne concernent
pas les entreprises de Tsarukian.

Sarkissian a declare aux parlementaires que la poussee des depenses
prevues se traduirait par une augmentation des salaires et des
pensions du secteur public. Il a parle de 10 pour cent d’augmentations
de salaire pour le personnel militaire et de securite, lesquels
entreraient en vigueur en janvier et juillet , respectivement. Il
a affirme que l’augmentation des pensions a compter du 1er janvier,
permettrait a elle seule de faire sortir 32.000 personnes âgees du
seuil de la pauvrete.

Le projet de budget prevoit egalement une plus grande efficacite dans
l’utilisation des fonds budgetaires reserves a d’autres prestations
sociales. Sarkissian a declare que le gouvernement mettrait porterait
plutôt l’effort sur l’aide aux chômeurs a trouver un emploi, que sur
leur aide financière.

À cet egard, le premier ministre a defendu le projet du gouvernement
d’abolir les prestations mensuelles modestes versees a des milliers
de personnes sans emploi. Selon lui les enquetes du gouvernement
ont montre que près de 94 pour cent des personnes qui ont recu ces
prestations ces dernières annees n’y etaient pas admissibles.

Artsvik Minasian de la Federation Revolutionnaire Armenienne ( FRA )
a decrit cette declaration comme un ” rapport criminel ” qui devrait
etre examinee par les organes repressifs. Il a en meme temps remis en
question la veracite des faits allegues par Sarkissian, les qualifiant
de simples excuses pour supprimer les allocations de chômage. Le BHK,
la FRA et d’autres groupes d’opposition sont contre la mesure proposee.

mardi 29 octobre 2013, Ara ©armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

LA TURQUIE SE TIRE UNE BALLE DANS LE PIED

Publie le : 29-10-2013

Info Collectif VAN – – Cengiz Aktar, Professeur
de science politique, membre du C.A de la Fondation Hrant Dink et
chroniqueur au journal turc Taraf, propose son point de vue sur la
situation de la Turquie par rapport a l’Union europeenne. Cette
interview ayant ete donnee en juin 2013, durant le mouvement de
protestation de la jeunesse turque, elle ne peut donc prendre en
compte le Rapport 2013 de la Commission europeenne, du 16 octobre
dernier, et l’annonce de l’ouverture prochaine d’un nouveau chapitre
d’adhesion. Le Collectif VAN vous invite a lire cette information
publiee sur le site Repair le 10 octobre 2013.

Repair

Debat : La Turquie et l’Union Europeenne

Point de vue de Turquie

La Turquie est en train de se tirer une balle dans le pied

Cengiz Aktar

Pour Cengiz Aktar, professeur de sciences politiques, la perspective
europeenne qui a permis de questionner les tabous en Turquie est
aujourd’hui menacee. La politique de tension menee par Ankara pourrait
conduire a une rupture des relations.

La Turquie se trouve a quel stade des negociations avec l’Union
europeenne ?

Il y a eu une periode très fructueuse entre 2002 et 2005. Après cette
date, les negociations ont commence a ralentir. C’etait le fait d’un
manque de volonte mutuel, aussi bien du côte europeen que du côte
turc. Côte europeen, c’etait Sarkozy qui menait la danse. Et côte turc,
le gouvernement a litteralement perdu l’interet. Il y a des raisons,
bien sûr mais elles n’expliquent pas cette montee d’auto-confiance
qui a fini par devenir surexageree. En 2006-2007, le gouvernement
turc a commence a dire ” Mais on n’a pas besoin de l’UE, on peut tout
faire nous-memes “. Par la suite, la crise economique est arrivee en
Europe. Les autorites turques ont ete plus ou moins confirmees dans
leur supposition. Et a partir de la, l’Europe n’etait plus très chaude
non plus. Chypre a ete aussi un facteur important. Il y a 18 chapitres
bloques : 14 par le fait du differend a Chypre, 4 bloques par la
France dont un chapitre – sur l’agriculture- est bloque des deux côtes.

Il y a un an et demi, certains politiciens et la Commission europeenne
ont commence a reagir a ce ralentissement visible. Ils se sont dit :
” On n’a pas le luxe de perdre la Turquie. La Turquie a peut-etre
besoin de nous, mais nous avons aussi besoin de la Turquie “. Tout
cela a donne lieu a une reevaluation de la candidature turque. Ce qui a
permis de reaffirmer la position europeenne par rapport au fait que la
Turquie devrait un jour devenir membre de l’Union. Un ” agenda positif
” a ete lance par la Commission et enterine par le Conseil. Il y a eu
des developpements importants sur le dossier des visas. Ce momentum
positif etait recemment sur le point de donner lieu a l’ouverture d’un
nouveau chapitre, pour la première fois depuis trois ans. Il s’agissait
d’un chapitre important, portant sur la politique regionale. Mais il
y a de fortes chances que l’ouverture soit repoussee.

(Lors d’une reunion organisee après cette interview le 25 juin 2013,
le Conseil des affaires generales de l’UE a declare ” en principe
” que le chapitre allait etre ouvert, mais a remis a l’automne la
determination de la date officielle d’ouverture, NDLR).

Pourquoi ?

A cause de la crise politique actuelle (NDRL : Gezi Park) qui a un
effet nefaste sur l’image de la Turquie et sur ce climat positif.

Cette crise a tout balaye. Elle a complètement retourne la situation
et maintenant, on ne sait pas où on va.

En reponse au Parlement europeen qui a condamne les violences
policières lors des manifestations en Turquie, le Premier ministre
Recep Tayyip Erdogan a declare qu’il ne reconnaissait pas cette
decision. Comment faut-il l’interpreter ?

