Sukhoi Civil Aircraft Inks Deal To Supply Two SuperJets To Armavia

SUKHOI CIVIL AIRCRAFT INKS DEAL TO SUPPLY TWO SUPERJETS TO ARMAVIA

Prime-Tass Business News Agency
September 14, 2007 Friday 2:37 PM EET
Russia

Russia’s Sukhoi Civil Aircraft has signed a deal to supply two SuperJet
100 aircraft with an extended range to Armenian airline Armavia,
a spokesperson for Sukhoi Civil Aircraft told Prime-Tass Friday.

The planes are to be supplied to Armavia at the end of 2008. Under
the agreement, Armavia will also have an option to acquire another
two SuperJet 100s in the future.

The deal is worth $55 million – $60 million, the spokesperson said,
adding that Russia’s state-controlled VTB Bank was providing financing.

Sukhoi Civil Aircraft is developing the SuperJet 100 regional aircraft
jointly with U.S. aircraft producer Boeing. The first test flight
of the SuperJet 100 is expected to take place before the end of this
year and mass production is expected to start in 2008.

Sukhoil Civil Aircraft is a subsidiary of Russian aircraft maker
Sukhoi, which is in turn controlled by the United Aircraft Corporation
(UAC).

Armavia started operating flights in 2001. Its fleet currently
includes six aircraft, including one Airbus A320, two Airbus A319s,
one Il-86 and twoYak-42s aircraft, according to the company’s Web site.
From: Baghdasarian

ANC Australia: Polls Reveal Community’s Focus

ANC Armenian National Committee of Australia
The Peak Public Affairs Committee of the Armenian-Australian Community
259 Penshurst Street, Willoughby NSW 2068 ~ PO Box 768, Willoughby NSW 2068
Tel: (02) 9419 8264 ~ Fax: (02) 9411 8898
Email: <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected] ~ Website:

24 September, 2007

MEDIA RELEASE: For Immediate Release

{CONTACT: Haig Kayserian (Communications Officer) ~ 0403 317 903 ~
[email protected]}

POLLS REVEAL COMMUNITY’S FOCUS

SYDNEY: Internet polls conducted on over a four-week period
reveal the Armenian-Australian community lists among its primary Federal
Election matters of interest, affirmation of the Armenian Genocide, as well
as Economic Stability, Environmental Planning, Industrial Relations,
Healthcare and Community Support.

The ANC Australia internet polls were conducted between August 21, 2007 and
September 24, 2007, and included the participation of more than 400
individuals across New South Wales and Victoria. Of the participants, 59%
reside in the region of Ryde and its surrounding areas, a further 27% reside
in other regions of Sydney and 14% reside in Victoria.

"We are pleased that so many Armenian-Australian voters are educated and
focused on matters of importance to the community," commented ANC Australia
President Mr. Varant Meguerditchian. "An educated and united community is a
strong community."

In the lead up to the 2007 Federal Election, ANC Australia delegations will
meet with candidates and sitting members for the Armenian populated
electorates in Sydney’s North, North-West and Western Suburbs, to ascertain
the candidates’ positions regarding issues of importance to the
Armenian-Australian community and the Australian populace at large.

[End]
___________________________________________ _____________________________
The Armenian National Committee of Australia (ANC Australia) is the largest
and most influential Armenian Australian grassroots political organisation.
Working in coordination with a network of offices, chapters, and supporters
throughout Australia, ANC Australia actively advances the concerns of the
Armenian Australian community on a broad range of issues.

Armenian National Committee of Australia
259 Penshurst Street, Willoughby NSW 2068
PO Box 768, Willoughby NSW 2068
T: (02) 9419 8264 | F: (02) 9411 8898
E: <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected] | W: <;

The Armenian National Committee of Australia is the peak public affairs body
of the Armenian-Australian community. ANC Australia advances the concerns of
the Armenian-Australian community.
From: Baghdasarian

http://anc.org.au/news.php?extend.61
http://www.anc.org.au&gt
www.anc.org.au
www.anc.org.au
www.anc.org.au

Surenavan Community Playground Officially Opened

SURENAVAN COMMUNITY PLAYGROUND OFFICIALLY OPENED

Lragir.am
20-09-2007 15:14:20

The official opening of the Surenavan Community Playground For Our
Health took place on Thursday, September 20, the U.S. Embassy
reported. Located in Surenavan Village, Ararat Marz, the brand-new
playground was spearheaded by Surenavan Secondary School teacher,
Alvina Grigoryan, who grew up in the village and has worked with the
Peace Corps for one year. After completing the Peace Corps Project
Design Management workshop in February, she returned home inspired to
improve her community. Grigoryan brought people together to make the
parents and teacher’s dream of a safe and clean playground/recreation
area reality. The village donated the site on school grounds and
provided more than $2,000 in community contributions including time,
labor and materials. The village received a Small Projects Assistance
Grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development through the
U.S. Peace Corps for materials and equipment purchase and solicited
in-kind donations from community members for playground sand and trash
cans. Playground equipment, basketball hoops, tennis and volleyball
nets and eight Armenian-flag-colored benches were installed at the
beginning of September. The project will conclude in November with the
planting of 100 decorative trees. More than 50 Peace Corps volunteers
cleaned the playground and constructed the benches, basketball hoops,
and tennis and volleyball equipment.

