Pour Le PM, Il Faut Eviter Tout Retard D’adhesion A L’Union Douanier

POUR LE PM, IL FAUT EVITER TOUT RETARD D’ADHESION A L’UNION DOUANIERE

Diplomatie

Le Premier ministre Tigran Sarkissian a declare hier aux hauts
responsables gouvernementaux qu’il fallait eviter tout retard dans
la mise en ~uvre d’un plan d’action pour l’adhesion de l’Armenie a
l’Union douanière dirigee par la Russie .

Sarkissian a rencontre les chefs des ” groupes de travail ” mis en
place par le gouvernement armenien pour discuter de la feuille de
route d’adhesion. Une declaration faite par le service de presse du
gouvernement a dit qu’ils l’ont informe des modifications legislatives
et administratives prevues pour ce processus.

La declaration stipule que ” Tigran Sarkissian a demande aux
representants des organismes d’Etat d’organiser leur travail de facon
a exclure tout ecart par rapport au calendrier prevu et, dans le
cas de l’apparition de problèmes, de les presenter lors des reunions
periodiques “.

La ” feuille de route ” a ete approuvee par les presidents de
la Russie, la Bielarussie et le Kazakhstan, ainsi que par Serge
Sarkissian, lors d’un sommet a Moscou le 24 decembre. Des dizaines de
lois et règlements economiques armeniens doivent etre modifies et mis
en conformite avec la legislation de l’Union douanière. Ce processus
devrait etre termine d’ici mai, a temps pour la transformation du
bloc commercial en une Union economique eurasienne.

Tigran Sarkissian s’etait a plusieurs reprises prononce contre
l’adhesion armenienne a l’union, avant la decision inattendue du
president. Le Premier ministre a alors defendu cette volte-face lors
d’une conference de presse le mois dernier. Il a dit que rejoindre
l’alliance dirigee par la Russie va creer un contexte favorable
“pour une croissance economique durable” en Armenie .

Mais le premier ministre n’a cite aucun chiffre ou estimation de
croissance pour justifier ses assurances. Son cabinet n’a pas revise
a la hausse les previsions de croissance economique a moyen terme.

mercredi 15 janvier 2014, Claire ©armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

MoFA Official Receives Arminian Deputy Minister Of Foreign Affairs

MOFA OFFICIAL RECEIVES ARMINIAN DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Emirates News Agency
January 13, 2014 Monday 5:05 PM EST

WAM ABU DHABI, 13th January, 2014 (WAM) — Khaled Ghanem Al Ghaith,
Assistant Foreign Minister for Economic Affairs, has received in
his office at the Ministry’s headquarters, Armenia’s Deputy Foreign
Minister, Sergey Manassarian.

During the meeting, the two sides discussed the bilateral relations
and ways to enhance them in the economic, trade and investment domains
in the best interest of the two countries, in addition to issues of
mutual interest.

Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia to the U.A.E., Gegham
Gharibjanian attended the meeting.

WAM/Hazem/Majok

From: Baghdasarian

Conviction For Denying The Armenian "Genocide" Violates Article 10

CONVICTION FOR DENYING THE ARMENIAN “GENOCIDE” VIOLATES ARTICLE 10

Press Association / Media Lawyer
January 14, 2014 Tuesday

In Perincek v. Switzerland, the European Court of Human Rights ruled
on December 17, 2013 , by five votes to two, that Switzerland had
violated Dogu Perincek’s right to freedom of expression by convicting
him for publicly denying the existence of a genocide against the
Armenian people.

On several occasions, Perincek – at the time chairman of the
Turkish Workers’ Party – had described the Armenian genocide as
“an international lie”. He had particularly insisted that whatever
massacres had taken place did not meet the definition of genocide
under international law.

The Swiss courts found Perincek guilty of racial discrimination,
ruling that the Armenian genocide, like the Jewish genocide, was
a proven historical fact. The Swiss courts found that Perincek’s
motives for denying that the Ottoman Empire had perpetrated the crime
of genocide against the Armenian people were of a racist tendency
and did not contribute to any historical debate.

In its judgment, the European Court first found that Perincek had not
abused his rights within the meaning of Article 17 of the Convention,
which prohibits activities aimed at the destruction of others’ rights
and freedoms. The Court underlined that the free exercise of the
right to openly discuss questions of a sensitive and controversial
nature was one of the fundamental aspects of freedom of expression
and distinguished a tolerant and pluralistic democratic society from
a totalitarian or dictatorial regime.