Ce n’est pas nouveau. Le gouvernement de l’AKP est atteint de toutes
les maladies du pouvoir. Erdogan presente les syndromes d’un long
mandat, un peu comme De Gaulle ou Thatcher. Ce n’est pas la première
fois que des membres de l’AKP ont des propos aussi deplaces vis-a-vis
de l’Europe. A propos du dernier rapport de l’UE sur la Turquie,
le president de la commission de la constitution au parlement avait
declare qu’il le ” jetait directement a la poubelle “. Mais ce genre
de discours, qui arrive en temps de crise, n’aide pas.

Il y a eu un moment où la Turquie semblait avoir renonce au reve de
l’Union europeenne pour celui d’un leadership du Moyen Orient.

Oui et non. Meme pendant cette periode de grand froid, où l’ouverture
des chapitres etait bloquee, le gouvernement n’a jamais coupe les
amarres avec l’Europe. Il faisait semblant, c’etait de la rhetorique,
mais il n’a jamais dit ” Basta, allez, on arrete “. Or aujourd’hui,
il adopte un ton extremement dangereux et qui peut conduire de fil
en aiguille vers une rupture des relations. Ce serait catastrophique
pour la Turquie.

C’est ce que vous prevoyez dans l’etat actuel des choses ?

Le Premier ministre joue sur l’avenir. Il mise complètement sur le
conflit ouvert et l’adversite. Il tient un discours hyper nationaliste,
anti-kurde, anti-intellectuel, anti-alevi, anti tout le monde. Cela
peut avoir des effets très nefastes. En tout cas, bloquer pendant
des annees les relations avec l’UE.

L’Europe semble aujourd’hui très loin des priorites du gouvernement
turc.

Le gouvernement donne, en effet, l’impression de s’en ficher.

Est-ce que la perspective d’adhesion de la Turquie a l’UE a eu un
impact sur la question turco-armenienne ? Cette perspective peut-elle
toujours faire avancer les choses ?

La dynamique qui a ete creee par les reformes d’inspiration europeenne
entre 2002 et 2005 a eu un effet colossal sur la comprehension de la
question turco-armenienne et du genocide armenien. Elle a ouvert des
perspectives enormes a la societe turque. Cet effet indirect continue
pour l’instant. Mais si les choses vont dans le mauvais sens, je vois
mal le gouvernement avoir l’attitude qu’il avait a une epoque. Parce
que tout en etant contre la reconnaissance du genocide armenien, le
gouvernement a laisse faire des reunions a ce sujet. Le mot genocide
n’est plus un mot tabou en Turquie. La perspective d’adhesion a l’UE a
elargi le champ de la politique au sens noble du terme. Elle a permis
au debat democratique de s’installer de plus en plus. Cela n’a pas
de prix. C’est grâce a ce vent nouveau que la Turquie a commence a
questionner tous les tabous qui sont maintenant sur la place publique.

Il y a une volonte inouïe de la part des jeunes, en particulier,
d’apprendre ce qui s’est passe il y a 100 ans et meme avant. C’etait
donc a la fois très emouvant et prometteur.

Ce n’est pas cette democratisation qui incite aujourd’hui les jeunes
a protester contre les derives autoritaires du gouvernement ? Ils
ont pris goût aux libertes…

C’est exactement cela. Le grand paradoxe est celui-ci : c’est ce
gouvernement qui a ouvert le champ politique. Maintenant, il essaye
de le refermer et ca ne marche pas, bien sûr.

Le meme vent a-t-il aussi souffle sur les relations avec l’Armenie ?

La dynamique europeenne en Turquie avait commence a avoir un debut
d’effet sur les relations avec l’Armenie avec l’initiative du president
Abdullah Gul en 2009. Mais ca a très vite foire avec l’entree en scène
du Premier ministre qui a joue a fond la carte azerie. Et depuis,
la carte azerie a complètement pris le dessus. La politique de la
Turquie par rapport a l’Armenie est aujourd’hui geree indirectement
par l’Azerbaïdjan et par les interets de la Turquie par rapport au gaz,
aux hydrocarbures. Les Azeris sont donc très influents sur la politique
vis-a-vis de l’Armenie, mais sont aussi presents dans le traitement du
” dossier armenien “, c’est-a-dire la question du genocide. Ils sont
plus royalistes que le roi quant au deni du genocide. Ils utilisent
l’argent du petrole a fond pour cela. On voit mal le gouvernement
turc leur dire de ne pas se meler de cette affaire-la.

Au contraire, on voit plutôt le gouvernement les encourager. Peut-on
s’attendre a ce que les Azeris soient plus presents a l’approche de
2015 ?

Tout a fait.

Des experts evoquent une eventuelle fin de la dependance energetique
de la Turquie vis-a-vis de l’Azerbaïdjan a la suite de decouverte du
gaz naturel au Kurdistan irakien.

C’est une alternative très serieuse. La Turquie se concentre de plus
en plus sur le Kurdistan irakien en terme d’approvisionnement. Le grand
test pour le gouvernement sera de savoir s’il pourra se debarrasser de
l’amitie empoisonnee des Azeris par rapport au genocide armenien. Dans
l’etat actuel de la psyche du Premier ministre, je ne le pense pas.

La perspective europeenne peut-elle avoir un effet sur ce dossier ?

Non. Mais le grand dessein veut que l’adhesion de la Turquie puisse
permettre un jour aux trois pays du Caucase d’aller dans le giron
europeen. On en est malheureusement très loin.

Si l’on revient au mouvement de revolte en Turquie, meme si le
gouvernement declare ” ne pas reconnaître ” le Parlement europeen,
est-ce que les reactions de l’Europe ont pu le pousser a faire marche
arrière, comme il l’a fait en evoquant la possibilite d’un referendum ?

Je ne le pense pas. Au contraire, le gouvernement s’est raidi en
ecoutant l’Europe. Il s’est mis sur la defensive, il a rajoute
de l’huile sur le feu dans sa rhetorique. Mais evidemment, quand
on a un discours aussi radical, il est souvent difficile de faire
marche arrière. La Turquie est en train de se tirer des balles a la
mitrailleuse dans les pieds.

Comment vous voyez la suite des choses ?