The playground equipment was constructed by Magnon Playground &
Equipment Company, a Gyumri-based business that has constructed
playgrounds throughout Armenia and has worked with internationally
recognized organizations including USAID and WorldVision. The
community chose equipment based on teacher input, student activities
and community needs. "We knew based on a community needs-assessment
and focus group that the village had no place where adults and
children could relax outdoors. Before today there was nowhere for
students to play and no green space for adults to relax." Grigoryan
said. "The village chose the location for its inclusive atmosphere and
proximity to the school and village kindergarten."
From: Baghdasarian

U.S. presidential candidate offered to invite Israel to NATO

PanARMENIAN.Net

U.S. presidential candidate offered to invite Israel to NATO
20.09.2007 14:17 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Making an unusual campaign swing outside his own
country, U.S. presidential candidate Rudolph Giuliani said Wednesday
that he would like to see a broad expansion of the NATO alliance,
including an invitation to Israel, and that the United States would
use military force if necessary to prevent Iran from developing
nuclear weapons.

Giuliani, long a supporter of Israel, acknowledged that pushing its
membership in NATO might be viewed as provocative. Still, he said, he
thinks it only natural, since the Israelis would be "willing to help
us in the effort against terrorism."

Any attempt to include Israel in the alliance, an idea discussed
within past American administrations, would most likely face
insurmountable barriers, however, given that all NATO member states
would first have to sign off.

Giuliani raised the idea of Israel’s NATO membership in an interview
with The New York Times. The comments by the former New York mayor, a
chief contender for the Republican presidential nomination, will most
likely appeal to Jewish voters in states like New York and Florida,
which hold early primaries this election cycle.

"They are a democracy," he said of the Israelis. "They are an ally of
the United States. They would have to decide whether that would be in
their own national interest."

That speech capped a whirlwind day in which he gave a half-dozen
interviews to foreign and American news organizations and had private
meetings with Prime Minister Gordon Brown and former Prime Minister
Tony Blair at Blair’s offices here.

Giuliani’s speech did not dwell on NATO’s inclusion of the Israelis,
merely listing Israel along with other nations, including Japan,
Australia and India, as those that meet the "basic standards of good
governance, military readiness" and "global responsibility," IHT
reports.
From: Baghdasarian

Armenian President Confers Military Ranks

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT CONFERS MILITARY RANKS

ARKA
19/09/2007 21:31

RA President Robert Kocharyan has conferred ranks on officers of the
RA Ministry of Justice and the RA Rescue Service.

The RA presidential press service reports that Kocharyan signed
decrees conferring the rank of Major-General on Chief of the
Department for Enforcement of Criminal Sentences Ashot Martirosyan,
the rank of Lieutenant-General on Director of the RA Rescue Service
Edik Barseghyan, and the rank of the Deputy Director of the RA Rescue
Service Vrezh Gabrielyan.
From: Baghdasarian

The Status Of The Minorities In South East Asia: Why Can’t Turkey Be

THE STATUS OF THE MINORITIES IN SOUTH EAST ASIA: WHY CAN’T TURKEY BE LIKE THE PHILIPPINES?
BY Aland Mizell

Kurdish Aspect, CO
Kurdishaspect.com
September 19, 2007

The Philippine nation is a pluralistic society and culture compared
to other South East Asian countries in the region. The direction
the Philippines has taken since her colonial days has been toward
the integration of small, more diverse tribal communities into
a more developing nation with the nation’s desired goal being
to bring about a cohesive society under the unifying umbrella of
institutional processes. There are many tribal languages spoken in
the Philippines , especially among the Muslim minority. For example,
a member of the Maranao tribe speaks Maranao, and one belonging to
the Tausog tribe speaks the Tausug tribal language. The Philippine
government never forced minorities to speak Tagalog, the Philippine
national language. Of the 175 languages, 171 are living and only
4 are extinct, making a very diversified and rich linguistic map
(Ethnologue 2007). The pluralistic nature of the Philippine society is
very interesting to study in the areas of ethnic, racial, and religious
relations compared to Turkey, because the Turkish nation is also a
pluralistic society and culture populated by many ethnic minorities,
like the Kurds, Armenians, Jews, Central Asians, and those from the
Balkans; however, the direction the Turkish government has taken is
not toward integration into a more diverse, tolerant society or a
more educated and developing nation, but rather the direction the
Turkish government has taken is to continue to deny differences,
a denial based on a more racist and nationalistic approach.

Like the Turkish government, the Philippine government constitutionally
remains a secular state, but unlike the Turkish government, it neither
supports nor discriminates against any religious group, institution, or
people according to the constitutional principles. In the Philippines
, most people classify themselves along sectarian lines. However,
religious fanatic groups in the Philippines are trying to divide the
social structure of the nation instead of trying to unify it into a
common homeland under the Philippine government. They use the drug of
religion to combat against governmental efforts. Instead of fighting
against poverty and illiteracy and of maintaining security and building
the economy, the fanatics create problems, so that investments do
not go to the rural areas. As a consequence of the violence, Muslims
pay the price. Even though in the past the government discriminated
against minorities, now it has recognized these past mistakes and has
compensated through a program of reconciliation and autonomy. However,
the Turkish government has had no reconciliation programs to reconsider
the taboos against the Kurds. Just recently, the head of the Turkish
Historical Society, TTK, Professor Halacoglu, argued that the Kurds
actually are Turkmen and that the Alevi Kurds are Armenian. Indeed,
this is the history that the Turkish government teaches to young
generations with misinformation about Kurdish history.

