La Turquie S’inquiete Pour La Minorite Des Tatars Turcophones

LA TURQUIE S’INQUIETE POUR LA MINORITE DES TATARS TURCOPHONES

UKRAINE
Complement : reunion au sommet de l’Etat

ANKARA, 03 mars 2014 (AFP) – La situation en Ukraine est “suivie de
près” par la Turquie, qui s’inquiète notamment du sort de la minorite
des Tatars turcophones dans la province autonome de Crimee où la Russie
a depeche des forces armees, a-t-on indique lundi de source turque.

“Nous avons un important devoir de memoire envers les Tatars,
et nous sommes en discussion avec les parties concernees pour que
cette dispute ne degenère pas en conflit arme. Nous ne pouvons rester
simples spectateurs de ce qui se passe la-bas”, a explique a l’AFP
une source gouvernementale. Lundi soir, le chef de l’Etat Abdullah
Gul a convoque une reunion avec le chef de la diplomatie turque et
le n°2 de son ministère, l’ambassadeur Feridun Sinirlioglu.

M. Davutoglu a souligne lors de l’entretien que “la position officielle
de la Turquie dans ce conflit est la sauvegarde de l’integrite
territoriale de l’Ukraine”, a-t-on souligne dans son entourage. Le
ministre turc a aussi exprime son souhait de rencontrer dans les
plus brefs delais son homologue russe Sergueï Lavrov, rapporte le
site internet du journal Hurriyet.

Pendant le week-end, des membres de la diaspora tatare en Turquie
ont manifeste a Ankara, Istanbul ou Konya (centre) pour denoncer
l’intervention de la Russie en Crimee. “Non a la Russie, la Crimee
doit rester ukrainienne”, ont scande les manifestants dimanche a
Ankara devant l’ambassade de Russie.

M. Davutoglu s’est rendu d’urgence a Kiev samedi et s’est entretenu
de la situation au telephone avec ses homologues americain, allemand,
francais et polonais, selon son ministère.

“La Turquie fera tout son possible pour assurer la stabilite de la
Crimee au sein d’une Ukraine unie”, a assure dimanche M. Davutoglu,
qui doit rencontrer lundi des representants de la minorite tatare.

“Les droits des Tatars et leur existence doivent etre garantis”,
a-t-il declare lors d’un entretien televise. Selon la Turquie, alliee
de l’Otan, 12% des habitants de Crimee sont des Tatars turcophones
et musulmans de confession sunnite, comme la majorite des Turcs.

La Crimee etait sous le contrôle de l’empire ottoman avant de passer
sous domination russe a la fin du XVIIIe siècle, et les Tatars, alors
majoritaires, y furent progressivement pousses a l’exode. La Turquie
entretient des rapports culturels etroits avec cette communaute. Elle
a realise recemment plusieurs projets (logement, infrastructure,
education…) en Crimee par l’intermediaire de differents organismes
dont l’Agence turque de cooperation et de coordination (TIKA) qui
dispose d’une permanence a Simferopol, capitale de la Crimee.

mardi 4 mars 2014, Ara (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

Utilisation Correcte De La Langue : Un Officiel Dit Que L’utilisatio

UTILISATION CORRECTE DE LA LANGUE : UN OFFICIEL DIT QUE L’UTILISATION DE LA LANGUE MATERNELLE EST VIOLEE

ARMENIE

La journee internationale de la langue maternelle a donne l’occasion de
discuter une fois de plus des problèmes d’utilisation, de distribution
et de developpement de la langue armenienne.

Le Chef de l’inspection linguistique Sergo Yeritsyan a declare a
la presse que des modifications legislatives sont necessaires dans
le domaine.

Il dit que malgre des patrouilles regulières et un suivi la loi sur
la langue continue a etre violee.

From: Baghdasarian

Anniversaire De Mars 2008 : L’opposition Manifeste Pour Commemorer L

ANNIVERSAIRE DE MARS 2008 : L’OPPOSITION MANIFESTE POUR COMMEMORER LES VICTIMES DES TROUBLES POST-ELECTORAUX

ARMENIE

Le Congrès National Armenien (ANC) et son allie, le Parti du Peuple
d’Armenie, ont organise samedi leur premier rassemblement public de
cette annee pour commemorer les victimes des troubles post-electoraux
de 2008.

Dix personnes ont ete tuees les 1er et 2 mars 2008 lors d’affrontements
entre manifestants reclamant un nouveau vote et les forces de
securite deployees dans le centre d’Erevan pour reprimer l’emeute. Les
evenements ont suivi 10 jours de manifestations de rue organisees par
les partisans de l’ancien president et actuel leader de l’ANC Levon
Ter Petrossian.

Devant des milliers de ses partisans qui se sont rassembles place de
la Liberte a Erevan, Ter-Petrossian a critique le gouvernement pour
ce qu’il decrit comme ses echecs politiques dans differents domaines,
en faisant valoir que le gouvernement actuel n’est pas capable de
realiser les reformes drastiques necessaires au pays.

Levon Ter Petrossian a egalement fait quelques declarations
remarquables en ce qui concerne la politique etrangère de
l’administration actuelle. En particulier, il a dit que l’exode
continue est la plus grande menace auquelle fait face l’Armenie
d’aujourd’hui et que cela n’a pas d’importance si le pays est – dans
l’Union douanière dirigee par la Russie ou en association avec l’Union
europeenne – dans la mesure où il faut s’attaquer a ce problème.

Decrivant l’adhesion de l’Armenie a l’Union douanière comme
irreversible et la perspective d’adhesion a l’UE comme irrealiste dans
un avenir previsible, le chef de l’opposition a emis des doutes sur la
capacite de Sarkissian et son gouvernement d’assurer la participation
la plus efficace de l’Armenie dans le bloc commercial avec la Russie,
Bielorussie et le Kazakhstan.

Le leader de l’ANC a repris ses appels a la demission de Sarkissian.

Le rassemblement a pris fin avec une marche vers le monument
a Alexandre Myasnikyan, le lieu principal où des affrontements
meurtriers ont eu lieu en 2008, où les gens ont depose des fleurs et
des bougies allumees.

mardi 4 mars 2014, Stephane (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

Armenie Prospere S’engage Plus Fermement Aux Cotes De L’opposition

ARMENIE PROSPERE S’ENGAGE PLUS FERMEMENT AUX COTES DE L’OPPOSITION

ARMENIE

Le parti Armenie prospère (BHK) de l’homme d’affaires Gagik
Tsarukian, semble vouloir se positionner de facon plus claire sur
la scène politique de l’Armenie, dont il est la deuxième force,
après son ancien partenaire politique, le Parti republicain (HHK)
du president Serge Sarkissian. Après les critiques de plus en plus
dures adressees par le parti a l’encontre des autorites, accusees
d’exercer des pressions economiques sur son leader qui s’etait laisse
alle ces derniers mois a quelques remarques peu obligeantes sur la
politique economique du gouvernement, le BHK a franchi le pas de plus
qui pourrait le rallier a l’opposition parlementaire en apportant son
soutien a la grande manifestation organisee par le Congrès national
armenien (HAK) de Levon Ter Petrossian le 1er mars a Erevan.

Le BHK a ainsi salue lundi 3 mars l’initiative du parti de
l’ancien president, qui avait renoue avec la rue après une annee
de repli relatif depuis les presidentielles de fevrier 2013. Cette
manifestation, qui marquait le 6e anniversaire de la violente
repression qui avait sanctionne la campagne de protestation orchestree
par L. Ter Petrossian, rival malheureux de S. Sarkissian dont il avait
conteste dans la rue l’election pour un premier mandat presidentiel,
est l’occasion pour le parti de Tsarukian, d’afficher des positions
plus tranchees.