Il n’y a pas de quoi etre très optimiste. La Turquie a une batterie
d’elections devant elle. Le Premier ministre a deja commence la
campagne electorale. Les premières elections ont lieu en mars, on a
donc sept mois avant les elections. On va aux urnes dans un climat
hyper tendu, avec un discours très dur qui traite la moitie de la
population comme des terroristes. C’est de très mauvais augure.

Retour a la rubrique

Source/Lien : Repair

From: Baghdasarian

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT PARTICIPATES IN OPENING OF AMERICAN DOCUMENTARY FILM SHOWCASE – PHOTOS

October 28, 2013 | 18:35

YEREVAN. – President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan on Monday participated
in the opening of an American Documentary Film Showcase within “Youth
Empowerment” project.

The showcase’s opening film, “BROOKLYN CASTLE”, is the remarkable and
improbable true story of Intermediate School 318 in Brooklyn, New York;
defying stereotypes, it has the highest ranked junior high chess team
in the nation. It tells the stories of five members of the chess team
at a below-the-poverty-line inner city junior high school that has won
more national championships than any other in the United States. The
film follows the challenges these kids face in their personal lives
as well as on the chessboard, and is as much about the pain of their
losses as it is about the anticipation of their victories.

The showcase is organized by the U.S. Embassy jointly with the Tumo
Center for Creative Technologies.

Before watching the film, President Sargsyan watched the final part
of the chess tournament that was held in Moscow cinema. The players
of the Armenian chess national team faced young chess players.

President participated in the awarding ceremony of the contest for
young Armenians to describe an inspiring teacher in their lives.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

From: Baghdasarian

AZERI MINISTER WARNS AGAINST ARMENIAN BILL ON KARABAKH RECOGNITION

Yeni Musavat, Azerbaijan
Oct 25 2013

The Azerbaijani foreign minister has said that recognizing the
country’s breakaway Nagornyy Karabakh republic as independent body
will violate international law.

“Azerbaijan’s independence was recognized within the borders of the
Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic. The UN accepted these borders.

Nagornyy Karabakh was part of the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist
Republic. All countries members of the UN have accepted this,”

Meanwhile, Azerbaijani analysts blamed the bill either on Armenian
domestic politics or on Russia’s pressure on Azerbaijan.

Domestic considerations

Political analyst Mubariz Ahmadoglu told the website that it is
not Russia’s influence but domestic political considerations that
brought to the Armenian parliament the draft law “On recognition
of the Nagornyy Karabakh republic”. “Armenians have cheapened the
Nagornyy Karabakh issue to such an extent that now this is not treated
seriously within Armenia itself,” he said.

According to Ahmadoglu, the Armenian political parties exploit the
issue to score points. “The real objective is to undermine the ruling
Republican Party of Armenia, erode its authority among Armenians,
because they know that the ruling party, which forms the Armenian
government and majority of the parliament will not agree to even
debating this draft law, much less pass it,” he said.

Ahmadoglu said that Azerbaijan stands to benefit from this. “As a
result of further deepening the divide, conflict and lack of confidence
in Armenian society, raising within Armenia the matter of Nagornyy
Karabakh’s independence benefits Azerbaijan,” the analyst said.

He added that passing the bill would dent Armenia’s international
relations: “Armenia knows full well that if it recognizes
the separatist regime, then it will violate agreement with the
international community, destroy peace talks and give Azerbaijan an
opportunity to begin a war”.

Ahmadoglu said that Russia is unlikely to recognize Nagornyy Karabakh’s
independence. “Russia knows that by recognizing Nagornyy Karabakh
it can completely distance from itself not only Azerbaijan, but
also Turkey.”

Another political analyst, Rasim Agayev, told Baki Xabar on 23 October
that this is a trick of the Armenian authorities to cement domestic
support. He said they were unlikely to recognize Nagornyy Karabakh,
wary of international consequences for Armenia.

“If the [Armenian President Serzh] Sargsyan government recognizes
the separatist entity, then it will come under pressure from the
international community. You know that because of the difficult
position, the Sargsyan government is using the Nagornyy Karabakh card.

He believes that he thus strengthens his domestic position. However,
this is unlikely to go beyond parliamentary debates because Armenia
is afraid of pressure from the international community,” Agayev said.

Russian will

Azerbaijani analyst Vafa Quluzada has said that Moscow backed the
Armenian draft law on recognizing Nagornyy Karabakh and recent
statements on deployment of Russian troops in the region.

With the deterioration in bilateral ties Russia is applying various
forms of pressure on Azerbaijan, Azadliq newspaper quoted Quluzada
as saying on 23 October. The analyst said talk of bringing Russian
peacemakers to Karabakh is part of Russia’s pressure for Baku’s
unwillingness to join the Moscow-led Customs Union.

“As for the statements by the Karabakh separatists, they are expressing
the Russian position. It is impossible for them to make an independent
statement without Russia’s approval,” the analyst said. He added
that the same holds true for Armenia: “Armenia and Karabakh have no
powers. Simply, Russia is manipulating them. The developments must
be regarded as exclusively Russia’s initiative.”

Political analyst Zardust Alizada too believes that the remarks were
Moscow’s way of pressuring Baku.

“It cannot be considered a coincidence that the Armenian parliament
debates the draft law? On recognition of the Nagornyy Karabakh
republic’ at this moment”, the analyst told Baki Xabar, referring to
problems in Azerbaijan-Russia relations. “On this matter Russia will
achieve whatever it wants because Armenia is its slave. It will do
whatever it says,” he said.

Alizada dismissed likelihood of the bill passing and the impact of
such recognition for the breakaway region. “It is not very likely
that the draft law will pass. Even if this happens, this will be very
damaging for Armenians. Russia once already used this practice. The
recognition of Abkhazia and Ossetia as independent countries yielded
no effect. With the exception of Russia, no serious country recognized
the independence of these provinces,” the analyst said.