The history professor lays no claims to having foresight or
pre-science, and he has studied history just enough to know that he
does not know enough to risk predicting what the future holds for
the Kurds.

He has eyes, though, and so he is in a position to ask readers to
gaze in a certain direction and determine whether they also see what
he sees. This kind of professor needs to wear glasses because his
eyes suffer from myopia, and, therefore, it is entirely possible that
his claim rests on evidence that either results from not seeing all
there is to see or from being based on what he thinks he sees. Also,
a few years ago Bogazici University in Istanbul held an international
conference, but the TTK pulled its funding and support when it learned
that a paper on the Kurds and another on the Armenians were to be
presented. The Turkish government has held this kind of groundless
history for decades. However, Turkey is preparing to join the world
class, so I wonder if Turkey will relinquish her narrow ideas based on
a nationalistic view that denies minorities’ right to exist or if it
will follow the path of Europeans who strongly believe that respect
for human rights is one of the most fundamental and universal values
of our world. According to Benita Ferrero-Waldner, the European
Human Rights Commissioner for External Relations in the European
Neighborhood Policy, "All of us, in our official capacity have an
obligation to promote and protect the rights of our fellow members
of the human family, be that at home or elsewhere in the world" (2005).

By contrast to Turkey with its land mass being contiguous, the
territorial setting of the Philippines is comprised of more than seven
thousands islands, a reality that creates problems because of isolation
and communication gaps. Yet, in spite of these natural difficulties
arising out of its being an archipelago, the Philippines government
is committed to overcoming these complexities and to narrowing the
gaps. However, it is true to say that the Philippine government in
the past has neglected the southern part of country, or consistently
has used assimilation and discrimination policies against the Muslim
minorities in that region. Proselytizing the indigenous tribes with
their religions based primarily on animism, Islam was introduced to
Mindanao and the Sulu Islands in the 15th century, and affected not
only the religious order but the political and social system as well,
establishing sultanates and bringing the barangays or kinship groups
under the control of powerful datus or chieftains.. After this period
of Islamic proselytism, Muslims in the southern Philippines consider
themselves native since they preceded the Spaniard colonization that
began with the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in 1521. Today, however,
the Philippine government has admitted that the government’s past
policy was wrong and unjust. The government has given a large degree
of freedom in the area ranging from education to autonomous self-rule.

It has created a special Muslim curriculum, Muslim institutions,
and scholarship programs exclusively for the Muslim minorities. For
example, Mindanao State University (MSU) is located in Marawi City ,
where the majority of the population is Muslim. The tuition is very
inexpensive compared to other universities in the region.

When I interviewed, Dr. Tamano, a prominent Muslim, who is highly
educated and enjoys a high profile, he was Secretary of the
Autonomous Region in the Muslim Mindanao, Muslim advisor to the
regional Department of Education, and acting Vice- President of
Mindanao State University (2007). He also ran for governor but lost
because of election fraud. He is now Chancellor of Mindanao State
University. I asked him, "What is the Moro question?" If Muslims have
their own autonomous region, their self rule, education, language,
and culture, what do Muslims want? Why are they still fighting for? He
told me that when the Spaniards came for three Gs–GOD, Glory and Gold.

"They tried to take our land from us and to force us to believe their
God. That’s why Muslims resisted them until today. That was a just war,
and that’s why we won." He explained the difference now, "But today
we are fighting the wrong war, because the government now recognizes
her past mistake and has given us all opportunities to catch up with
the rest of society, in terms of education and economics." Muslims
have a higher illiteracy rate than the Catholic Christians.

There is such a disparity between the Catholic majority and the Muslim
minority in terms of poverty.

He continued, "That is what Muslim leaders in the Philippines should
be fighting for. They are supposed to unify to eliminate poverty,
narrow the educational gaps, and create peace so that people can have
jobs, but sometimes Muslims fight among themselves, especially when
an election comes. Some of the leaders want the Muslim candidates to
use religion as a scapegoat to gain political power for themselves."

Also, a lack of Muslim leadership among the Muslim minority
perpetuates the problems. He told me to look at his university as a
good example. The government has given every opportunity for Muslims
to be educated and to have skills as well as good jobs. He referred
to education as "the right education," one that teaches Islam but an
Islam that is compatible with science. In his view, Muslims should
learn science and skills as well as their religion.

Also, I visited the Mayor of Davao City, Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, who
is well known for making the city safe and free from the corruption of
drug-dealing. He has a zero tolerance against drugs and other illegal
activity. Today there is only one city in the Mindanao region that is
safe, and it is Davao . When I asked him, "How did you do that?" Mayor
Duterte told me that the Philippine government policy had been wrong
in the past. He did not have any intention to follow the wrong policy
of the government. The mayor said that the state is not a moral agent;
people are, and as such, they can impose moral principles on powerful
institutions. He said that he talked to everybody especially the
rebels and implemented equal representation in his administration. He
explained that he gave an equal voice and an equal role to every tribe
to make sure each person was represented fairly and equally, and then
he said he told them that there would be no more assassinations,
kidnappings, or killings. That is why the city is safer today than
before his coming to office. Mayor Duterte does not believe that using
the military is a good solution to ethnic and religious conflict in
his country. He believes we are all human beings, and as such, we all
have rights inherent to that status. We all have dignity and worth
that exist prior to law. That is a system in which words can change
the whole structure of government, and words can prove stronger than
numerous military divisions. That is why today Davao City is the safest
city in the Philippines ; it is because of a good and strong mayor.