The Court emphasised that the limit beyond which comments may engage
Article 17 lay in the question whether the aim of the speech was to
incite hatred or violence (§ 52). According to the Court, rejecting the
legal characterisation as “genocide” of the 1915 events was not such as
to incite hatred against the Armenian people. The Court was therefore
of the opinion that Perincek had not abused his right to freedom of
expression in a way prohibited by Article 17 of the Convention (§ 54).

>From the perspective of Article 10 of the Convention, the Court
agreed with the Swiss courts that Perincek could not have been unaware
that by describing the Armenian genocide as an “international lie”,
he was exposing himself on Swiss territory to a criminal sanction
“prescribed by law”.

The Court also found that the aim of the applicant’s conviction was
to protect the rights of others, namely the honour of the relatives
of victims of the atrocities perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire against
the Armenian people from 1915 onwards.

The crucial question was whether the prosecution and conviction of
Perincek was “necessary in a democratic society”.

In answering that question, the Court first stated that its standard
principle that freedom of expression included information and ideas
which could offend, shock or disturb was also applicable within the
domain of an open debate amongst historians (§ 102).

The Court found that discussion of the Armenian “genocide” was of great
interest to the general public and that Perincek had engaged in speech
of a historical, legal and political nature which was part of a heated
debate. As a result, the Court held, the margin of appreciation of the
Swiss authorities to decide whether the interference with Perincek’s
freedom of expression was justified and necessary in a democratic
society was narrow (§§ 112-113).

However, according to the Court, it was still very difficult to
identify a general consensus about the qualification of the Armenian
“genocide”. Furthermore, it insisted, the notion of “genocide” was a
precisely defined and narrow legal concept, difficult to substantiate.

Finally, historical research was by definition open to discussion and
a matter of debate, without necessarily leading to final conclusions
or absolute truths.

In the remainder of its reasoning, the Court took the view that the
Swiss authorities had failed to show how there was a social need in
Switzerland to punish an individual for racial discrimination on the
basis of declarations challenging only the legal characterisation as
“genocide” of acts perpetrated on the territory of the former Ottoman
Empire in 1915 and the following years.

According to the Court such a pressing social need did exist regarding
the denial of the Holocaust, but not with regard to the Armenian
“genocide” (§ 119).

The Court concluded that Perincek’s conviction was not dictated by a
“pressing social need”. It specifically pointed out that it had to
ensure that any imposed sanction would not constitute censorship,
which would lead people to refrain from expressing criticism as part
of a debate of general interest. Under the current circumstances, the
Court considered the criminal conviction of Perincek to be unjustified,
in violation of Article 10.

Finally, it is not surprising that the judgment on the controversial
issue of the (denial of the) Armenian genocide was not unanimous.

Indeed, Judges Vucinic (Montenegro) and Pinto de Albuquerque (
Portugal ) expressed a joint partly dissenting opinion in which they
argued that the conviction of Perincek did not amount to a violation
of Article 10 of the Convention.

Comment

The refusal by the European Court to consider Perincek’s statements as
“abusive speech” under Article 17 of the Convention reflects legitimate
concerns about the inherent dangers of applying the so-called abuse
clause in cases of freedom of political expression and debate on
matters of public interest.

It is indeed preferable that the application of Article 17 in freedom
of expression cases remains very exceptional (§ 47). One can even
argue that applying the abuse clause to resolve free speech disputes
is undesirable in all circumstances (see H. Cannie en D. Voorhoof,
“The Abuse Clause and Freedom of Expression in the European Human
Rights Convention : an Added Value for Democracy and Human Rights
Protection?” NQHR Vol. 29/1, 54-83, 2011), but the European Court
clearly does not share that approach, yet.

Still, the Court appears to be willing to accept that a mere denial of
historical facts, whether they are a genocide, a crime against humanity
or a massacre, can be a sufficient justification for a restriction on
the right of freedom of expression and eventually for the application
of Article 17.

Indeed, the Court considers it “important” that Perincek has not
denied the facts of the Armenian deportations and massacres, and that
he was only denying the legal qualification to be given to these facts
(§ 51). One can however question the relevance of this consideration,
as the Court’s position in the next paragraph of its judgment clearly
demonstrates that a denial as such of a genocide or crimes against
humanity is not excluded from the protection under Article 10 (§ 52).