“I can say with full certainty that this process is taking place
despite the will of the Armenian leadership. I point out once more
that if the Armenian parliament recognizes Nagornyy Karabakh as an
independent state, the world will not recognize it,” he said.

[Translated from Azeri]

From: Baghdasarian

CAUCASUS ANALYST OZTARSU: ONLY DIALOGUE CAN SOLVE TURKISH, ARMENIAN PROBLEMS

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Oct 27 2013

27 October 2013 /YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ~^AN, Ä°STANBUL

Though Turkey’s relations with Armenia have been strained by a number
of historical and political issues, a Turkish Caucasus analyst who
lived and studied in Armenia points out in his new book that only
dialogue can solve problems.

“There is a great panorama of civil society activities, and I can say
that our political problems will be solved by these initiatives. Young
and liberal people come together and discuss their own agendas without
any political motivations,” Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu said for this week’s
Monday Talk.

Turkey recognized the state of Armenia soon after its 1991
independence. However, Turkey closed its border with Armenia in
1993 because of its war with Azerbaijan over the disputed region
of Nagorno-Karabakh.

In October 2009, Turkey and Armenia signed a historic accord in
Switzerland normalizing relations after a century of hostility. Under
the agreement, Turkey and Armenia were to establish diplomatic ties and
reopen their shared border. But the accords never went much further.

Since the protocols were signed, Turkey has been insisting that
their ratification be linked to the successful resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue, a precondition that was not part of the
original negotiations between Ankara and Yerevan. On the other hand,
Armenia wants Turkey to recognize the 1915 killing of hundreds of
thousands of Armenians as an act of genocide, but Turkey refuses to
do so.

On Oct. 10 this year, the signing’s fourth anniversary, Turkish Foreign
Minister Ahmet Davutoglu suggested that Turkey is still trying to
find ways to move forward.

Answering our questions, Oztarsu talked about the possibility of this
and his experiences living in Armenia.

Let’s start with the title of your book, “But Which Turks and
Armenians?” Why did you choose this title for your book?

Two nations have their own image against each other. There is an image
of “enemy,” but nobody knows who this enemy is. I want to clarify this
issue and create a new perspective on definitions. We are two nations,
as Turks and Armenians, of [the] same geography, and these people
lived together for centuries [with] a common cultural background. We
should be careful while we are discussing the historical conflict.

There is a problem, but nobody knows which Turks and Armenians are
subjects of this dispute. Do we point out the Turks and Armenians
of the 20th century or today’s nations? Should we care only about
our ancestors or today’s generation? We can understand each other by
asking these questions first.

Is there a personal reason why the Caucasus have been an interesting
area of work for you?

I graduated from university in Baku. I lived there for five years,
and all specialists of the international relations department at the
university were expected to choose a region to develop an expertise. I
decided to be an expert on the Caucasus, which is one of the most
prominent areas for Turkish scholars.

What has it been like living and studying in Armenia? What was the
most unexpected thing for you while living there?

First of all, it is so hard for a Turk. I lived in a country [that]
has a political and social opposition against Turkey and Turks. There
is no Turkish diplomatic mission there. I had two challenges. First,
I was living there as a foreigner and as a Turkish person. Second,
I started my master’s degree as a Turkish student. There are too many
legal problems because you [need to] apply to the Ministry of Education
for being a student. But your documents cannot be approved easily
without many bureaucratic confirmations. The nationality section [on my
ID card] was written inaccurately [on my] first documents; according
to the Armenian authorities, I was a Syrian student and my country
was the Syrian Arab Republic, because they couldn’t believe that I
applied for a master’s program in an Armenian university as a Turkish
person. I faced multifarious problems, but the police interrogation
was the most unexpected thing for me. They asked me why I came to
Yerevan and [why I] wanted to be student. Several times they … asked
unintelligible questions. Some of them kindly told me to leave their
country as soon as possible before something bad happened to me.

Have you ever felt that your life was in danger while living in
Armenia?

It is very normal to feel your life is in danger as a Turk there. I am
sure that ordinary people would not do anything to harm me, but police
are different. Pressure [from] the police created some concerns in my
daily life. Because they wanted me to leave their country, they were
looking to find something [so they could] deport me. They couldn’t
find anything, but somebody in [the] government [got in the way of]
my education. Finally, the dean of the faculty that I had applied to
declared that they don’t want to see any Turkish students in their
university.

‘University dissolved my right of education on gov’t orders’ So you
were not able to complete your education in Armenia?

My university dissolved my right of education seven months after my
registration because the Armenian government doesn’t want to provide
education [to] a Turk. I had to leave the university, although all
of my professors tried to prevent it. This is an important concern
for anybody who would like to study or do business in Armenia. There
is no Turkish diplomatic mission, so there is nothing to do in an
emergency situation. On the other hand, the Armenian government must
ensure [the] rights of everybody, not discriminate against them,
under its international obligations.

What happened in the end?

I transferred my credits to a Georgian university in Tbilisi and
completed my master’s education. Some of my lecturers [were] fired
at my previous university in Armenia because they were defending my
rights against their government’s decision. An ironic [event] took
place: All of my friends apologized on behalf of their state.

According to them, this is one of the most important problems of
Yerevan officials who [put] pressure on foreigners, especially Turks.

Soviet mentality still persists; the Soviet Union didn’t collapse in
Armenia in that regard. I know too many strange stories of Turks who
try to work in Armenia. Most of them are under the threat of Yerevan
officials, and the same politicians blame Turkey on the issue of
Armenian migrants.

Very few people in Turkey know Armenia and the way people live there.

What myths do you think Turks have against Armenia?

We are thinking that this state is totally against Turkish people. So
there is no trust [that would make them want] to visit and meet its
people. I share several examples about myths in my book. I always
defend dialogue among people. Turkish and Armenian people share a great
historical and cultural background. You can find various common values
if you meet an Armenian. Political pressure is a negative factor on
perceptions. Both governments have unfavorable approaches at [the]
political level.