Good administration and politics emphasize rights, the superiority
of law, duty, and the placement of responsible people in difficult
jobs. According to the mayor, government means justice and public
order. One cannot speak where those two do not exist. For Duterte, laws
should be effective all the time, everywhere, and for everybody. This
unity of feeling, thought, and culture are essential to the development
of a strong nation because disintegration of moral unity causes that
same nation to weaken.

Like more recently in the Philippines , in the 1960s America called
for national integration to solve the problem of racism, and it
implemented new policies to overcome the attitudes and practices
that discriminated against the Blacks. Since it is hard to change
what happened in the past, a society has to start at the present,
so Turkey can change her attitude toward ethnic discrimination. To
begin, the current leaders must realize Turkey’s guilt, get rid of
their arrogance, seed humility, and exchange love, humility, kindness,
and forgiveness for hate to make the present more comfortable and
the future more hopeful. Peace will begin in the Kurdish region when
oppression, cruelty, injustice and hunger end.

However, today the Turkish government lags behind the Philippine
government in terms of its treatment of the minorities. An inquirer
must ask why the law enforcement that serve in the Kurdish region are
not Kurdish or at least speak Kurdish. Why are there no educational
institutions that study Kurdology or that establish Kurdish
institutes? Why can the Turkish government not create some kind of
program like affirmative action that will allow for a narrowing of the
educational gap between Kurdish minorities and the Turkish majority
because illiteracy rates among the Kurds is higher than among the
Turks. Why can the Turkish government not give some incentives to
encourage economic progress? Kurds should be more organized and should
educate themselves to realize that they would be better off if they
made education a priority because education is mightier than the sword.

The Kurdish culture and history should be allowed to exist in the
open and also preserved, such as Kurdish names, and the Kurdish
language. Why can the Turkish government not put forth some effort
to foster civic engagement about the Kurdish question? Why can the
Kurdish question not be discussed in the academic community? Why
can the Turkish government not have some kind of scholarship program
exclusively for the Kurdish minority to give them incentives to go
to school? Why can the Kurds not have the same kind of autonomy that
the Muslim minorities do in the Philippines ? The problem of the Kurds
being subjected to objective analysis is that it necessarily requires
assessment of the government’s adopted measures to effectively solve
such problems. If the government denies the existence of the ethnic
group, how can any kind of governmental analysis occur? Good government
produces opportunities for each generation to have a developed faith,
innovative technology and science, and a cultivated consciousness
about their identity and their cultural values. If, by contrast,
the people see the government as tyrannical or oppressive, then the
nation has lost its purpose to serve the common good.

Further, in Turkey the government program still uses a military
solution to achieve their policy of integration rather than an academic
one. For a long time the integration policy was always interpreted as
assimilation or acculturation, which means that the Turkish government
tries to reconcile diverse cultures with one culture and to deny the
minorities’ culture.

By contrast, in the Philippines the varied Muslim tribes have their
own language, dances, crafts, and customs. Yet, when Ferdinand Magellan
came to the Philippines in early 1521, he conquered the archipelago by
sword and cross, and for long time the Spaniards fought with Muslims in
a bloody struggle and war. However, later on, the governor as well as
Catholic and other denominations’ missionaries organized a politico
-a military for the minorities’ group, so that they would be able
to control the minorities’ affairs and supervise them. Dr. Tamano
points out that the Spanish were successful in Luzon and Visayas,
so the Spanish began to assimilate non-Christians into an already
growing Christian society. In Dr. Tamano’s view, the Spaniards
made the integration policy successful in the north because the
Spaniard considered that if the number of Filipinos converted to
Christianity could be measured, the numbers would show a fully
successful integration.

However, in the southern regions like Sulu and Maguindanao, the
Sultanates of the Muslims resisted the Spaniard forces and the problem
of assimilating these non-Catholic and Catholics failed to bring
them to work together to bring about peace. If a traveler crosses
the region, he or she will see how that policy has affected people’s
life conditions there. Now the Philippine government recognizes these
differences and has implemented policies to recognize the ethnic and
religious differences.

Like Magellan, the Turkish government first under the Ataturk
regime and then subsequent ones used force and denial as part of its
assimilation policy. "Kurds are mountain Turks." Turkey was effective
with this assimilation, but they were not successful in the south;
however, later on, the Turkish regime’s generals and Agah or Sheik
organized a politico -the military for the minorities’ group, so
that they could control the minorities’ affairs and supervised them
through corrupt religious groups. The Agha in the south and in the
eastern part of Turkey accomplished a successful integration policy
because if the number of the Kurds who denied their identity or who
believed that they were mountain Turks could be considered a criterion
of national integration, then we could say that the Turkish government
proved successful in her integration or assimilation policy. It is
fair to say that the Turkish regime’s integration policy in the east
was successful, but that it failed in the south.