Furthermore, the Court rightly pointed out that this case is not about
the legal, historical or political recognition of the existence of
the Armenian “genocide”, but only about the necessity of the criminal
conviction of Perincek by the Swiss authorities because of the content
of certain speeches Perincek held in Switzerland . It is certainly
not up to the European Court to decide this issue.

The essence of the message of the Court’s judgment is indeed
that the legal, political and historical discussion about facts
situated in history should be open and that all opinions discussing
or interpreting these facts, including provocative, offensive or
disrespectful opinions, should in principle be protected by Article
10 of the Convention.

But at a certain point in its legal reasoning (§§ 114-116), the
Court gave the impression that it is because of the lack of a general
consensus about whether the massacres and deportations in Armenia in
1915 and the years after constituted a genocide, that the denial by
Perincek of the existence of the Armenian genocide was acceptable.

The Court did seem to be aware that accepting such an approach would
risk installing certain historical truths by law, based on a general
consensus, which can then not be denied or critically and vehemently
discussed. Therefore the Court clarified that it is doubtful anyhow
whether on such issues there can be ever a general consensus (§ 117,
cited above).

The Court nevertheless accepted one exception, namely the
criminalisation of denial of the Holocaust (§ 118), since according
to the Court there is a general consensus about the Holocaust.

Accepting that the denial of the Holocaust is as such a justifiable
restriction on freedom of expression contrasts with the approach
expressed by the UN HRC in its General Comment nr. 34. In this Comment,
interpreting the actual scope, impact and application of the right
to freedom of opinion and expression under 19 Article ICCPR, the HRC
opposed “memory-laws” explicitly (§ 49).

Although the Court referred to and even quoted from General Comment
nr. 34 in its judgment, it missed the opportunity to elaborate on
this approach. It would indeed have been preferable if the Court
had made clear that the criminal prosecution and conviction for
denial of historical facts, also of those on which there is general
consensus like the Holocaust, is only justified from the perspective
of Article 10 in so far as the denial of those facts at the same time
intentionally incites to hatred, discrimination or violence against
a person or a group of persons. What can be criminalised from the
perspective of Article 10 is incitement to hatred and violence, while
the contestation or denial itself of historical facts should not,
and should never be, defined as a criminal offence.

The judgment in this case will become final on March 17, 2014 ,
unless the case is referred to the Grand Chamber under Article 43 of
the Convention.

In some statements or preliminary reactions on the Court’s judgment it
is argued why the Swiss Government should request such a referral in
order to find Perincek’s conviction necessary in a democratic society.

I sincerely doubt if a judgment by the Grand Chamber could ever lead
to such an outcome in this case. If it would, it would certainly be
a sad day for freedom of expression in Europe .

:: Dirk Voorhoof is professor at Ghent University ( Belgium ) and
lectures European Media Law at Copenhagen University ( Denmark ). He is
also a Member of the Flemish Regulator for the Media and of the Human
Rights Centre at Ghent University . See also Freedom of Expression,
the Media and Journalists : Case Law of the European Court of Human
Rights, an e-book recently published by the European Audiovisual
Observatory ( Strasbourg ).

The judgment is only available in French.

From: Baghdasarian

Hrant Bagratyan: Tigran Sargsyan Tried To Stimulate Construction But

HRANT BAGRATYAN: TIGRAN SARGSYAN TRIED TO STIMULATE CONSTRUCTION BUT FAILED TO

by Tigran Khachatryan

Tuesday, January 14, 22:19

When Tigran Sargsyan was the head of the Central Bank of Armenia
(CBA), he was trying to stimulate construction, but failed to,
ex-Prime Minister of Armenia, opposition MP Hrant Bagratyan says on
his Facebook page, when responding to the incumbent Prime Minister’s
opinion that during the pre-crisis period Armenia’s economy was poorly
diversified and grew due to the construction bubble only. To note,
Tigran Sargsyan expressed his opinion in his indirect debates with
the second President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan.

He says that in 2001-2007 construction grew from 110 bln to 671
bln AMD, with the state and the banks’ shares being 9-10% and 80%,
respectively. It was then that the chief banker of the country was
the incumbent Prime Minister of Armenia Tigran Sargsyan.

“The Prime Minister’s statements have nothing to do with the financial
or the construction bubble. There was nothing of the kind in Armenia.