>From your stories in the book, we get the feeling that Armenian
civil society has been working well with Turkish civil society. How
effective are they and how much support do they get? Has this work
between the two civil societies been diminished because initiatives
to start diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia failed?

There is a great panorama of civil society activities, and I can say
that our political problems will be solved by these initiatives. Young
and liberal people come together and discuss their own agendas without
any political motivations. They can find financial support from
Western organizations. Their work is valuable; they create reports,
surveys and tangible projects. I think civil society can build a
ground[work] before diplomatic relations. We need to establish an
environment of trust at the level of the people. Most of the Turkish
and Armenian people were against the normalization process because
of unsatisfactory civil initiatives. But today, the situation is
different and civil society activists can take a leading role on the
normalization of relations.

‘Two sides not politically ready to move forward’ There have been
past reports in some media organizations that diplomatic relations
might start between Turkey and Armenia behind the scenes. Do you
think this is likely?

Some media organs have interesting news on secret talks. I don’t think
that this is real and logical. First of all, Ankara and Yerevan are
on opposite sides because of political concerns, and public opinion
is very important for the two governments. Today, [the] two sides
are not ready politically and reports of secret talks are not credible.

Davutoglu said just very recently that Turkey attaches importance to
its relations with Armenia and to developing new solutions for better
ties. He added that, for lasting relations, Armenia has to deal with
the problems in the South Caucasus, particularly those related to
Azerbaijan. He spoke in Switzerland, where Turkey and Armenia had
signed twin protocols in 2009 in order to normalize their ties,
but as we all know, the protocols have failed. What do you make of
Davutoglu’s statement in Switzerland?

I think Mr. Davutoglu wants to draw the attention of Yerevan and Baku.

Armenia is being the Kaliningrad of the Caucasus region by
participating in the customs union. Armenia’s political, economic
and security dependence on Russia will continue. On the other side,
Ilham Aliyev won elections for the third time in Azerbaijan and he
will create a new kind of policy, because the region and the world
are changing. Mr. Davutoglu’s statement seem [to show] that Ankara
wants to play a role in the Karabakh issue on the eve of important
developments. Karabakh is a key subject in Turkish-Armenian relations.

Thus, Turkish officials should work for a consensus between Yerevan
and Baku.

What is your evaluation of the news of a September announcement that
Armenia would be entering into a customs union formed by a Russian
initiative?

This is an indispensable decision of Yerevan. 2013 has been a year
of great protests in Armenia. Especially the energy crisis created
a strong opposition. Russia follows its traditional policy to create
pressure over some governments such as Yerevan, Kiev and Tbilisi to
be a part of the customs union. Natural gas prices have been rising,
and the opposition started to mobilize people against the Armenian
government. Yerevan declared its decision to join the customs union
suddenly and abolished the danger of a possible revolution.

——————————————————————————–

‘Recognition of genocide unwavering issue’ The issue of genocide is a
sensitive topic between Turkey and Armenia and between the peoples. You
must have had questions from Armenians in that regard while living
there. What do you tell them when they ask you what you think of it?

I [have] always said that the 1915 events are not applicable for
the definition of genocide, which has a systematic process — like
creating symbols and propaganda — separating people based on their
ethnic identity, etc. Nobody remembers these kinds of initiatives
on either side. But massacres occurred among many different ethnic
groups. Recognition of genocide is an unwavering issue for Armenians,
like believing in God. If you explain how real genocide happens,
they feel like they must protest you. They grew up with this
mentality. It is a crime against humanity and you must recognize
it; if you don’t, they say that you are inhuman. But we can’t see
any humanitarian approach from Armenia in regards to tragedies in
Palestine, Egypt, Syria and other places. Yerevan strongly supports
the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Sometimes I tell them that I can
recognize the genocide if they need it so much, but I also ask them:
What happens after that? They are telling me that my apology would
show that I recognize the value of humanity. Then, I ask about the
crimes in Syria against humanity. Most of them defend Assad. There
is a great contradiction making the Armenian genocide claims not so
innocent. It is the same thing for Karabakh. Armenian public opinion
and officials aren’t interested in massacres in Karabakh. Zori Balayan,
who practiced inhuman medical experiments on Azerbaijani children and
women during the Karabakh war, is a hero for Armenians; the Khojaly
massacre is not important for them; mass massacres are only military
operations, and Armenian soldiers liberated Karabakh, they did not
occupy it. We should be aware of the terms used here. Why does the
Armenian side continue to blame Turkey regarding the events of 1915
while they change some terms for their own interests? [In] the end,
what happened in Karabakh is a liberation movement for them and the
events of 1915 [are] not genocide for us.

So are you saying that the events of 1915 could or should be considered
genocide by the Turkish side if the Armenian side considers what
happened in Karabakh an occupation and massacre?

We have a struggle with terms — like in the case of “freedom fighter”
and “terrorist.” If Armenians really want to condemn crimes against
humanity, they should start with their crimes; not only the Karabakh
massacres, they should also recognize the crimes of Dashnaktsutiun
during and after World War I and ASALA’s [Armenian Secret Army for the
Liberation of Armenia] terrorist activities against Turkish diplomats.

Thereafter, I personally promise to recognize their genocide
definition.

In less than two years, in 2015, Turkey will find itself in a tough
situation during the events commemorating the centennial of the
“Armenian genocide.” Is there anything that the Turkish government
can do to build something constructive for the relations?

2015 projects are up to officials in Ankara. Our bureaucrats say that
they have their own plans and, unfortunately, nobody pays attention
to the offers of the Caucasus analysts. There should be projects to
improve dialogue between Turks and Armenians. There is [the] Public
Diplomacy Coordination Department of the Turkish Prime Ministry. This
department can produce films and organize seminars and conferences.

The Turkish government should welcome Armenians to Turkey without any
preconditions. Our main problems can be solved only through dialogue.

The two sides don’t know each other. Turkey should be aware of Turkey’s
responsibilities as a regional power and establish Turkish-Armenian
relations without foreign intervention.