Le BHK, qui a affiche une certaine neutralite depuis qu’il a refuse
de reconduire un accord de coalition avec S. Sarkissian en 2012,
se reservant le droit de critiquer la politique gouvernementale
mais en gardant ses distances avec une opposition parlementaire
très minoritaire, a ainsi exprime sa disposition a cooperer plus
etroitement avec le HAK. Naira Zohrabian, presidente de fait du groupe
parlementaire du BHK, a indique que les declarations > de Ter Petrossian faites lors de la manifestation du
1er mars etaient en phase avec la position officielle de son parti.

Dans ses commentaires postes sur le site Zham.am, N. Zohrabian a aussi
salue les milliers de personnes qui ont participe a ce rassemblement
coïncidant avec le 6e anniversaire des violences posterelectorales
de 2008 a Erevan. Un autre responsable du BHK, l’ancien ministre des
affaires etrangères Vartan Oskanian, est alle plus loin, en se faisant
l’echo des appels de Ter Petrossian a changer le regime en Armenie.

“Les prochaines elections nationales en Armenie sont prevues en 2017
et en 2018”, ecrit quant a lui V. Oskanian sur sa page Facebook.

“L’Armenie n’a pas … les moyens politiques, economiques et
demographiques pour attendre jusqu’a ces elections, a fortiori avec
l’experience des scrutins passes”, a-t-il precise.

“Aussi, la demission du gouvernement constitue une etape logique
que notre people est en droit aujourd’hui d’exiger des autorites”,
ajoute V. Oskanian. N. Zohrabian, dont les declarations reflètent
traditionnellement la ligne officielle du parti, s’est montree
toutefois plus prudente sur ce point. Elle a ainsi souligne les
propos de Ter Petrossian selon lesquels le HAK ne s’engagerait pas
dans le type d’actions revolutionnaires qui ont embrase l’Ukraine ces
dernières semaines. N. Zohrabian a ajoute que les groupes politiques
defiant l’autorite du pouvoir en place en Armenie ne doivent pas
From: Baghdasarian

Turkey Has The Most To Gain From A Potential Return To International

TURKEY HAS THE MOST TO GAIN FROM A POTENTIAL RETURN TO INTERNATIONAL TRADE BY IRAN

Balkans.com Business News
March 3 2014

bne – 03.03.2014

Iran is the new kid on the former-Soviet Bloc. The possibility of a
detente with the US has seen businessmen from across the region flock
to Tehran, but Iran is already busy rebuilding ties with a part of
the world it has known well for a millennium.

On the face of it, Iran is a good match with surrounding nations in
so much as it shares religious and historical ties. But the legacy
of 70 years of Soviet rule, and the generally secular nature of those
countries, undoes much of this particular advantage. At the same time,
all the countries in the region have economies that need rebuilding,
and after decades of domination and isolation they could all do with
local friends.

Iran and Russia in particular are old acquaintances. In the 19th
century, the Russian empire took much of the Caucasus from Iran,
and even strayed onto its territory on occasion, the last time being
1941-46.

For much of the Cold War Iran was a US ally, but that ended with
the Islamic revolution in 1979. After the dissolution of the USSR in
1991, at first the new Russian leadership under Boris Yeltsin feared a
resurgent Iran encroaching on its sphere of influence in Central Asia
and the Caucasus, but in the last 20 years those fears have faded,
opening the way to a new era of cooperation.

My enemy’s enemy

At the Kazan Summit last year – an annual investment jamboree hosted
by the government of Russia’s Tatarstan region – there were almost
no European investors present. However, the Middle Eastern delegation
was out in force, promising some $7bn of direct investment.

Moscow has come round to the potential rivalry it faces in the region
with Iran largely because it is highly interested in making friends
that are enemies of the US as part of its “multipolar” vision of
geopolitics. Iran joined forces with Russia in 1997 to end the civil
war in Persian-speaking Tajikistan, and Tehran also backed Moscow
in the first war against Chechen separatists, when much of the rest
of the Islamic world backed the rebels. The Iranian leadership even
backed Moscow’s bid to join the Organisation of the Islamic Conference
(OIC) – a co-sponsor of the Kazan event – as an observer in 2005.

Iran could have aggressively sought to push its brand of Islam
on countries like Shiite Azerbaijan or the fractious republics in
the south of Russia, but relations have continued in a spirit of
pragmatism. Iran has instead concentrated on building trade ties
across the region.

However, not all is rosy in the garden of Eurasia. “Moscow has
been relatively unconcerned about Iran’s activates elsewhere in the
Middle East,” says Dmitri Trenin of the Carnegie Moscow Centre in
Moscow in his recent book “Post Imperium”. “But not everything in
the Russo-Iranian relations is without controversy. The breakup of
the Soviet Union raised the issue of the Caspian Sea, whose status
had been governed by the 1921 Soviet-Iranian treaty.”

The status of the Caspian Sea perfectly highlights the ambiguous
nature of relations in the region. Tension flared in the 1990s,
and Iran even threatened military action against Azerbaijan, which
Moscow considers to belong to its sphere of influence. Russia insists
the Caspian Sea is actually a “lake” under international law, which
would extend national boundaries into the middle of the water. That
would allow the littoral states to claim more of its oil-rich seabed,
instead of leaving a patch of “international waters” in its midst.

Yet despite the problems, it’s the pragmatism that stands out. Russia
has been one of Iran’s few true friends in recent years, supplying the
country with arms since the 1990s and even building the controversial
Bushehr nuclear reactor, which in 2011 went online despite howls of
protest from the West. The row over the nuclear power station has been
particularly divisive, but now appears close to resolution. On February
20, Iran and the “5+1” group – China, France, Russia, the UK and the
US, plus Germany – said they had agreed on a timetable and framework
for negotiating a comprehensive agreement to end the confrontation
over Iran’s nuclear programme. The talks follow an interim deal signed
in November, when Teheran agreed to concessions including suspending
production of enriched uranium and allowing daily inspections by the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). If no long-term agreement
is reached by July however, stricter sanctions may be imposed.

Whatever the Kremlin may feel about Iran’s machinations in its
backyard, it is willing to stand behind it as a war between Iran and
the US is clearly not in Russia’s interests. “The future of Iran’s
standoff with the international community is a serious cause for
concern in Moscow, not least in view of the potential impact of
military conflict between Iran and the United States/ Israel in
Central Asia,” says Trenin.

Turkey struggles to cement relations

As the biggest economy in Southeast Europe, Turkey has the most to
gain from a potential return to international trade by Iran. The
Persian country has precious oil and gas that Turkey’s burgeoning
economy so badly needs. If geography and market forces were the only
factors dictating trade relations, Turkey and Iran would long ago
have become major partners.

Nothing of course is that simple. Iran’s perennial status as an
international pariah state – and its confrontational foreign policy –
has long hampered political and economic relations, both as a result of
international pressure and local differences between Ankara and Tehran.

That said, the apparently imminent relaxation of international
sanctions on the Iranian regime offers hope. A visit to Tehran in
late January by Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan was rated an
important step towards normalising trade relations by Bilgin Aygun,
the vice chairman of the Turkish-Iranian Business Council at the
Foreign Economic Relations Board of Turkey (DEİK). A new joint trade
committee was set up, as Erdogan declared Iran his second home and
that he wants to see bilateral trade reach $30bn by 2015, from the
$14.5bn recorded in 2013.