In this case everything is clear. Migration grew 5-fold. In 2001-2007
an average of 15-20 thsd people annually left Armenia, whereas in
2008-2013 the average annual migration totaled 63 thsd people. Now
people are leaving Armenia forever. They are selling their houses. As
a result, resonant pressure occurred on the property market, where
the supply is high and there is almost no demand. The outflow of the
population results in reduction of property buyers amid the regular
housing growth”, says Bagratyan.

As regards the pension reform, Bagratyan does not share the opinion
of the second President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan. Bagratyan thinks
that there are no contradictions between the two models of pension
systems (compulsory contribution pension system and solidarity between
generations). These systems should be properly compared, he says.

“These two pension models are quite coherent. The authorities’
decision to switch to the compulsory system was mostly spontaneous.

On the other hand, they took certain steps to harmonize the new model
with the current system of solidarity between generations.

Particularly, at the end of a fiscal year employees will be granted tax
privileges, which will make the system non-compulsory. Employers will
also make the payments. One in a decade an employee will be able to
use his or her funds. In order to make pension funds more efficient,
the size requirement to their capitals must be reduced from 500mln
AMD to 200mln AMD. We must also prevent the outflow of this money
from the country. This is crucial for our sovereignty,” Bagratyan says.

This is Bagratyan’s response to the recent dispute between former
President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan and current Armenian Prime
Minister Tigran Sargsyan.

In his interview to 2rd.am, Kocharyan slated Sargsyan and urged him
to work instead of blaming his predecessors.

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.arminfo.am/index.cfm?objectid=CEB79400-7D50-11E3-9B870EB7C0D21663

Political Expert: So Far, There Are No Prerequisites For Robert Koch

POLITICAL EXPERT: SO FAR, THERE ARE NO PREREQUISITES FOR ROBERT KOCHARYAN’S RETURN TO BIG POLITICS

by Marianna Lazarian

ARMINFO
Tuesday, January 14, 17:00

So far, there are no prerequisites for the second president Robert
Kocharyan’s return to big politics, Alexander Iskandaryan, Director
of Caucasus Institute, told reporters, Tuesday.

According to him, politics has disappeared from Armenia over the last
2 years, amid collapsed opposition.

In this light, the people began paying more attention to insignificant
events, including scandals, interviews of some people etc.

“If there were serious politics in the country and the parliament
were an area of political fight and not an area for law stamping,
such kind of information would not attract so much attention. The
current situation will continue till the next elections, unless a
serious political force emerges,” the political expert said.

In this light, Iskandaryan said that the former president’s interview
couldn’t affect the situation in the country. Furthermore, it will
have no influence on the opposition field.

“The problem is not unification. A real opposition force is needed
to lead the people,” Iskandaryan said. According to Iskandaryan,
Armenian Parliament Vice Speaker Eduard Sharmazanov’s response to
Kocharyan actually meant that the authorities are satisfied with the
work of the prime minister.

To recall, Robert Kocharyan has recently harshly criticized the
government, including Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan.

Content-Type: MESSAGE/RFC822; CHARSET=US-ASCII
Content-Description:

MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
From: Mihran Keheyian
Subject: Political expert: So far, there are no prerequisites for Robert
Kocharyan’s return to big politics

Political expert: So far, there are no prerequisites for Robert
Kocharyan’s return to big politics

by Marianna Lazarian

ARMINFO
Tuesday, January 14, 17:00

So far, there are no prerequisites for the second president Robert
Kocharyan’s return to big politics, Alexander Iskandaryan, Director of
Caucasus Institute, told reporters, Tuesday.

According to him, politics has disappeared from Armenia over the last
2 years, amid collapsed opposition.

In this light, the people began paying more attention to insignificant
events, including scandals, interviews of some people etc.

“If there were serious politics in the country and the parliament were
an area of political fight and not an area for law stamping, such kind
of information would not attract so much attention. The current
situation will continue till the next elections, unless a serious
political force emerges,” the political expert said.
In this light, Iskandaryan said that the former president’s interview
couldn’t affect the situation in the country. Furthermore, it will
have no influence on the opposition field.

“The problem is not unification. A real opposition force is needed to
lead the people,” Iskandaryan said. According to Iskandaryan,
Armenian Parliament Vice Speaker Eduard Sharmazanov’s response to
Kocharyan actually meant that the authorities are satisfied with the
work of the prime minister.

To recall, Robert Kocharyan has recently harshly criticized the
government, including Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan.