PROFILE: Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu

Graduating from the International Relations department at Baku
Caucasus University, Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu studied for his master’s
degree in political science and Caucasus affairs at the European
Regional Academy of Armenia and Ilia State University in Georgia
from 2011-2013. He is the only Turkish analyst who studied in Baku,
Yerevan and Tbilisi. He worked as a media observer in the USA with
the partnership of the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ)
and joined the politics and leadership program of the Atlantic
Council in both Washington, D.C., and New York. He is a member of
the Young Turkey Young America fellowship program at the Atlantic
Council. He writes articles for the Today’s Zaman and Zaman dailies
in Turkey and Aravot in Armenia. Currently, he is co-president of
the Strategic Outlook Institute based in Turkey’s Konya province,
and he lives in Tbilisi as a freelance journalist and Caucasus analyst.

From: Baghdasarian

RESULTS OF ELECTIONS IN GEORGIA: VIEW FROM BAKU AND YEREVAN

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Oct 28 2013

28 October 2013 – 6:45pm Past presidential elections in Georgia remain
one of the most discussed topics in the South Caucasus. The events
are closely monitored in the neighboring republics. Vestnik Kavkaza
asked renowned experts of Azerbaijan and Armenia about what is going
to change with the election of the new president.

An Azerbaijani politician, a deputy of the Azerbaijani Parliament
Rasim Musabekov, believes that the new president will not introduce
any big changes in the foreign policy of Georgia.

He noted that Azerbaijan has already established working relations
with the current government of Georgia. “I think that in any case
the continuity of partnership between Azerbaijan and Georgia will be
secured and maintained,” the deputy said.

Musabekov also said that the new president has not yet shown himself
as a politician.

An Armenian expert, director of the Caucasus Institute Alexander
Iskandaryan also noted that the new president will not introduce
any significant changes in the highest political establishment and
foreign policy of Georgia. At the same time he is convinced that
Georgian-Armenian relations will remain more or less the same.

From: Baghdasarian

CHANGING IDENTITY: JERUSALEM TO SURREY

Runner Magazine, Canada
Oct 27 2013

The Runner | Oct 08, 2013 | Comments 0

A personal exploration of what it means to be Canadian.

By Sarine Gulerian [contributor]

It must have been a subtle shift. To this day I cannot give the
exact, or even general, time it took place. The moment when I began
to think and even dream in the English language, rather than Armenian,
is a mystery.

Conversing with me now, you would never know that English is my second
language. My tan and foreign accent faded long ago.

Because of my pale skin colour, perfect English and “Canadian”
exterior, people assume that I was born and raised in Canada, where
I currently reside.

Sitting in the back room of Starbucks, enjoying my well-earned lunch,
my cell phone rang. Interrupting my conversation with my co-worker
I quickly picked up my phone.

“Hi bab, inch gelagor?” I said. This is my usual script when my father
calls, it’s the same as “Hi dad, what’s going on?” Casually talking
to my father, I failed to realize why my co-worker was staring at me.

Her eyes squinted and intently listening, it dawned on me. She’d
never heard me speak in Armenian. She probably didn’t even know what
Armenian meant and, at that point, neither did I.

Being an Armenian, who was born in Jerusalem but currently living in
Canada, was a combination that resulted in an identity crisis during
my early teens. I found myself ashamed of being different. I began to
dress in fashionable clothes, painting on make-up and straightening
my hair to blend in. Just like many other 15-year-olds, all I wanted
in life was to fit in and be normal.

My parents took it upon themselves to make this as difficult as
possible. I hold NBC and ABC responsible. Dateline and 20/20, which
aired every Friday night at 10 p.m., had my parents convinced that
all young, intelligent, beautiful girls who have a bright future end
up in a ditch, run away, overdose, get kidnapped by their jealous
boyfriends, or die in some insane manner.

In high school I couldn’t go to most sleepovers, I couldn’t go to
parties … and there was no way I could hang out with boys. Trying to
explain to my Canadian friends why I couldn’t be at Kaila’s weekend
benders was humiliatingly impossible. I didn’t know which was worse:
having to explain to people that my parents couldn’t cut my umbilical
cord, or going out with the risk of getting caught, and having to
face the wrath of my father.

But I understand now why it was so hard for my parents to allow us
any freedom. We moved from an enclosed neighbourhood with a curfew in
Jerusalem, which was also home to their lifelong friends and family,
to some suburban street in a foreign country where the only thing we
had in common with our neighbour was our fence.

The process of being Canadianized was almost as sluggish as human
evolution. But, slowly and surely, changing our environment led to
the change of thought process, lifestyle and personality. Khoren, my
brother, soon became Corey. Ohan, my father, soon became John. These
were some of the obvious changes made in the process of conforming to
Canadian culture. The subtle changes, like the disappearance of our
accents, went unnoticed until years later when I tried to pinpoint
the precise moment we became Canadian. I realized that my siblings
and I spoke to each other in English, we had Chinese food and pizza
parties rather than traditional Armenian meals, and our Christmas
was no longer celebrated on Jan. 6. Change is never good or bad,
it is something we all must do to adapt at school, work or in the
real world and this too was just a change.

After the initial culture shock, the years quickly passed. At the
age of 13 I realized that I had lived longer in Canada then I had
back home, in Jerusalem. What a strange thought. Did living longer
in Canada mean that I was officially Canadian?

The answer became more obvious when I was 17 and my family decided to
go back and visit for the first time since 1997. And finally in April
2009 we took our first family trip back to Jerusalem during Easter. It
was a special occasion for the Armenians who grew up in Jerusalem
because it was the 80th anniversary of St. Tarkmanchatz Armenian
School. It is the only school which is enclosed inside of the Armenian
Quarter of Jerusalem, the school that my father graduated from, and
the same school my mother, my family and all our friends had attended.

Everyone, no matter where they were now, was expected back for
a reunion.