Last week, the mayor of the Diyarbakir challenged the Islamic Justice
and Development Party (AP), saying that Diyarbakir is our [the Kurds’]
"stronghold," and we are ready to fight. However, Mayor Osman Baydemir
used this word as a illustration to mean that we will not give up
our culture, we will not bow down to injustice, we will not let the
military burn our villages, we live here, and we will fight you not in
the sense of taking up arms but a civilized way.. In the recent case,
however, a member of the Fetullahci group, Fetullah Gulen’s closest
assistant wrote in the Zaman newspaper criticizing Baydemir’s comments
by saying that Mayor Baydemir cannot challenge the Prime Minister and
that Baydemir is creating terror. But Huseyin Gulerce and his followers
put the blinders on when the Democratic Social Party (DPT) leader
Ahmet Turk criticized Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government by saying,
"There is no mention about the Kurdish problem during the parliamentary
talks over the new government plan." However, Erdogan replied to Ahmet,
"You first outlaw the Kurdish Worker Party [PKK} in the region."

Gulerce and his followers failed to see what kind of language the
Prime Minister was using. What kind of leadership is it that wants
to punish a majority of people because a minority of the people
supports the PKK? If the Prime Minister were a mature enough leader,
he would never point out differences of thought and opinion to produce
conflict. It is true that no one should refuse to tolerate views that
separate people into camps and destroy the community and society,
but neither should they go out of their way to use them to enflame
opposition. If the Prime Minister and others who think like him
believe in tolerance, then why do they oppose every idea that seem
contradictory to theirs and scare them off instead of seeking ways
to benefit from their opinions and ideas, of trying to understand
them and to build a bridge, and of beginning a dialogue with them? In
other words, why do they not try to learn how to listen to what the
Kurds say they really want and what they really mean? Otherwise,
those who are kept at a distance and are led into dissatisfaction
because they think that the government is biased will unit the masses
and will resist the Turkish government. It is important that the Prime
Minister and his government learn how to benefit from other people’s
knowledge and views because that knowledge will help them understand
how to approach the Kurdish problem.

Also, Erdogan still believes that there is no Kurdish problem and
that there has never been one. By answering Baydemir, Erdogan was
saying that people should produce projects not words. I wonder what
Erdogan has been doing in southeastern Turkey . How many families
have been compensated because the military forced them to leave their
villages? How many families whose village has been burned have homes
being rebuilt? How many new schools and new roads are being built
in southeastern Turkey ? How many job has he created? How much has
he reduced the size of the military instead of increasing it, as he
actually has?

A just government implies that there is a policy for everything:
a policy for renewing a nation’s joy until the whole nation feel
the joys and likewise feels the sorrow and pain of others in the
same nation. Instead, now there is a new campaign that goes against
Kurds, saying that Kurds are betrayers and have taken the side of
the Christians like those in America . But, the government has never
realized that Americans are the ones who freed the Kurds, not their
fellow Muslim brothers. Also, it has failed to understand that those
who have been oppressing the Kurds for centuries are neither Christians
nor Americans, but they are their fellow Muslim brothers. Iran ,
for example, for a long time has oppressed the Kurds and is killing
them even today; it is not a Christian nation but rather a Muslim
nation. Turkey has oppressed, killed, tortured, raped, and burned
houses and villages, not a Christian nation but a Muslim one. Syria
committed genocide against the Kurds; it is not a Christen nation
but a Muslim nation. Iraq ‘s Saddam gassed Kurds not as a Christian
nation but a Muslim one. Those who study politics and see politics
as a propaganda struggle for power are mistaken. Politics is like an
art of management based on diverse perspectives of the contemporary
world and on a future that will seek the people’s satisfaction and
justice. Erdogan and some others should never forget that power
and dominance are transitory, while justice, equality, and truth
are eternal. Even if they do not exist in Turkish politics today,
some day they will. Therefore, especially those who claim to be
Muslims should align themselves and their policies with equality and
justice; and treat everybody the same regardless of their religion,
skin color, race, ethnicity, or gender. The Prime Minister and Huseyin
Gulerce should never forget when they were discriminated against by
the military and the Secularists, or when they were not welcome in
the presidential palace or at a meeting. How did they feel in their
own country? That is exactly how the Kurds feel now. If religion is
truly interpreted, it can promote democracy, understanding of others,
human rights, equality, as well as justice, and those values can be
guaranteed via religion. Because religion should teach that all people
are created equal, it should not discriminate based on race, color,
age, or nationality. Religion should declare that power lies in truth;
religion should teach that justice and rule of law are essential;
religion should teach freedom of belief, open ideas, and the right
to life, personal name, and personal property. Everyone should be
able to speak her or his language and maintain culture that God-gave
to them; no one should take that away, and their rights should be
violated. Religion is a relationship between men and God. It results
in a commitment between God and the individual as he or she submits
to His divine system in which all creatures obey Him. To abuse it
is very sad in that today many people try to use religion to gain
power and as a method of controlling another person’s life. If a
government is virtuous and the state is chosen because of their humble
ideas and justice, then that government will be strong and peace as
well as reconciliation are possible, but if the government is run
by officials who still have prejudice in their hearts and minds,
not justice and equality, and thus they lack those high qualities,
sooner or later it will collapse. Erdogan and others should remember
that extreme harshness causes unexpected explosions that are waiting
for the spark to ignite them. As long as his government protects people
from cruelty and defends them from injustice and oppression, it will be
a successful government; however, if Erdogan’s government does not do
so, then he will cause more hatred, more prejudice, and more turmoil.