From: Baghdasarian

Ex-President Right To Speak Now – Garnik Isaghulyan

EX-PRESIDENT RIGHT TO SPEAK NOW – GARNIK ISAGHULYAN

15:14 ~U 14.01.14

Former presidential representative in Armenia’s parliament, Chairman of
the National Security party Garnik Isaghulyan, who recently proposed a
meeting between the two ex-presidents and incumbent President Serzh
Sargsyan, answered Tert.am’s question about ex-president Robert
Kocharyan’s silence for a long period and his latest statements on
the Armenian-Russian gas agreements.

“According to our Constitution, power belongs to the people in our
country, and the people have the right to the final say. I am sure the
people will do so. If Mr Kocharyan refrained from voicing his opinion,
he would be accused of being silent,” Isaghulyan told Tert.am.

– Mr Isaghukyan, Armenia’s ex-president Robert Kocharyan has given
two interviews in the recent 20 days. His tone was similar to that of
the opposition. In his previous interview he addressed such problems
as apathy, emigration, the rest 40% of Armenia’s population. Do you
think he is making a bid for returning to big politics?

– Robert Kocharyan has played a significant role in the last 25 years
of Armenian history. As a political figure who was Nagorno-Karabakh’s
first president and Armenia’s second president he had the right to
remain silent on the ongoing processes for a certain period. However,
Kocharyan’s remaining completely silent when the present failures
are put down to his presidency and “wrong economic policy,” with
late Chairman of the Republican Party of Armenia Andranik Margaryan
as premier, would be viewed as a proof that the present failures are
the result of the blunders during Andranik Margaryan’s premiership. I
think Kocharyan’s answers should be viewed in this aspect, without
any implications.

– In his remarks about the gas agreements, Robert Kocharyan described
the hidden natural gas debts as a “very unpleasant story” that
compromised the Government’s reputation. What’s your evaluation
of that?

-I definitely agree to that response, as we together eye-witnessed it
during the National Assembly’s session that discussed the question. If
there is anyone thinking otherwise, he or she can order a survey on
the topic to make sure of the credibility of the remarks.

– Do you think the Kocharyan-prime minister confrontation – the
replies they gave to each other – are direct or indirect? I mean,
are Robert Kocharyan’s remarks addressed to the prime minister per
se or are they a message to President Serzh Sargsyan?

– To speak about a confrontation between sides that discuss completely
different problems is not appropriate. I have repeatedly had the
occasion to state that knowing Robert Kocharyan well as an individual,
citizen and president, I can say that whenever he has something to
say to a person, he does it directly, without any mediation.

– Mr Isagulyan, certain individuals consider the second president’s
interviews as a staged performance signaling the preparation for his
comeback. Your comments, please.

– I have practically answered this question. If Robert Kocharyan
decides to return to politics, he will speak of that. There are people
for whom roundabout ways are unacceptable. So there is no need to
worry at the moment. In case anything is planned, we will keep the
society in the know.

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.tert.am/en/news/2014/01/14/isagulyan-qocharyan/

Iravunk: Safaryan Accuses Postanjyan And Hovannisian Of Weakness

IRAVUNK: SAFARYAN ACCUSES POSTANJYAN AND HOVANNISIAN OF WEAKNESS

13:03 14/01/2014 ” DAILY PRESS

Head of Heritage parliamentary faction Zaruhi Postanjyan and faction
secretary Stepan Safaryan had a serious quarrel in the New Year
holiday period, Iravunk writes, citing its sources.

“Safaryan fell into hysterics after learning that as Heritage MP Tevan
Poghosyan gives up his parliamentary seat, member of Free Democrats
party Masis Ayvazyan, who comes next in the Heritage’s proportional
list, has no plans of missing the chance to become an MP and conceding
his seat to Stepan Safaryan. Safaryan had long phone conversations with
Zaruhi Postanjyan and Raffi Hovannisian, accusing them of weakness and
inability to put any influence on Free Democrats,” the newspaper says.

Source: Panorama.am

From: Baghdasarian

Verite Et Justice Pour Les Trois Militantes Kurdes Assassinees

VERITE ET JUSTICE POUR LES TROIS MILITANTES KURDES ASSASSINEES

Publié le : 14-01-2014

Info Collectif VAN – – Le Collectif VAN vous
invite a lire cette information publiée sur le site des Amitiés
kurdes de Bretagne le 13 janvier 2014.