Corey and I landed at the Tel Aviv airport. The rest of my family
had departed after us. As soon as we arrived we were deemed suspicious.

“If you were born here, why don’t you have an Israeli passport?” asked
one of the women working. They automatically concluded that we must be
Arab. Two hours later we were finally given an opportunity to explain
that we weren’t Arab and we weren’t Israeli. We were Armenian. Raised
in St. James Monastery, an Armenian-orthodox convent located in
the southwest of Jerusalem, we were the exception to their strict
citizenship laws.

But instead of welcoming us back – something Canadians do when they
flip through your passport, smile and wave you through the border –
they whispered to each other in Hebrew, a language they knew neither
of us understood.

My brother and I were interrogated together, separately, then together
again. They had taken our passports and our bags. We were left in a
small room with other travelers that had been stopped, the majority
of whom looked and spoke Arabic.

At that point, all I wanted was to go home … but this was supposed
to be my home, wasn’t it?

It felt as if I had run into an old best friend who, once upon a
time, I knew well and loved dearly. Now, 12 years later, they were a
stranger and the comfortable feeling I once had in their presence had
vanished. I felt out of place. I felt like I was back in high school,
and all I wanted was to fit in. Once we were finally released, we
found our cousins patiently waiting outside the terminal. We didn’t
have to explain to them what happened; they had already assumed.

The architecture in Jerusalem* was nothing like the cute colourful
suburban houses in Surrey. I found myself missing the random smiles
strangers always flash at each other when walking by in Canada,
something I had failed to notice. To me it was a different world.

Everyone here was intensely focused on the ground while walking,
sandwiched like a school of fish, through the narrowed alleys.

Sometimes they used their shoulders as a weapon to shovel through you.

I always hoped this was done only to avoid tripping on the uneven
ground. But I knew better. There was tension no matter which way you
went. This place was too unfamiliar, too unfriendly and full of way
too many fundamentalists

This couldn’t be my home. It may have been a part of my culture and
my history but now it was a part of my past. I couldn’t relate to
these people in any way. Of course, I’m Armenian and I will always be
proud of my ethnicity, but I couldn’t be any happier with the choice
my parents forced upon me. I couldn’t be more thankful that I live
in my favourite place in the world. There’s no place like home.

From: Baghdasarian

THE ARMENIAN TECHNOLOGY GROUP
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Tel: 559-224-1000
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Email: [email protected]

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From: Baghdasarian

APA, Azerbaijan
Oct 26 2013

U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan: `Our statement does not question the
outcome of the election’

[ 26 October 2013 19:49 ]

Richard Morningstar: `We look forward to cooperative relationship with
Azerbaijan in democracy related issues, Nagorno-Karabakh, other
geopolitical issues, counter-terrorism, and energy and economic
diversification issues.’

Baku – APA. U.S Ambassador to Azerbaijan Richard Morningstar’s
interview to APA TV.

– The USA State Department statement on the presidential elections
created a stir. So, in brief, does the United States recognize the
legitimacy of the elections in Azerbaijan?

– First of all, we stand by our statement of October 10 regarding the
elections. However, our statement does not question the outcome of
the election. President Aliyev has been inaugurated. We look forward
to working with him and the government of Azerbaijan on a wide range
of issues including democracy related issues, Nagorno-Karabakh, other
geopolitical issues, counter-terrorism, and energy and economic
diversification issues.

– In response to statements by OSCE/ODIHR, Azerbaijan put forward the
possibility of ceasing corporation with this organization. What’s
your opinion of it?

– We hope very much that Azerbaijan will continue to work with
OSCE/ODIHR. And we hope that Azerbaijan will take steps to further
promote democratic principles and values in Azerbaijan.

– Recently OSCE observers reported shooting on the line of contact.
Later, the OSCE Minsk Group could not identify the direction which
initiated the shooting. Azerbaijan side, (Azerbaijani society)
received that with much concern. This fact in future brings about the
continuation of the violation of the ceasefire. What do you think of
this?

– I think this is a matter that OSCE should comment on, not me or the
United States. I would emphasize that it is important that neither
Armenia nor Azerbaijan take actions that would escalate tensions on
the line of contact. We obviously hope that now, after the elections
in Armenia earlier this year and the elections recently in Azerbaijan,
there will be an opening to make progress in the negotiations over
Nagorno-Karabakh.

– The OSCE Minsk Group is expected to visit the region in November,
and the Azerbaijan and Armenian presidents meeting is expected by the
end of this year. When will be the exact date of these talks?

– We certainly hope there will be a meeting between both presidents
before the end of the year. As to the exact date, I think it would be
best to ask the President and not me. But we certainly hope that
there will be a meeting.

– In October, Azerbaijan started chairing the UN Security Council
again. What are the advantages of it for Azerbaijan and the UN?

– First of all I think it is very exciting that Azerbaijan has the
chairmanship of the Security Council this month. I think that
Azerbaijan has done a wonderful job in its capacity as a member of the
Security Council. We have cooperated very closely with Azerbaijan on
matters relating to the Security Council. Regarding Nagorno-Karabakh,
let me just say what I said before, that we need to make every effort
to reach a resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. We really do
hope that with the completion of the elections in Armenia and
Azerbaijan that there will be an opening to make progress. I can
assure that the United States as a Minsk Group co-chair will work hard
and make every effort to try and promote that progress. That is why
Ambassador Warlick was here earlier this week and why the Minsk Group
co-chairs will be here in a couple of weeks.

– The customs unions have been established which is seen as an
alternative to the European Union. The U.S. is a county which is in
close cooperation with the regional countries. So in terms of the
preference by the regional conference to this or that union, what can
you say about this?

– A hallmark of our policy going back to the breakup of the Soviet
Union has been to promote the independence and sovereignty of the
former Soviet countries and certainly the countries in this region.
That has certainly been the highest priority of our relationship with
Azerbaijan–that it be an independent and sovereign country.
Therefore, I would say that it is up to Azerbaijan, Armenia, or any
other country to make its own decisions as to what organizations it
will belong to.