Whether that can be achieved so quickly is a moot point somewhat.

Bilateral trade reached $22bn in 2012, but that was largely thanks to
a system set up to evade the sanctions that have isolated the Iranian
banking system. Revenues from oil and gas sales to Turkey were used
to buy gold, which was then sent back to Tehran.

Ignoring oil and gas, it’s clear that trade relations between the
two countries are particularly under-developed, but they still show
enormous potential. As recently as 2004, Turkish exports to Iran
totalled only $800m, a figure which by 2011 – the last year not to
be affected by the gold export scheme – had risen more than four fold
to $3.6bn.

Given Turkey’s highly developed manufacturing sector, the scope
for exports of everything from vehicles and white goods through
to textiles and processed foods is enormous. Indeed, the 1990s and
2000s saw a number of high profile joint ventures. They were later
abandoned, but interest has revived and an increasing number of
Turkish companies are interested in doing business with Iran. It may
be a while though before that interest can be converted into actual
business. US officials warn that sanctions still remain in place and
companies breaching them will face punishment.

In addition there remain a few bilateral issues which need to be
solved. The scandal surrounding the use of gold to breach international
sanctions is one. In this connection, an ongoing high level corruption
case in Turkey has seen the arrest of Iranian businessman Reza Zarrab,
along with Suleyman Aslan – the CEO of Turkish state-controlled bank
Halkbank, which was at the centre of the gold trade.

Iranian authorities are reported to have arrested a business associate
of Zarrab’s. Turkish officials deny the sanctions were broken, and
Erdogan insists that the police investigation is part of a wider plot
aimed at destabilising his government. That may well be the case,
but it does nothing to answer any of the other legitimate questions
which continue to hang over a trade which totalled $6.5bn in 2012,
and around $2bn last year.

More pressing still is the ongoing dispute over the gas Turkey imports
from Iran under a 1996 agreement signed by Turkey’s then radical
Islamist prime minister Necmettin Erbakan. Erdogan’s recent visit
to Tehran failed to secure a long-demanded reduction in the price of
the gas, which is reckoned to be around $490 per 1,000 cubic metres.

That’s as much as 30% more than what Turkey pays for Russian gas,
and over 40% higher than the price it pays Azerbaijan. For the
past two years Turkey has been pursuing a case against Iran at the
International Court of Arbitration in Geneva, demanding Iran reduce
the price by as much as 30%.

Ankara is also seeking as much as $2bn compensation for periods
when the supply has failed to turn up. These include two months in
the winter of 2011-12 when supply was cut for all but a few days,
and more recently in December-January, when the volumes were reduced
without warning.

Against those demands, Turkey has offered Tehran a deal that, should
the dispute be settled, would see it increase gas imports. It is
also offering to act as a transit route for Iranian gas to Europe –
a possibility that is not as unlikely as it sounds since the EU-backed
Nabucco gas pipeline project that was planned to connect Azerbaijan
and Iran was abandoned.

Turkey already has its own pipeline project planned to carry Iranian
gas – the 34bn cubic metres per year Iran-Turkey-Europe pipeline being
developed by Istanbul based Turang Tasimcilik. Although analysts
question whether Turang – a subsidiary of petrol trader Som Petrol
– has the ability to actually develop the line, the company has
an exclusive agreement with Tehran, an exclusive 30-year licence
to develop the Turkish section of the pipeline, and over $6bn in
investment incentives. That portfolio should ensure Som Petrol plenty
of suitors as and when sanctions are lifted and international oil
companies are allowed to develop Iran’s giant South Pars gas field.

Spaghetti junction

Iran is also pushing relations in the Caucasus and Central Asia. While
Teheran has never had the clout of Russia, China or the US, it has
successfully built strong relations with several countries in the
region including Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan.

As with Turkey, the benefits of closer ties with these countries is
obvious: sitting at a nexus between Europe, Russia and the Middle
East, Iran’s geography means it should be playing a large role in the
region, all other issues being equal. But the region is complicated,
already criss-crossed with numerous strategic alliances such as
the Azerbaijan-Georgia- Turkey axis on the one hand, and the tense
relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia on the other. In addition,
Russia always looms in the background. Adding a freely-trading Iran
to this mix would make things even more confusing.

“Alliances in the Caucasus region are very much steered by the
geo-political situation,” Eugene Chausovsky, Eurasia analyst at
Stratfor, tells bne. “We may see Iran becoming a stronger player in
the region as a result of the still early, but potentially significant,
negotiations over the nuclear agreement and alleviation of sanctions.”

Tehran’s good relations in the region have been reflected in the
ambivalent attitude towards the international sanctions. Armenia
has continued to step up cooperation in the energy sector, including
through gas-for-electricity exchanges and plans to build hydropower
plants on the Aras River, which marks the border between the pair.

Armenian Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan noted on February 13 that
boosting ties with Iran is a foreign policy priority.

While Christian Armenia and Georgia may not appear natural allies of
Islamist Iran, they have formed a strategic alliance. In particular,
Armenia’s hostile relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey leave it
heavily reliant on Iran and Georgia.

In mid-2013, Georgia came under scrutiny from the US over speculation
that Iranian companies were trying to circumvent the sanctions using
the Caucasian country. The number of Iranian businesses registered
in Georgia leapt more than ten times in just two years when Tbilisi
relaxed visa rules in 2010. That said, Prime Minister Bidzina
Ivanishvili quickly reversed the regime following the US probe,
illustrating clearly which way the wind blows.

“Despite the relations between Georgia and Iran, Georgia’s foreign
policy priority is towards the west,” says Nika Chitadze at the
International Black Sea University. However, he adds that, “after
the lifting of sanctions we may see more Iranian companies trying to
invest into Georgia. Iran has already expressed an interest in using
Georgia’s transport and port infrastructure, and ties could grow in
other sectors from construction materials to tourism.”

In contrast to the friendly relations Iran has with the two other
South Caucasus states, its relations with Azerbaijan are among of the
most complex in the region. In many ways, the two countries look to be
natural allies, given their cultural similarities and shared religion.

On the one hand, Azerbaijan has built skiing resorts – specifically
tailored for Middle Eastern holidaymakers – and its tourism sector
is booming on the back of growing numbers of Iranian visitors. But
political relations remain confused, due to an underlying rivalry.

Iran’s good relationship with Armenia, and its support for Yerevan over
Nagorno Karabakh, has infuriated Azerbaijan, which in turn has struck a
strategic alliance with Israel. The pair is also at odds over ownership
of several offshore Caspian oilfields, and both countries fear cultural
influences from the other that could destabilise their regimes.

However, the situation gets even more confused. Azeris make up Iran’s
largest ethnic minority, with estimates suggesting the numbers living
in Iran run from 12m to as high as 22m. Both figures are higher than
Azerbaijan’s population of 9.6m. Recently, this minority has become
more vocal; at mass protests this year, demonstrators carried banners
insisting: “South Azerbaijan is not Iran”.

Meanwhile, Tehran fears the influx of western cultural influences,
such as music and films, from secular Azerbaijan on its population.

During the Eurovision song contest hosted in Baku in 2012, Iran
withdrew its ambassador, accusing its neighbour of “undermining
Islamic values” and “hosting a gay parade”.

Conversely, Baku is concerned about the threat of Islamic
fundamentalism from Iran – a fear that has been stoked by attempted
terrorist attacks on the Israeli embassy in Baku and other targets.