Photo Francois Legeait

Ils étaient des milliers a manifester a Paris

lundi 13 janvier 2014 par Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne

Des milliers de Kurdes (13 000 selon la police, 30 000 selon les
organisateurs) venus de toute l’Europe, ainsi que de Francais,
dont une délégation des Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne, ont défilé
samedi dans les rues de Paris et tenu meeting sur la place de la
République pour crier leur indignation, toujours aussi vive, un an
après l’assassinat de trois militantes kurdes, dont Fidan Dogan,
bien connue en Bretagne sous le nom de Rojbîn.

A l’heure où le nom de Nelson Mandela est sur toutes les lèvres,
il est impossible pour les Kurdes et ceux qui les soutiennent de
ne pas faire le rapprochement entre Mandela et Ocalan (leader kurde
emprisonné a vie), l’ANC et le PKK (deux organisations dont l’une,
le PKK, est toujours considérée comme terroriste), Dulcie September
et Rojbîn (toutes deux en poste a Paris et assassinées dans leurs
bureaux).

La Fédération des Associations kurdes de France (Feyka), la
Coordination nationale Solidarité Kurdistan (CNSK), le Parti
communiste francais (PCF), Femmes Solidaires, la Marche Mondiale
des Femmes, le Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre
les peuples (MRAP), le Mouvement de la Paix, Le Nouveau Parti
anticapitaliste (NPA), la communauté tamoule, les organisations de
la gauche turque, mais aussi les antifascistes allemands étaient
présents. Des députés européens, des maires, des élus locaux ont
également pris part a la manifestation. Parmi les nombreux orateurs on
citera Remzi Kartal, co-président du Congrès du Peuple du Kurdistan
(Kongra-Gel), Pierre Laurent, sénateur, président du parti de la
gauche européenne et secrétaire national du PCF, Aysel Tugluk,
députée de Van, co-présidente du Congrès pour une société
démocratique (DTK).Tous ont alternativement crié leur indignation.

André Métayer, au nom de la CNSK, a affirmé la détermination
totale des organisations qui la composent pour obtenir des autorités
francaises que toute la vérité soit établie et que la justice passe,
même si l’accusation concerne un pays (la Turquie) ami de la France :

nous attendons du gouvernement francais et de l’Elysée l’attitude
qu’il convient quand il s’agit de dénoncer un crime politique qui a
été commis sur notre sol, de réconforter les proches des victimes
et de demander des comptes au pays mis en cause.

André Métayer

Retour a la rubrique

Source/Lien : Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=0&id=77838
www.collectifvan.org

Tourism In Artsakh Could Be A Life-Changing Experience

TOURISM IN ARTSAKH COULD BE A LIFE-CHANGING EXPERIENCE

I will be making many more visits there and am thankful that I had
the good fortune to find this enigmatic land a few years ago.

If you are a person seeking the darker side of life with gangs in the
streets, muggings, shootings, protests, people being intimidated,
bombs etc then you will be disappointed by Nagorno-Karabakh. You
need to go to the more popular destinations of London, and other
European and “Western” capital cities to see such excitement. If you
want impressive landscapes, unusual cultural traditions, different
cuisine, and a friendly, welcoming and safe environment then perhaps
Nagorno-Karabakh is an option for you?

January 13, 2014

PanARMENIAN.Net – In all of my 9 visits to Nagorno-Karabakh, I have
always felt very safe and have never been subjected to any personal
danger whatsoever. I will be making many more visits there and am
thankful that I had the good fortune to find this enigmatic land a
few years ago.

For most of us outside of Nagorno-Karabakh we don’t realize the
extent of the genuine danger that we live under, and yet, seemingly,
are totally irrational to a place where a conflict ended 20 years ago.

This is largely borne out by ignorance. Sarajevo, which was under
siege at the same time as the Nagorno-Karabakh war, receives about 20
times the number of tourists. Somehow those visitors have forgotten
the daily news bulletins of the “war-torn” capital. Also millions of
people travel to Belfast (Northern Ireland UK) each year, now, even
though it was the scene of inter-community violence and bombings for 30
years and even to this day devices are still being planted in places
that, theoretically could kill tourists. For some reason a blind eye
is turned to this risk. But for Nagorno-Karabakh, the myth continues.

I have heard people ask if there are risky areas, or places which
should be avoided due to land mines – yes of course. The popular
maxim which applies to all tourists in any destination in the world
is to do your research and be aware of the guidelines that you are
given. If you travel to New York and drift into no-go areas late at
night, despite the advice given in the hundreds of tourist books,
then the outcome is likely to be very risky. In Nagorno-Karabakh
you will never accidentally find yourself anywhere near a military
establishment which poses any danger for a visitor. For anyone who is
visiting the many beautiful tourist destinations in the country then
there is simply no risk. If you want to act recklessly and ignore
advice given by locals and head into the mountains alone into known
minefield areas then that is no different to going into the “bad areas”
of any capital city late at night.