– This fiscal year started with the shutdown of the Government. Does
this shutdown have any kind of impact or influence on U.S.-Azerbaijani
bilateral relations? And how is the shutdown is being handled?

– Well, you know the shutdown is over and the shutdown in my view has
had absolutely no effect on the relationship between the United States
and Azerbaijan. We look forward to continuing to have a very
cooperative relationship with Azerbaijan along the lines that I have
already talked about in this interview.

From: Baghdasarian

Star (in Turkish), Turkey
Oct 24 2013

Be Careful!

Column by Orhan Miroglu

[Translated from Turkish]

The PKK [Kurdistan People’s Congress, KGK] and the BDP [Peace and
Democracy Party] have been saying that the process that has been
underway for the past year has been a process of dialogue, and that
the time has finally come for negotiating.

To the extent that can be seen, topics that could be negotiated under
the current conditions, such as disarmament, the future in Turkey of
the KCK [Assembly of Communities of Kurdistan] structure, the
dismantling of Makhmur [refugee camp], bringing about the return to
the country of Kurdish political activists living in Europe, some of
whom have served as parliamentary deputies, and the economic
development of the region, are not being much mentioneda¦

The Kurdish side understands negotiations primarily in terms of a
“special status.”

And it conceives of this autonomy as “building a democratic nation.”

There will be a special status, and the KCK will administer this
special status, and will carry out nation-building on behalf of some
Kurds! And what the remainder of society says or thinks about this
makes no difference!

The others are no doubt seen as a portion of society that will become
adapted to a “democratic nation” to be constructed with a Jacobin
approach.

And the adaptation to the revolution or the “nation-building” of
peoples who are unable to adapt to national or class revolutions has
been possible, since the French Revolution of 1789 in the world, and
since the Dersim massacre in our own country, via “revolutionary
terror”!

And it is the Kurdish people who have been harmed the most by the
“revolutionary terror” or “revolutionary violence” that has been
implemented over the past 30 yearsa¦

***

The fact is that the letter that [imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah]
Ocalan wrote, which was read before the people on 21 March in
Diyarbakir, amounted, in terms of its substance and the future of the
Kurdish movement, to a strategic paradigm change, and put an end to an
era.

Ocalan called for a farewell to arms, and stated that, henceforth,
Kurdish politics should take a democratic place and follow a line that
eschewed violence.

But afterwards, very little in accord with the contents of this letter
was implemented.

Three conferences have been held -indeed, now a Democratic Islam
Conference is being held at Ocalan’s request -but nothing regarding
the new paradigm foreseen in the letter, or regarding “internal
issues,” has come onto the agenda in those conferences. A number of
messages and demands from the other side came out of those
conferences, and that is all.

The PKK has dragged its feet in withdrawing. Today we are debating
whether or not the cease-fire, rather than the withdrawal, is going to
continue.

Unfortunately, a broad circle of people both inside and outside the
country, including Turkish intellectuals ranging from leftists to
liberals, have done all that they could and ensured that the PKK will
remain, with its weapons, in Turkey for another year.

And under just these conditions, Kurdish politics, during a period in
which Turkey has entered into the run-up to elections, is demanding
negotiations.

Even if a negotiating table should be set up, talking about the
conditions of disarmament, or of laying down arms, which is a sine qua
non issue of negotiations, and even an agreement that would be reached
on this issue, would not in actual practice be of any benefit.

Because it is impossible for the armed groups to withdraw during the
winter months. Turkey is going to experience two elections within a
single year; in the Middle East, gigantic developments that have the
potential to impact the Kurdish issue as well are expected. [Syrian
President Bashar] Al-Asad is up to his neck in the Kurdish issue. He
is sending a special aircraft to Arbil, and is making attractive
proposals to the KDP [Kurdistan Democratic Party] and the PYD
[Democratic Union Party]. The translation of the proposals is as
follows:

If you turn hostile towards Turkey, I am prepared to govern Syria
together with you!

Ocalan is trying to pursue a cautious policy in order for the process
in Turkey to be able to be controlled, and so that things do not get
off track, but the PKK and the BDP have turned their faces more
towards Syria and the Rojava [Kurdish term for ‘west,’ used in
reference to northern Syria]. The thesis that there can be no solution
without the Rojava is being played up, and even Turkish intellectuals
are seen to have taken up this thesis with enthusiasm.

If, since after all no solution is possible without the Rojava, then
it is truly difficult to understand what the desire to negotiate is
focused on. Because not only is the address for a solution in the
Rojava not Turkey, but years and years could pass without any solution
in the Rojava, an even more bloody war could develop, or that
geographical region could, in the short term, turn into a depopulated
regiona¦

Why should the Kurdish citizens of a Turkey that is sitting down to
negotiate with the EU sacrifice the solution of their own problems,
and their own futures, to the uncertain future of Syria, which is a
country fractured by poverty and hunger in which clergymen issue
fatwas that “you can eat the flesh of dogs and cats,” and just how
realistic is it, I wonder, to expect such a political solution from
them?

Certainly it is impossible to remain merely looking on at the
humanitarian tragedy taking place in the Rojava and in Syria; in this
regard, sensitivity can be shown in every area, and methods can be
sought to alleviate the tyranny.

But how appropriate is it to index politics to the Rojava?

I remember Hrant [referring to slain Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant
Dink] more frequently these days.

We were together at a panel discussion in Diyarbakir. He was offering
advice to his Kurdish brothers and said: “Be careful; the world’s
playing with the Armenian people led to a process that destroyed a
million and a half Armenians, so be careful!”

God willing, I am mistaken, and my concerns are groundless. But what I
see is that the ancient hegemons of the world and of the Middle east
are preparing to play a bloody and murky game with the Kurds, and are
working to send the Kurds against Turkey in an ethnically-based wara¦

So be careful!

[Translated from Turkish]

From: Baghdasarian