Shortly before Eurovision, 22 Azeri citizens – allegedly trained
by the Iran’s Revolutionary Guard – were arrested on suspicion of
plotting terrorist attacks.

However, since Hassan Rouhani’s election as Iranian president in June,
there have been some indications of a thaw in relations. Politicians
from both countries have spoken optimistically on the issue. Rouhani
said in July that ties are “based on friendship and mutual trust” and
expressed a hope for the “development and strengthening” of relations.

More recently, in February, the parliament speakers from the two
countries met to discuss cooperation.

At the same time, there is concern that should Tehran lose its pariah
status, the US may back away from its support for Azerbaijan. As an
ally of Israel and a Muslim state friendly to the West, Azerbaijan
has been a valuable partner to the US – an alliance that has earned
the White House criticism for its support of President Ilham Aliyev’s
authoritarian government. If Iran is no longer a threat, Washington
may reassess its relationship with Baku.

However, that’s unlikely to happen, given Azerbaijan’s large oil and
gas reserves, which are being exploited by US oil majors including
Chevron and ExxonMobil alongside other international companies. Those
hydrocarbons also allow Baku to maintain a foreign policy stance
independent of Moscow.

“In my opinion, the US will continue to be interested in Azerbaijan
because of the US companies operating in the Caspian oil projects,”
Chitadze suggests. “Azerbaijan also shares a border with Russia,
which is the main geo-political rival of the US in the region.”

Finally, Azerbaijan – like Turkey – offers yet another potential route
for Iranian gas headed for Europe. The Southern Corridor project,
a European initiative to directly access gas from the Caspian and
Middle East to allow it to reduce dependence on Russia, originally
envisaged Iran as the main supplier. Iran’s proven gas reserves,
at 33.6 trillion cubic metres dwarf Azerbaijan’s 900bn cubic metres.

Since the project was hatched, however, Azerbaijan has supplanted
Iran to become the initial supplier. The first supplies from the
offshore Shah Deniz field are due to reach European customers by 2019,
after agreements on the second phase development of the field and
construction of pipeline infrastructure to carry the gas to Europe
were signed in December.

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.balkans.com/open-news.php?uniquenumber=189875

A Cultural Capital Of The Diaspora In Berlin

A CULTURAL CAPITAL OF THE DIASPORA IN BERLIN

INTERNATIONAL NEWS, NEWS | MARCH 3, 2014 2:15 PM

By Muriel Mirak-Weissbach

Special to the Mirror-Spectator

BERLIN — When you walk into the spacious locale of Archi Galentz’s
atelier in the Wedding district of Berlin, and move from one room to
the next, you see paintings, drawings and objets d’art displayed,
perhaps all created by one person in a solo exhibition, or perhaps
the work of a large number of artists, as is currently the case in a
show centered on the theme of “The Nude as a Guest.” Though the themes
and the exhibitors change, one feature remains constant: a generously
scripted phrase in German painted in elegant cursive letters on the
wall just above the entrance door. Translated, it reads: “Tradition
is not to worship the ashes but to pass on the flame, keep the fire
burning.” A quotation from the famous composer Gustav Mahler, it
stands as the motto of Galentz’s place.

“Armenians always want to export their past,” he quipped. “We want to
communicate art now. Culture is something that comes into being.” Thus
the quote from Mahler. InteriorDAsein is the name of the gallery,
itself a play on words in German between “design” and “Dasein,” the
latter term used by the philosopher Heidegger, meaning existence,
being, consciousness.

Clearly, this is no ordinary art gallery. Rather, as Galentz explained
to me during my recent visit there, it is an artist-run space, and an
independent civil society platform, a workshop and exhibition room,
a place for artists to meet, discuss and work together. It houses
his collection of works by 30 artists from various cultural circles,
with focus on Armenian contemporary art, but it also collaborates
with other non-Armenian initiatives, among them Kolonie Wedding,
and numerous nearby art galleries.

“We cooperate with the Art and Culture Studies Laboratory (ACSL),
and the Naregatsi Art Institute in the US, Armenia and Karabagh,”
he said, adding that InteriorDAsein also works with a group called
Underconstruction, co-founded by Silvina Der-Meguerditchian, a Buenos
Aires-born artist in Berlin. What unites these various groups is a
commitment to forge an identity for diaspora artists, mainly but not
only Armenians, and not through ethnicity but through aesthetics,
as he put it.

>From Moscow to America, Yerevan to Berlin

Why this is the case becomes clear from his own personal biography.

Archi Galentz was born in 1971 in Moscow and grew up there, living
with his parents, a younger sister and his maternal grandparents,
a family of artists. At the “No. 20 Special School” he attended in
Moscow, pupils enjoyed instruction in small classes and English was
featured. The school’s theatre work was well known, as were its music
classes that offered instruction in many instruments. Galentz was
not the only Armenian pupil, but the only one who knew Armenian. In
an audition for a program, he recited nursery rhymes in Armenian
and expressed such pathos in his delivery that the grown-ups in the
jury were overwhelmed. His proficiency in English helped him in his
first experiences abroad, but it was his knowledge of Armenian that
was more important. At that time in Moscow pupils could study many
foreign languages, like English, Spanish, French, Hindu or Chinese,
but not “national languages” of peoples in the Soviet Union.

In 1986, he was selected to participate in the Peace Child
International program, a unique initiative founded in the early 1980s
at the height of the Cold War to empower youth in society. Inspired
by the “Peace Book” by Bernard Benson, a work about Papua New Guinea
tribes who had a tradition of peacemaking through exchange of children,
the Peace Child International composed a musical incorporating this
theme, and performed it in New York and Boston (later also Moscow,
Yerevan and dozens of other cities). The channels of communication thus
created made it possible even in times of strained Washington-Moscow
relations to launch a cultural exchange between the two. Galentz
was part of this landmark initiative and his group met at Emerson
College. The play they presented in there, in New York and Washington,
was about an American girl who goes to Moscow and falls in love with
a Russian boy. Galentz played an Armenian painter who does a portrait
of the girl. When the Russian boy comes by, he makes a joke in a thick
Armenian accent. Given the situation in the USSR, people found this
unexpected and enjoyed it. While in the US, he did a painting which
would later be on exhibit in Cologne. At that point, he did not know
yet whether he wanted to become a comedian or an artist.

The exchange program gave him not only his first international
experience but also his name. Since the Americans in the play had
difficulty pronouncing his name, Harutyun, they called him Archi —
and that stuck.

After returning home and graduating from school, he studied in Yerevan
to improve his Armenian before entering the State University of Arts
and Theatre there in 1989, where he studied design, painting and
calligraphy. While at Yerevan University, he took part in a student
exchange with West Berlin for six days. This was his first contact with
Germany, and in Berlin what fascinated him were the museums. This was
1991, just after reunification, and one could visit the magnificent
museums of both the former East and West sectors.

Theologian Prof. Erdmann who had invited him to Berlin was vice
president of the Academy of Arts. After a stint as a guest student,
Galentz competed to become a normal student. He knew no German and
the professor he had knew no English but they managed. He completed
studies in 1997 and the following year got his Master’s degree under
Prof. Fussmann (whose wife Barbara was an opera singer from America).

Already at this stage of his development, the identity issue for him,
an Armenian artist from Moscow living in Berlin, was central. The first
work that he had taken to Berlin was an oil painting of a stealth
bomber in foreground against a backdrop fabric of Tao characters:
this depicted Armenia, stranded between East and West. He had also
produced posters of a political nature, one of which, showed Armenia
and Karabagh, with a quote from Mikhail Gorbachev in Russian.