So just to re-iterate – Nagorno-Karabakh is a safe place to visit.

Is it difficult to get to Stepanakert? Simple answer – No.

There are many flights into Yerevan. Anyone using Paris or
London as a hub can fly via Air France or if using Moscow, via
Aeroflot. The airport in Yerevan is a beautiful new building, and very
passenger-friendly and there are plenty of authorized taxis able to
take you into the city centre. Yerevan has many quality hotels all of
which can be booked either directly, or through the usual internet
agencies like Booking.com. As with any major city, accommodation is
available for all price ranges.

The only way of getting to Stepanakert from Yerevan is by road. This
can be done by bus ( which is very cheap) or a taxi can be hired.

Personally, I always go by taxi which costs about £40-£50 ($70-$80)
– this is cheap for a 6 hour journey. It is occasionally raised as
a major hurdle for people not visiting. However they are prepared to
spend much longer confined to an aircraft, with no view at all. If you
go in a taxi, the journey is more flexible – you can stop as often
as you want, watch the beautiful landscape unfold, and you may even
enjoy some of the delights of the culture on the way.

Stepanakert, and Shushi now have some very modern, and luxurious
hotels that will appeal to the European/American traveler and are
very reasonably priced. I was privileged to have been shown round the
rooms and the facilities of the new Vallex Garden Hotel – the rooms
there are extremely good, and would be very pleasant for people who
like their comforts when travelling. There are many high quality
restaurants and cafes available in the city as well and, for those
who have the opportunity to meet up with some of the locals, then a
meal hosted by a family would be a treat to remember – and you will
be made to feel very special!

There is a vast amount of unspoilt scenery and places to visit in
the country. The Governments website has some powerful videos, and
photographs, as well as much more information to help the tourist. For
people from the established industrialised nations then you will find
the country very good value compared to what you are used to.

The vast majority of people in the UK, assuming they leave the country,
will only go on holiday to conventional tourist destinations in Western
Europe, US, Canada, and a few well known Middle Eastern, and Asian
countries. Poland and Croatia is about as far East as they would go,
in Europe, and that is considered to be exotic, so encouraging people
to go to Nagorno-Karabakh would be a long process.

However for the people in the global Armenian Diaspora this should
not be the case.

As an unrecognized country it is extremely difficult for manufactured
products to be exported much beyond Armenia, or Russia, which severely
curtails the ability of the country to grow from within. Most of the
significant investments into the infrastructure are made by wealthy
business people / philanthropists from the Diaspora. The one export
that can be made, without the movement of goods is Tourism – there is
no particular reason why this cannot continue to grow. In addition
to bringing money into the country, it will bring confidence to the
people that they are “recognized”, and this will gradually help with
their greater well-being.

Since 2009 the number of tourists ( excluding those from the Republic
of Armenia) has grown by 40% per year but in 2013 this will still only
be in the region of 20,000 people. If 1% of the Armenian Diaspora
visited each year this would be nearer 100,000 people. Although
the major infrastructure projects supported by the Telethons are
important, perhaps an appeal which supports people actually visiting
Nagorno-Karabakh could be another initiative?

A modest increase in the tourist traffic would have a profound effect
on the local economy and if done in a co-ordinated, and considered way,
the influx of money could directly help a large number of people in
the country. Ultimately, this could be a life-changing experience for
the people visiting – as it did for me – as well as the many people
living in this besieged Armenian country.

Russell Pollard

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.panarmenian.net/eng/details/174856/

Playing the Genocide Card

Op-Ed Contributor

Playing the Genocide Card

By ALEX DE WAAL

Published: December 18, 2013

When France decided to send soldiers to the Central African Republic
on Nov. 26, it did the right thing for the wrong reason.

France, the United Nations and the African Union dispatched some 4,000
troops soon after the French foreign minister, Laurent Fabius, warned
that the C.A.R. was `on the verge of genocide.’ Yet the country
doesn’t face genocide; it is experiencing state collapse and limited
intercommunal killings after a military takeover by a coalition of
undisciplined militiamen known as Seleka.