The majority of Muslims in the southern Philippines (the Moros),
like the Kurds, are not rebellious and do not want to fight or
be rebellious against their government. Even though a majority of
the Moros sympathize with the Moros’ struggle against, oppression,
injustice, and cruelty that the rebels represent, most Muslims like
the Kurds wish for nothing more than to live in peace, pursue their
livelihood, have a family, raise their kids, live in dignity, and
die in a bed. The Kurds seek above all their survival as a Kurdish
people. They are now convinced that their survival demands freedom from
the domination of Turks in those matters which most impinge on their
identity and selfhood as Kurds; those are such matters as education,
community organizations, non-government organizations (NGO’s), family ,
law and order, an end to military rule, and economic resources. This
is the kind of experience that has been telling us that there can
be no real freedom for Kurds until there is fundamental change in
the structures of their relationship to the Turkish government. This
change must give them power, that is affective reserved powers, to
order their affairs in their regions. However, those objectives should
be accomplished by Turkish political systems using all of the legal
constitutional means available, including publication of their ideas;
organizing pressure groups and lobbies, and participating in government
efforts to find the right, just solution to the Kurdish problem.

The number of Moros, like the Kurds, have acted on their belief
that the only way to respond to the government’s wrong policy is
to fight even though they are a comparably small entity. However,
some Kurdish leaders like Baydemir, a moderate, have often eloquently
articulated the legitimate and understandable grievances the Kurdish
people put forth and voice sound recommendations for the government,
but presently the government and the people are not ready yet to
discuss openly the Kurdish question.

Mayor Baydemir speaks on behalf of his people pleading for
understanding and justice. Former Senator Mamintal Tamano and
former dean, Cesar Majul of the Institute of Islamic Studies at the
University of Philippines systems, have sets of recommendations for
the Philippine government to implement. Some of the recommendations
are being implemented by the government: 1) a moratorium on new
settlers should be imposed, 2) law enforcement agents in the Moros
areas should be Muslims, 3) more educational institutions should be
established, 4) governments should encourage economic progress, 5)
Muslim Filipinos should be better Muslims, 6) important elements
of Islamic law should be allowed for Muslims, and 7) the national
government should enable greater Moros’ participation.

These are the major recommendations that two moderate Filipino Muslims
have put together for the government, and many of those recommendations
have already been granted and implemented.

Now more Moros have been appointed to national services. A code of
Philippine Muslims’ personal law has been promulgated. Muslim holidays
have legal status in the Moros region. The government has set up a Bank
of the Philippines, Amana Bank, to capitalize on the Moro requirements
for economic development. The Minister of Educational Culture has
been making a conscious effort to meet the educational needs and
religious feeling of the Muslims. Moreover, the Philippine government
granted autonomy to the Muslims making them internally independent
and externally dependent on the Manila government. According to Dr.

Tamano, The Autonomous Region of Muslims Mindano (ARMM) was created
in August 1989 and inaugurated in 1990 under the President, Corazon
Aquino at the Cotabato City . This led to the Moro National Front
laying down their arms and converting to the Philippine national
army. The question is why can’t Turkey be like the Philippines ?

References

Duterte, Rodrigo. Mayor, Davao City . Personal Interview. 10 July 2007.

Ethnologue.com

how_country.asp?name=PH

Ferrero-Waldner, European Commissioner for External Relations and
European Neighbourhood Policy.

"Promotion of Human Rights and Democratisation in the European Union’s
External Relations." European Commission for External Relations. (10
December 2005).

an_rights/intro/index.htm

Gulerce, Huseyin. " Diyarbakýr ‘ýn mesajý doðru okunmalý ." Zaman.

?yazino=584759

Tamano, Salipado S.

Acting Vice President, Office of the Vice President for Planning and
Development, the Philippines-Australia Basic Education Assistance
for Mindanao, RELC XII Compound ARMS Complex, ORC Cotabato City,
Muslim Education Advisor, The Autonomous Region in Muslim

Mindanao, Cotabato City , Regional Secretary Regional Department of
Education, Culture and Sports.

Personal Interview. 7 March 2007.

–Boundary_(ID_IThV/Gbbldtm/6s5YhB3zg)–
From: Baghdasarian

http://www.ethnologue.com/s
http://ec.europa.eu/external_relations/hum
http://www.zaman.com.tr/webapp-tr/yazar.do

It Is Truly Shameful That Turkey Coerces Patriarch Mutafyan To Oppos

IT IS TRULY SHAMEFUL THAT TURKEY COERCES PATRIARCH MUTAFYAN TO OPPOSE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE RESOLUTION

KarabakhOpen
19-09-2007 14:41:31

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The Armenian National Committee of America recently
sent a letter to all 535 Congressional offices regarding the upcoming
visit of Patriarch Mutafyan of Constantinople.

As ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian told a PanARMENIAN.Net
reporter, the letter stresses that: "the Patriarch – like the leaders
of all religious minorities in Turkey – lives in constant fear of acts
of discrimination and retribution by a Turkish government that actively
persecutes those who speak freely on human rights and other "sensitive"
issues. As a virtual hostage, the Patriarch – whose life has been
threatened on many occasions – will, as has in the past, be forced
to follow the Turkish government’s line. It is truly shameful that
Turkey has resorted to using coercion – cynically taking advantage of
the concern of Patriach Mesrob for the safety of his flock – in a last
ditch bid to block the adoption of the Armenian Genocide Resolution."