This and another were purchased by the Ethnographic Institute of
Sardarabad.

The independent Republic of Armenia needed appropriate symbols for
its new status, a coat of arms and a national flag. For the latter,
the old 1918 flag was revived. His proposal for a coat of arms featured
an eagle and cross. In conceptualizing these national symbols, Galentz
reflected on the fact that the name Hayastan actually had Turkish
elements in the “stan,” and developed the idea of HAYK, made up of
four letters. This meant Armenia not as a geographical entity but as
a culture, Hayk as the Ur-father, Hayk as the people. He continued
developing this idea in Berlin for the following year.

The work he prepared for his master’s degree involved a series of
lithographs, with imaginary maps, representing lands in wartime,
for example, treating themes of the 30 Years War and Byzantium. Here
he used color as a means of division and difference, distinguishing
between foreground, middle ground and background, for example.

Again, he was addressing the theme of conflict and identity, using
maps of land areas and cultural spaces, thus raising the question
of the relationship of national identity to territory. He treated
the historical map from the time of the Berlin Congress from the
standpoint of the later genocide.

In 2000, the Armenian Ambassador to Germany Dr. Voskanyan proposed
that, for the upcoming Hannover World Fair, a series of maps be
exhibited in form of a big cross, in commemoration of the anniversary
(in 2001) of Christianity in Armenia. Later the delegation from Armenia
travelled to Hannover for the event, bringing with them exhibits of
Noah’s ark, lavash, cognac and other national symbols.

Galentz’s contribution was a video he produced, with his own maps
of Karabagh during the war — not the maps as a cross — the only
political theme at the show.

He had gone to Berlin with a task from the family, to learn restoration
and museum management, and to take these skills back to Yerevan and
Moscow. He always had a Russian passport and always returned when he
felt he was needed. Since 2003 in Berlin he has built up a network
of diaspora artists who have had shows in Moscow, Buenos Aires,
Tallin and France. At the same time he has been active in Bonn and
Berlin with the Institute for Foreign Relations (IFA), supported by
the German Foreign Ministry. The IFA organizes travelling exhibits
every year for Germans abroad and for foreign artists in Germany,
as many as 20 exhibits in 10 cities for example.

In 2003 the IFA hosted the first Armenian Diaspora exhibit, titled,
“Getting Closer. For Armenians Looking for a Way Out.” In 2004,
when he was invited by the Museum of Contemporary Art in Skopje to
exhibit, he decided to present not his own works but those of a group
of Armenian artists. That same year he and Silvina Der-Meguerditchian
set up the website and in 2007 for the
first time they held a parallel exhibit at the Venice Biennale as
Armenian Diaspora artists. In 2008 he opened InteriorDAsein, with
the contacts he had been putting together since 2003.

So his focus has been on collaborating with diaspora artists in a
cultural exchange process oriented to defining a new identity. As
he wrote in 2008, “We developed as artists in a belief that
contemporary art is a universal language. And the early hope of our
Underconstruction group was to integrate disperse artists of Armenian
descent and, importantly, to activate Armenian communities, making them
interested in us as artists performing modern concepts of identity.”

Not Victims, but Experts in Survival…

Galentz and his colleagues developed these “modern concepts of
identity” in an extended discussion process over years, and in
connection with exhibits. In 2008, for example, while meeting with a
group of Armenian and Estonian artists to discuss a show planned for
Tallinn, the first idea the organizers came up with for a working title
was “displaced persons.” As he recalled in an article for the show’s
catalogue, the organizers meant it “in a positive sense, referring to
two small nations with many historical and current parallel issues,
including those of diaspora, minorities, immigration, being a ‘toy
ball’ of larger geopolitical interests, and so on.”

But then Galentz and his colleagues rejected the concept on grounds it
communicated a stereotype of the “victim.” Instead, they adopted the
title “thisPLACEd” — which Silvina Der-Meguerditchian suggested. With
this approach, they deliberately avoided artistic cliches associated
with the victim image. The basic concept behind the Berlin IFA
gallery exhibition, “Getting Closer,” “was the decision not to show
predictable images intended to arouse in viewers what one might
call ‘social-pornographic’ feelings. For instance, there were no
sentimental, black and white photos of the regions that suffered
from the 1988 earthquake, no defenseless refugees, no ‘clochards’
and other victims of a failed ‘communist utopia.’ And still it was
a very Armenian show, or maybe it is better to say ‘diasporic’ show
in its best way — a collaboration based on trust, respect for and
real interest in every artist and every piece.”

This last point about trust, self- and mutual recognition was to become
an explicit aim of the Underconstruction initiative, which seeks to
build “a personal and group conscience” an identity, and to do so
“through a visual dialogue and the linking together of artists from
different backgrounds and with diverse philosophies.”

Throughout their activities he and his colleagues have emphasized what
is positive in diversity. As he put it in the same article, “Being as
we are transnational, or multi-geographied, we have an opportunity
to avoid falling into the role of the ‘victim’: in fact, we are
survival experts. We have arrived at this position of stressing the
positive aspects of being different, alone, geographically dispersed
and un-integrated: we should take the next logical step and realize
that we will probably always keep one foot out of the contemporary
art system.”

A Family of Artists

Although he does not have any children yet (he married just last year),
it is fair to assume that if he does, they will be artists. Art is
a family tradition that goes back three generations. His paternal
grandfather, Harutyun Galentz, was born in 1910 in Kyurin in modern-day
Turkey, and escaped with his mother and three brothers to Aleppo,
after Turkish soldiers had abducted his father. Following his mother’s
death, the boys grew up in an orphanage where Harutyun first started
painting. He studied art there and later in Lebanon, in Tripoli and at
the Beirut Academy of Fine Arts. Soon he was receiving awards for his
work, from New York and Lebanon. In 1943 he married Armine Paronyan,
who had been his apprentice and went on to become a famous artist in
her own right. In 1946 they moved from Lebanon to Yerevan, where they
worked and exhibited, and earned further recognition. Archi Galentz
recalled that grandmother Armine did not regret leaving for Yerevan,
because in the USSR she was emancipated as a woman, an artist and
an Armenian. She spoke many languages (Armenian, French, Italian,
Russian and English) and held several exhibits, including in the US
(in 1991-3, and again in 1994-5). She died in Yerevan in 2007.

After Harutyun’s death in 1967 the city council decided to build a
museum out of his atelier, which was in the house where the family
lived. But nothing came of the project and his works were hanging in
the Museum for Contemporary Art, but in poor condition. His son, Saro,
Archi’s father and a professor at the Yerevan State Academy of Fine
Arts, then made it his life’s work to build the museum, and in the
course of 20 years, he did so, erecting a building of three stories.

Harutyun was also honored by having a street named after him. It is
the first private museum in Armenia, and receives some state support.

Archi’s maternal grandfather, Nikolai Nikogosyan, is also an artist,
now 95 and active in his museum/home in Moscow. Born in Mets Shagrir
(present day Nalbandyan) about 30 miles from Yerevan, he was the son
of a farmer and clothier, later active in the construction sector
in Yerevan. In 1934 Nikogosyan entered ballet school and danced for
two years in the corps de ballet. Though his mother supported his
artistic endeavors, his father did not. After seeing his son perform
in one piece, he told him he should either stop his “monkey-dancing”
or leave home — which the young Nikolai did. In Leningrad (today St.

Petersburg) he entered Art School, and in 1940 attended the Sculpture
Faculty of the Arts Academy. His artistic education continued in
Moscow at the Surikov Art Institute and he worked there as a painter,
graphic artist and sculptor, portraying many famous personalities,
among them Aram Khachaturyan.