Last week, flying home from the memorial service for Nelson Mandela in
Johannesburg, President François Hollande of France stopped in Bangui,
C.A.R.’s capital, to visit the newly deployed French peacekeepers. The
stopover also served as an implicit act of contrition for events in
April 1994, when world leaders congratulated Mr. Mandela for presiding
over the peaceful end to apartheid, even as they were pulling their
peacekeepers out of Rwanda. Close to one million people died in the
genocide that unfolded over the following months.

Nineteen years later, French and African soldiers have fanned out
across Bangui and other towns largely unopposed, losing just two
soldiers so far. Over the last decade the C.A.R. had become a
battleground for sundry marauders, freebooters and proxy forces,
especially from Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The Lord’s Resistance Army of Joseph Kony, on the run from Uganda, is
believed to be hiding out in its thick, lawless forests.

Even by its low standards, C.A.R. slid further into chaos this year at
the hands of two political contenders who are little more than
aspiring warlords set on plundering for personal gain. François
Bozizé, the country’s cruel military leader from 2003 until last
March, was eventually abandoned by his sponsors in Chad and Sudan
because of his nepotism and incompetence.

Michel Djotodia, who took control of Bangui in March with the support
of Seleka, an undisciplined coalition of militia from the C.A.R.’s
Muslim minorities, had no political agenda beyond seizing power. But
this was not a mere change of guard. The African Union warned that if
the Muslim rebels overran the capital there was a high risk of
intercommunal pogroms. Muslims constitute about 15 percent of C.A.R.’s
population and are concentrated in the northeast, at the borders with
Chad and Sudan. They are overrepresented among market traders, but
members of the Christian majority have long dominated politics.
Discrimination is such that Mr. Djotodia, a Muslim, had to take a
Christian name to enroll in school.

People from the country’s southern region, which borders Cameroon and
the Democratic Republic of Congo, frequently refer to people from the
remote and marginalized northeast as foreigners, regardless of their
actual citizenship.

Both France and the African Union already had troops in the country as
a result of previous peace-maintaining efforts. The African Union
urged the French to defend the capital from the Seleka rebels while
its own forces would control the northeast, from where Seleka was
launching its attacks. But France had no stomach for propping up a
discredited dictator who seemed intent on clinging to power solely to
enrich his family, and so it let Djotodia take the city.

The African Union’s warning was prescient. Longstanding religious
fault lines soon translated into ethnic killing. Communities have
armed themselves, and local vigilantes have turned on one another. At
least 500 people have been killed, and tens of thousands have been
displaced.

Yet neither C.A.R. specialists nor students of genocide would describe
this violence as genocide. There haven’t been large-scale and
systematic massacres, and the killings are driven by the contingencies
of fear, not a deeply nurtured intent to destroy another ethnic group.

France is legitimately worried that the implosion of the country might
bring chaos to neighbors like Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of
Congo, which are rich in natural resources and important members of
the global Francophone bloc. But the French authorities have been
concerned that they could not generate domestic support for a faraway
military adventure unless they dramatized the crisis, and so they used
the word `genocide.’

The overstatement has also allowed the French to obtain a United
Nations Security Council resolution that gives their troops the
authority to use `all necessary measures.’ The soldiers’ mission is to
disarm the militias and hand over security to the African-led
International Support Mission in the Central African Republic, which
the United Nations Security Council has charged with stabilizing the
country over the next 12 months.

This might seem like a fine outcome, but there are serious downsides
to treating situations like the current crisis in C.A.R. as a
genocide.

Misdiagnosing the problem can mean taking the wrong actions to resolve
it. The playbook for an international response operation to mass
atrocities calls for neutralizing perpetrators and protecting unarmed
civilians; it is not designed to manage a conflict among many armed
actors, each with a distinct civilian constituency.

One immediate question facing the French and African troops in C.A.R.
is, which forces should they disarm? Were their task to stop a
genocide from unfolding the answer would be obvious: the perpetrators
of violence. But in C.A.R., there are no clear villains and victims:
All parties are armed, and all can plausibly claim to be acting in
self-defense.

Most important, if the label `genocide’ is readily applied to any
situation of ethnic strife and governmental breakdown, it will lose
its analytic power and its special moral force. Soon enough it won’t
serve any purpose.

Alex de Waal is executive director of the World Peace Foundation.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on December 19, 2013, in The
International New York Times.

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/19/opinion/playing-the-genocide-card.html?hpw&rref=opinion&_r=1&