Rep. Adam Schiff, the lead author of the Armenian Genocide Resolution,
commented on the growing pressure on Turkey’s remaining Armenians,
noting that, "In order to perpetuate its campaign of denial,
Turkey seeks to intimidate all Armenians worldwide, but especially
the Armenians in Turkey who must live with daily threats. It is a
criminal offense to merely speak about the Armenian Genocide, let alone
advocate for the passage of the Armenian Genocide Resolution before the
Congress. The editor of the last Armenian-language newspaper in Turkey,
Hrant Dink, was assassinated for writing about the genocide this year,
and a popular video now being circulated in Turkey celebrates his
killers and threatens Armenians."
From: Baghdasarian

One Nomination As Mayor Of Stepanakert

ONE NOMINATION AS MAYOR OF STEPANAKERT

KarabakhOpen
19-09-2007 10:12:19

145 have been nominated as heads of communities, Karabakh-open.com
learned from the NKR Central Electoral Commission.

897 people have been nominated to local councils of 159 communities.

There is only one nomination as mayor of Stepanakert – Vazgen
Mikaelyan, and 24 to the local council of Stepanakert.

Today is the last day of nomination.
From: Baghdasarian

BAKU: Book On Murder Of Anvar Pasha Covers Armenians’ Threat Letter

BOOK ON MURDER OF ANVAR PASHA COVERS ARMENIANS’ THREAT LETTER TO HEYDAR ALIYEV

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
[ 17 Sep 2007 12:50 ]

Head of Armenian Researches of History Organization, professor Hikmat
Ozdemir wrote book "Uc jonturkun olumu" (Death of three jonturks) on
the leaders of "Young Turks" during the Ottoman Empire – Talat pasha,
Anvar pasha and Jamil pasha.

The book gives information about the murder of Talat pasha in Germany,
Anvar pasha in Tajikistan, Jamal pasha in Tbilisi. One interesting
momentum on the murder of Anvar pasha was shown in the book.

The author says that Armenian named Muradyan sent threat letter to
Heydar Aliyev in 1987. The letter says that Anvar pasha was murdered
by Armenian named Saruhanyan who was from Nagorno Karabakh on August
5, 1922. Saruhanyan was the member of the commander group of Akop
Melkumyan. Melkumyan described this event in journal "Horizon".

"The enemy could not see us in the fog. I was glad when I realized
that Anvar Pasha was there together with his guards. The guns started
to fire after my order. Anvar pasha was sleeping when our swords
were sparkling in front of the windows. Then he mounted a horse
and escaped. We killed Anvar pasha in Ganli sungu (bayonet fight),"
he said.

Anvar pasha died in the battle with Soviet troops at the bottom of the
mountain Pamir in his 42 year. He was buried in nearby village. His
tomb was taken to Turkey in 1996.
From: Baghdasarian

Confronting the beast

CONFRONTING THE BEAST

Guardian Unlimited
Saturday September 15, 2007
UK

David Grossman grew up in Israel in the 1950s, a place of whispers,
silences and people screaming in their sleep. From the moment he
decided to be an author, he knew he had to write about the Holocaust

Despite the close relationship between Israel and Germany today –
and between Israelis and Germans, between Jews and Germans – even
now there is a place in one’s mind and in one’s heart where certain
statements must be filtered through the prisms of time and memory,
where they are refracted into the entire spectrum of colours and
shades. I was born and raised in Jerusalem, in a neighbourhood and
in a family in which people could not even utter the word "Germany".

They found it difficult to say "Holocaust", too, and spoke only of
"what happened over there".

It is interesting to note that in Hebrew, Yiddish and every other
language they speak, when Jewish people refer to the Holocaust they
tend to speak of what happened "over there", whereas non-Jews usually
speak in terms of "what happened then". There is a vast difference
between there and then. "Then" means in the past; "then" enfolds within
it something that happened and ended, and is no longer. "There",
conversely, suggests that somewhere out there, in the distance, the
thing that happened is still occurring, constantly growing stronger
alongside our daily lives, and that it may re-erupt. It is not
decisively over. Certainly not for us, the Jews.

As a child, I often heard the term "the Nazi beast", and when I asked
the adults who this beast was, they refused to tell me, and said
there were things a child should not know. Years later, I wrote in
See Under: Love about Momik, the son of Holocaust survivors who never
tell him what really happened to them "over there". The frightened
Momik imagines the Nazi beast as a monster that controlled a land
called "over there", where it tortured the people Momik loves, and
did things to them that hurt them forever and denied them the ability
to live a full life.

When I was four or five, I heard for the first time of Simon
Wiesenthal, the Nazi-hunter. I felt a great sense of relief: finally,
I thought, there is someone courageous enough to fight the beast,
even willing to hunt it down! Had I known how to write at the time,
I might have written Wiesenthal a letter full of the detailed and
practical questions that were preoccupying me, because I imagined
that this hunter probably knew everything about his prey.

My generation, the children of the early 1950s in Israel, lived in
a thick and densely populated silence. In my neighbourhood, people
screamed every night from their nightmares. More than once, when we
walked into a room where adults were telling stories of the war,
the conversation would stop at once. We did pick up an occasional
sentence fragment: "The last time I saw him was on Himmelstrasse in
Treblinka", or "She lost both her children in the first Aktion".