Though his travel was limited during the Cold War, he visited some
European cities and later toured and exhibited extensively abroad. He
has created hundreds of busts, portraits, paintings and drawings,
and is still active, living in his four-story house which has ample
space to display his sculptures. Since the 1970s he has received many,
many prizes and awards including highest membership in the Russian
Academy of Arts.

Archi’s mother, Nazelie, the daughter of Nikolai, is also an
accomplished artist who was active until recent years. She is the
daughter of Tamara Aslamazyan, Nikolai’s first wife, a construction
engineer and architect. There is a museum in Gumri dedicated to the
works of Tamara’s sisters, Maryam and Yeranouie, who were painters
and ceramic artists.

With this family history, it is no wonder that Archi Galentz discovered
his talent for art and the theatre very young. He noted that,
contrary to ideas left over from the Cold War, it is not true that
all art in Russia, even in the Soviet years, was merely propaganda,
or that artists either worshipped Stalin or were sent to Siberia
for doing anti-Stalinist caricatures. His father, for example, was
a surrealist. Most important for his future development was the fact
that art was part of everyday life for children of his generation. It
was normal in the USSR for children to draw and paint, as artistic
activity was seen as a means of development.

It is also a family tradition to collect art works, a tradition he has
continued quite successfully. In 2004, he described his collection
in an article: “The collection itself consists of my works, even
more so of works of my friends acquired over the last 10 years,
exchanged, presented to me as gifts or lent to me. These are works
of art surrounding me in my private, everyday life…. Some of their
authors I did not know personally, I became acquainted with them after
having acquired their works. This coexistence of art and artists
is not about personal competition…. These works represent little
doors which permit us to enter the worlds of their authors, helping
us experience those persons in their entirety and thus communicating
directly with them…..”

At present, his collection housed in InteriorDAsein includes 50 small-
to medium-sized pieces of art, by more than 30 artists, mainly from the
post-Soviet period and Armenian artists from the avant-garde tradition
developed in the 1990s. They are artists living in different parts
of the world, from Los Angeles to Sweden, France, Russia, Berlin and
Armenia, all different but belonging to the same landscape. Each
piece, whether a painting or drawing, an object or a photo, has
been individually framed by Galentz, who had researched historical
framing in the context of his restoration studies. Periodically,
as just recently, many of these artists come to Berlin to put their
works on display at his atelier, which has become a kind of cultural
center for the diaspora. Archi Galentz summed it up this way:

“Today, three-quarters of the Armenian nation lives outside their
historic territories. In spite of [and because of] several very
old and often contradictory cultural traditions, the question of
preservation of national identity should be turned from having a
maintaining-conserving character to a constituting-adapting one. It is
vital to emphasize the role of art as a way of creating an identity as
well as the fact that this creativity is very close to religiousness.

By means of critical vigilance in the face of a transcultural
‘Zeitgeist’ aestheticism. By means of creating a counterproposal to
the misuse of power in the global art business that offers the high
ideals of a ‘free art creativity,’ strangely enough always presented
alike. By means of a continuation of current cultural life as a dynamic
exchange, those are the only reliable bearers of nationality….

“Armenians have been subjected to being in a ‘globalized’ condition
for nearly 100 years, well over three generations. But even centuries
before a diaspora-fatherland relationship came into existence, there
were several cultural centers. A real interest in one another and
active endeavors on various levels of communication should become
civil duties to guarantee the nation’s survival in a ‘post-national’
era….. In the long run neither religion, language, nor a suffered
genocide trauma can create and preserve an identity. This task belongs
to culture and art.”

Among the 80 shows displaying his works, Galentz has held solo exhibits
in Berlin, Yerevan and several German cities. He was invited in 2010
by the Hayastan Foundation to present a solo in Erlangen, and the
proceeds went to the orphanage in Vanadzor. In a 2012 solo exhibit
at the Society for the Protection of Human Dignity, he received the
Arshile Gorky award from Diaspora Minister Hranush Hakobyan.

He has participated in group shows at the Venice Bienniale, in Berlin,
Gorni Milanovac (Serbia), Tallinn, Yerevan, Buenos Aires, Paris,
Gorlitz, Manila, Skopje (Macedonia), Belgrade, Helsinki, Medellin,
Moscow, Leipzig, Hannover, Gumri, Falun (Sweden) and Sardarabad.

His works are on display in public collections, among others, in the
Ethnological Museum in Sardarabad, the Museum of Contemporary Art in
Skopje, the Tetovo Museum in Macedonia, the Museums for Contemporary
Art in Belgrade and Medellin, the Rare Books Collection in the State
Library in Berlin, the German National Library in Leipzig and the
National Library of Armenia in Yerevan.

– See more at:

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.mirrorspectator.com/2014/03/03/a-cultural-capital-of-the-diaspora-in-berlin/#sthash.Zp86IHAs.dpuf
www.underconstructionhome.net

Turquie : Double Discrimination Pour Les Armeniens Islamises (II)

TURQUIE : DOUBLE DISCRIMINATION POUR LES ARMéNIENS ISLAMISéS (II)

Publié le : 03-03-2014

Info Collectif VAN – – ” Dans la mosquée, on
ne fait pas la prière derrière moi car ils savent qui nous sommes,
même si nous le cachons. ” Il a ajouté ainsi : ” Je me suis fait
pousser la barbe. Je me promène avec le Coran dans la main. Je veux
qu’ils me considèrent comme l’un des leurs. Dans le cas contraire,
je ne pourrai pas me marier, je ne pourrai pas fonder une famille. On
ne me laissera pas vivre tranquillement. ” Halide, qui vient de
Å~^ırnak, a 19 ans.

Elle porte le voile et dit ” Alléluia ! Nous sommes musulmans”.

Concernant son identité arménienne, Halide s’est exprimée ainsi
: ” Je suis consciente de ce que je suis. Mais je suis obligée
d’oublier cette vérité. Sinon, ce milieu ne nous permettra pas
de vivre. ” Le Collectif VAN vous propose la deuxième partie d’un
article poignant de la journaliste Vercihan Ziflioglu, paru en turc,
sur le site aljazeera.com, le 10 février 2014.

Aljazeera Turk

” Etre l’Autre de l’Autre” : Les Arméniens musulmans (II)

10 février 2014

Vercihan Ziflioglu

” On nous traite comme un yaourt périmé ”

Mustafa, se préparant au baptême a l’âge de 34 ans, n’a pas voulu
donner son nom de famille pour des questions de sécurité et du
fait de la pression familiale. Il a appris qu’il était Arménien
dans son rêve grâce a son grand-père.

” Dans mon rêve, mon grand-père m’a dit ” Trouve mon livre vert
! ”.

J’ai été très touché par ce rêve, j’ai demandé a ma famille. Ils
ont d’abord dit qu’un tel livre n’existait pas. Mais, après
avoir insisté durant quelques mois, on me l’a donné. Il était
en arménien, je n’ai pas pu le lire. Ensuite, j’ai appris que cela
était la Bible. Sur chaque page du livre, mon grand-père avait pris
des notes sur les membres de la famille. Par-la, j’ai appris aussi
que son vrai nom était Stepan. ”

D’après Mustafa, les Arméniens d’Istanbul les excluent et ceux de la
diaspora les utilisent comme un élément politique contre la Turquie.

” On nous traite comme un yaourt périmé et on nous exclut. Quand
je suis a la mosquée, les musulmans ne prient pas derrière
moi. Les Arméniens ne me soutiennent pas. Je suis l’Autre de
l’Autre. J’ai appris l’arménien, ma culture, ma musique avec de
grandes difficultés.

Je vous demande qui est moins ou plus Arménien ? ”

Mustafa travaille sur les chants de Komitas, ethnomusicologue arménien
brouillé avec la vie après les évènements de 1915 [Nota CVAN :
ce prêtre arménien, ethnomusicologue, rescapé du génocide de 1915,
a perdu la raison et a fini ses jours dans l’hôpital psychiatrique de
Villejuif près de Paris]. Il aimerait se marier avec une Arménienne
et élever ses enfants en tant que chrétiens.

Il a appris le (vrai) nom de son père a sa mort

Rahime KarakaÅ~_ d’Elazıg [Nota CVAN : Kharpert en arménien] est
une professeure d’anglais a la retraite. Elle a dit qu’elle avait
appris que son père était Arménien, après la mort de celui-ci,
par les registres de l’Etat-Civil.

” J’ai vu sur les registres de l’Etat-Civil que le vrai nom de mon
père était Sarkis. Son vrai nom a été rayé. Lorsque j’ai appris
cette vérité, j’ai été très fâchée contre mon père d’avoir
caché notre identité. Je ne vais pas sur sa tombe, je n’arrive pas
a y aller. ”

KarakaÅ~_ a exprimé les mêmes plaintes et a dit : ” Les Kurdes
se disent socialistes mais nous méprisent. Les Arméniens ne nous
soutiennent pas car on a été islamisé. Alors que ferons-nous ? ”

Après des années, il a été baptisé

Abdulgaffur Turkay a été baptisé et a pris le prénom de Hovhannes
[Nota CVAN : Jean]. Dans la case ‘religion’ de sa carte d’identité
[Nota CVAN : Sur les cartes d’identité en Turquie, il existe une
case pour marquer la religion, dès la naissance de l’individu],
il est maintenant écrit ‘chrétien’. Turkay fait partie du Conseil
d’administration de l’église arménienne Sourp Guiragos a Diyarbakır.

Il a dit que les Arméniens musulmans se connaissaient très bien
entre eux et qu’il y avait des milliers d’Arméniens musulmans en
Anatolie de l’est et du sud-est. Il a raconté que ces derniers se
mariaient entre eux et qu’ils étaient face a la pression sociale.

” Même si nous cachons notre véritable identité, on ne nous
laisse pas l’oublier. Nous sommes les restes de l’épée [Nota CVAN
: expression employée par les Turcs pour désigner ceux qui ont
échappé au génocide de 1915]. Depuis cent ans, nous avons tellement
été assimilés que je ne connais ni ma langue ni ma religion ni ma
culture. Je recommence tout dès le début. ”

Turkay s’est plaint qu’un prêtre ne soit toujours pas désigné pour
l’église Sourp Guiragos de Diyarbakır. Mais il ajoute ceci : ” Ce
n’est pas la faute du patriarcat. Même dans les églises d’Istanbul,
il n’y a pas assez de prêtres car il n’y a pas d’institutions
spirituelles en Turquie. ”

La jeune génération se méfie

Les Arméniens musulmans plus jeunes ont aussi voulu garder leurs
noms confidentiels en raison de la sécurité et de l’inquiétude
pour l’avenir. F.A. de Diyarbakır, qui a 22 ans, a dit qu’il priait
cinq fois par jour mais qu’il allait a l’église tous les dimanches.

” Dans la mosquée, on ne fait pas la prière derrière moi car ils
savent qui nous sommes, même si nous le cachons. ”

Il a ajouté ainsi : ” Je me suis fait pousser la barbe. Je me
promène avec le Coran dans la main. Je veux qu’ils me considèrent
comme l’un des leurs. Dans le cas contraire, je ne pourrai pas me
marier, je ne pourrai pas fonder une famille. On ne me laissera pas
vivre tranquillement. ”

Halide qui vient de Å~^ırnak a 19 ans. Elle porte le voile et dit
” Alléluia ! Nous sommes musulmans”. Concernant son identité
arménienne, Halide s’est exprimée ainsi : ” Je suis consciente de
ce que je suis.

Mais je suis obligée d’oublier cette vérité. Sinon ce milieu ne
nous permettra pas de vivre. ”

Traduction du turc : NA.T. pour le Collectif VAN

Titre original : ‘Otekinin ötekisi’ Musluman Ermeniler

Source originale :

Lire aussi :

Turquie : double discrimination pour les Arméniens islamisés (I)

Retour a la rubrique

Source/Lien : Aljazeera Turk

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=0&id=78822
http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/al-jazeera-ozel/otekinin-otekisi-musluman-ermeniler
www.collectifvan.org

Turquie : Vers La Paix Avec Les Kurdes ?

TURQUIE : VERS LA PAIX AVEC LES KURDES ?

REVUE DE PRESSE

Entretien avec Hamit Bozarslan, directeur d’études a l’EHESS. Ankara
et le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) ont engagé depuis un
an des pourparlers pour mettre un terme au conflit kurde, qui a fait
plus de 40 000 morts depuis 1984. Un processus fragilisé puisque le
PKK a suspendu cet automne le retrait de ses rebelles de Turquie pour
dénoncer des promesses non tenues par le gouvernement.

Le processus de paix engagé entre le gouvernement turc et le PKK
a-t-il un avenir ? Personne ne le sait vraiment. Aujourd’hui, il y a
des frictions considérables au sein du pouvoir entre le courant Gulen
(voir ci-contre ” â~@~HBras de ferâ~@~H ”), une sorte d’Opus Dei
de l’Islam, et le parti AKP. Une partie de ces tensions peut avoir un
impact sur le dossier kurde. Très influent au sein du ministère de
l’Intérieur, le mouvement Gulen ne veut pas de ces négociations. Par
ailleurs, certains acteurs de l’opposition kémaliste adoptent
ouvertement une position anti-kurde. Enfin, l’Iran, qui compte
également une forte minorité kurde, tente lui aussi d’entraver ce
processus de paix. La situation est donc extrêmement complexe.

Pour quelles raisons le gouvernement a-t-il ouvert ces négociations ?

En février 2008, l’opération Soleil lancée par l’armée turque
au Kurdistan irakien contre les militants du PKK s’est soldée
par un fiasco, ce qui a considérablement ébranlé le prestige de
l’institution militaire dans la gestion de la question kurde. Cette
même année, le parti AKP au pouvoir a mis au pas la très puissante
armée turque a travers une série de procès. Par conséquent,
l’AKP avait les mains libres pour ” résoudre ” cette question. Je
pense aussi, qu’il y avait une volonté gouvernementale de renégocier
une sorte de contrat avec les Kurdes, lesquels représentent tout de
même quelque 20 % de la population. Enfin, bien sÔr la situation
syrienne a joué un rôle, la Turquie craignant de voir les Kurdes
syriens ” s’autonomiser ” complètement pour constituer un Ã~Itat
a ses frontières.

Ces négociations ont-elles commencé a porter des fruits ? Cela fait
un an qu’il n’y a pas eu d’affrontement lié a la question kurde. Le
21 mars dernier, Abdullah Ocalan, le dirigeant emprisonné du PKK,
a annoncé un cessez-le-feu. Cette situation de paix prolongée a
permis le déploiement d’une société civile extrêmement dynamique
et de classes moyennes kurdes avec des attentes en termes de confort
matériel, de services culturels, d’éducation. On assiste ainsi a une
floraison de cafés littéraires, de groupes de théâtre, de clubs de
danse, de maisons d’édition… Dans les villes du Sud-Est Mardin, Van,
Hakkari, les universités sont en pleine effervescence. Avant même
le lancement des négociations, les Kurdes avaient obtenu certains
droits : une radio et une télévision émettant en kurde, un site
dans leur langue au sein de l’agence de presse nationale (Anatolie),
des centres de recherche dans plusieurs villes. On peut aussi noter de
facto la banalisation du terme Kurdistan ou l’érection de statues a
la mémoire de leaders kurdes exécutés, ce qui était inimaginable
il y a quelques années.

Connaît-on les termes de la négociation ? Rien n’est écrit. Les
revendications du PKK semblent cependant plus claires. Elles recouvrent
une autonomie réelle, la possibilité pour les hommes et les femmes
politiques kurdes d’agir dans un cadre légal, la reconnaissance
du kurde comme langue du Kurdistan, et sans doute la légalisation
du PKK ou au moins la possibilité offerte a ses militants d’agir
en toute légalité. Du côté du gouvernement, le programme de
démocratisation annoncé le 30 septembre par le Premier ministre
Erdogan contenait quelques dispositions concernant les Kurdes,
notamment la permission de pratiquer une éducation en langue
maternelle dans les établissements privés, la possibilité d’user
officiellement des lettres spécifiques de leur alphabet (q, x, w),
la suppression du serment que les écoliers doivent réciter chaque
matin : ” Je suis turc, je suis juste, je suis travailleur… Heureux
qui se dit Turc ”.

Mais ce paquet de réformes est jugé très insuffisant par le
PKK qui s’était engagé a se retirer derrière les frontières a
condition d’obtenir des concessions. En octobre dernier, le retrait des
combattants kurdes a été stoppé : quelque 20 % de ses combattants
(sur un total d’environ 5 000) se seraient pour le moment retirés
dans le Kurdistan irakien.

Quel est le bilan de la guerre entre les Kurdes et l’Ã~Itat Turc
? Ce conflit a fait plus de 40 000 morts combattants et civils
kurdes. Près de 4 000 hameaux et villages dans l’Est et le Sud-Est
ont été détruits. En 2009 un ministre turc a déclaré que la
guerre avait coÔté 300 milliards de dollars au pays. Par le passé,
le PKK a également commis certaines exactions en particulier des
massacres dans certains villages en 1986 et 1987. Il y a aussi des
purges internes dans les rangs du parti.

On a souvent reproché au PKK de ne pas accepter le pluralisme… Le
PKK est désormais capable de construire un bloc hégémonique,
a l’instar de celui que l’AKP a établi en Turquie. Aujourd’hui,
il n’est plus besoin d’utiliser la force pour s’imposer comme la
référence dominante de l’espace kurde. Du coup, il accepte davantage
de pluralisme, que ce soit en termes politiques, dans la presse ou
dans la vie culturelle.

La paix entre le PKK et le gouvernement est souvent présentée comme
indispensable a un approfondissement de la démocratisation du pays.

Qu’en pensez-vous ? C’est vrai a ceci près que la démocratisation
n’est pas l’objectif de l’AKP qui est davantage dans une logique de
projection de puissance.

Propos recueillis par Aurélie Carton

REPERES

Population : 76 millions d’habitants Nature de l’Ã~Itat : république
centralisée. Nature du régime : parlementaire. Chef de l’Ã~Itat
: Abdullah Gul, président de la République depuis le 28 aoÔt
2007. Chef du gouvernement : Recep Tayyip Erdogan depuis le 14
mars 2003.

Principaux partis politiques au Parlement : â~@¢ AKP (Parti de
la justice et du développement) parti islamo-conservateur fondé
par Recep Tayyip Erdogan. â~@¢ CHP (Parti républicain du peuple)
: parti social-démocrate, nationaliste et laïque fondé par
Ataturk. â~@¢ MHP (Parti d’action nationaliste) : parti d’extrême
droite nationaliste. â~@¢ DTP (Parti de la société démocratique)
: parti de socialisme démocratique, autonomiste kurde. Kémalisme :
Mouvement politique inspiré par les six principes de Mustafa Kemal
dit Ataturk, fondateur de la Turquie moderne : le républicanisme,
le populisme, la laïcité, le révolutionnarisme, le nationalisme,
l’étatisme.

lundi 3 mars 2014, Stéphane ©armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.amnesty.fr/Informez-vous/Les-actus/Turquie-vers-la-paix-avec-les-kurdes-10688

Le CNA Et Le Parti Heritage Menacent De Boycotter La Commission Parl

LE CNA ET LE PARTI HERITAGE MENACENT DE BOYCOTTER LA COMMISSION PARLEMENTAIRE D’ENQUETE SUR LES ACCORDS GAZIERS ARMENO-RUSSES

ARMENIE

Ces deux partis, qui, avec Armenie prospère et le parti Dachnak,
etaient a l’origine de l’initiative de former une commission
parlementaire pour enqueter sur la dette de 300 M USD de l’Armenie
vis-a-vis de Gazprom, menacent de boycotter cette commission en
cours de formation. Si le CNA s’oppose a la condition posee par
le parti Republicain de tenir les audiences a huis clos, Heritage
insiste sur le fait que tous les groupes parlementaires doivent etre
representes au sein de cette commission sur une base d’egalite, le
parti Republicain souhaitant voir applique le principe proportionnel.

Par ailleurs, 168 Jam relève que les quatre groupes parlementaires
auraient echoue a trouver un accord quant au vote de defiance a
l’encontre du PM qu’ils avaient l’intention de lancer lors de la
session parlementaire du 24 au 27 fevrier. Ils auraient reporte cette
initiative afin de trouver un compromis, le parti Heritage insistant
sur le vote de defiance non pas contre le PM, mais contre le President
de la Republique. / 168 Jam

Extrait de la revue de presse de l’Ambassade de France en Armenie en
date du 24 fevrier 2014

lundi 3 mars 2014, Stephane (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

ANKARA: Zirve Publishing House, Dink, Santoro Murders Carried Out By

ZIRVE PUBLISHING HOUSE, DINK, SANTORO MURDERS CARRIED OUT BY TUSHAD, SAYS PROSECUTOR

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 2 2014

2 March 2014 /TODAY’S ZAMAN.COM, İSTANBUL A prosecutor’s report
stated that three high-profile murders in the country were ordered by
the National Strategies and Operations Department of Turkey (TUSHAD),
according to Turkish news outlets on Sunday.

The report, which was issued by the public prosecutor of the Malatya
3rd High Criminal Court, alleges that the Zirve Publishing House
massacre, the murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink and
the killing of Italian Catholic priest Andrea Santoro had all been
orchestrated by TUSHAD.

Three employees of the Christian Zirve Publishing House were tortured
and murdered in 2007 in the province of Malatya. Dink was murdered
by a young ultranationalist outside his office in İstanbul, while
Santoro was killed in a church in the eastern Black Sea province of
Trabzon in 2006.

There was extensive speculation that the murders were linked as they
had occurred approximately within a year of each other and targeted
Christians.

TUSHAD is an alleged clandestine organization under the umbrella of
the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) which prosecutors in the Ergenekon
trials argued was founded by retired Gen. HurÅ~_it Tolon. Tolon, who
was sentenced to life imprisonment in the Ergenekon trials last year,
denied that the organization exists.

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.todayszaman.com/news-340933-zirve-publishing-house-dink-santoro-murders-carried-out-by-tushad-says-prosecutor.html