Every day, at 20 minutes past one, there was a 10-minute programme on
the radio in which a female announcer with a glum and rhythmic voice
read the names of people searching for relatives lost during the war
and in the Holocaust: Rachel, daughter of Perla and Abraham Seligson
from Przemysl, is looking for her little sister Leah’leh, who lived
in Warsaw between the years … Eliyahu Frumkin, son of Yocheved
and Hershl Frumkin from Stry, is looking for his wife Elisheva,
nee Eichel, and his two sons, Yaakov and Meir … And so on and so
forth. Every lunch of my childhood was spent listening to the sounds
of this quiet lament.

When I was seven, the Eichmann trial was held in Jerusalem, and then we
listened to the radio during dinner when they broadcast descriptions
of the horrors. You could say that my generation lost its appetite,
but there was another loss, too. It was the loss of something deeper,
which we did not understand at the time and which is still being
deciphered throughout the course of our lives. Perhaps what we lost
was the illusion of our parents’ power to protect us from the terrors
of life. Or perhaps we lost our faith in the possibility that we,
the Jews, would ever live a complete, secure life. And perhaps, above
all, we felt the loss of the natural, childlike faith – faith in man,
in his kindness, in his compassion.

About two decades ago, when my oldest son was three, his pre-school
commemorated Holocaust Memorial Day as it did every year. My son did
not understand much of what he was told, and he came home confused
and frightened. "Dad, what are Nazis? What did they do?

Why did they do it?" And I did not want to tell him.

I, who had grown up amid the silence and fragmented whispers that
had filled me with so many fears and nightmares, who had written a
book about a boy who almost loses his mind because of his parents’
silence, suddenly understood my parents and my friends’ parents who
chose to be mute.

I felt that if I told him, if I even so much as cautiously alluded
to what had happened over there, something in the purity of my
three-year-old son would be polluted; that from the moment such
possibilities of cruelty were formulated in his childlike, innocent
consciousness, he would never again be the same child.

He would no longer be a child at all.

When I published See Under: Love in Israel, some critics wrote that
I belonged to the "second generation", and that I was the son of
"Holocaust survivors". I am not. My father emigrated to Palestine
from Poland as a child, in 1936. My mother was born in Palestine,
before the state of Israel was established.

And yet I am. I am the son of "Holocaust survivors" because in my
home, too, as in so many Israeli homes, a thread of deep anxiety
was stretched out, and with almost every move you made, you touched
it. Even if you were very careful, even if you hardly made any
unnecessary movements, you still felt that constant quiver of a
profound lack of confidence in the possibility of existence. A
suspicion towards man and what might erupt from him at any moment.

In our home, too, at every celebration, with every purchase of
a new piece of furniture, every time a new child was born in the
neighbourhood, there was a feeling that each such event was one more
word, one more sentence, in the intensely conducted dialogue with
over there. That every presence echoed an absence, and that life,
the simplest of daily routines, the most trivial oscillations over
"Should the child be allowed to go on the school trip?" or "Is it
worth renovating the apartment?" somehow echoed what happened over
there: all those things that managed to survive the there, and all
those that did not; and the life lessons, the acute knowledge that
had been burned in our memory.

This became all the more pertinent when greater decisions were at
stake: which profession should we choose? Should we vote rightwing or
leftwing? Marry or stay single? Have another child, or is one enough?

Should we even bring a child into this world? All these decisions and
acts, small and large, amounted to a huge, practically superhuman
effort to weave the thin fabric of everydayness over the horrors
beneath.

An effort to convince ourselves that, despite everything we know,
despite everything engraved on our bodies and souls, we have the
capacity to live on, and to keep choosing life, and human existence.

Because for people like myself, born in Israel in the years after the
Holocaust, the primary feeling – about which we could not talk at all,
and for which we may not have had the words at the time – was that
for us, for Jews, death was the immediate interlocutor. That life,
even when it was full of the energies and hopes and fruitfulness of a
newly revived young country, still comprised an enormous and constant
effort to escape the dread of death.

You may say, with good reason, that this is the basic human
condition. It is so, but for us it had daily and pressing reminders,
open wounds and fresh scars, and representatives who were living and
tangible, their bodies and souls crushed.

In Israel of the 1950s and 60s, and not only during times of extreme
despair, but precisely at those moments when the great commotion of
"nation-building" waned, in the moments when we tired a little, just
for an instant, of being a miracle of renewal and re-creation, in
those moments of the twilight of the soul, both private and national,
we could immediately feel, in the most intimate way, the band of
frost that suddenly tightens around our hearts and says quietly but
firmly: how quickly life fades. How fragile it all is. The body,
the family. Death is true, all else is an illusion.

Ever since I knew I would be an author, I knew I would write about
the Holocaust. I think these two convictions came to me at the same
time. Perhaps also because, from a very young age, I had the feeling
that all the many books I had read about the Holocaust had left
unanswered a few simple but essential questions.

I had to ask these questions of myself, and I had to reply in my
own words.

As I grew up, I became increasingly aware that I could not truly
understand my life in Israel, as a man, as a father, as a writer,
as an Israeli, as a Jew, until I wrote about my unlived life, over
there, in the Holocaust. And about what would have happened to me
had I been over there as a victim, and as one of the murderers.

I wanted to know both these things. One was not enough.

Namely: if I had been a Jew under the Nazi regime, a Jew in a
concentration camp or a death camp, what could I have done to save
something of myself, of my selfhood, in a reality in which people
were stripped not only of their clothes, but also of their names, so
that they became – to others -numbers tattooed on an arm. A reality in
which people’s previous lives were taken away from them – their family,
their friends, their profession, their loves, their talents. A reality
in which millions of people were relegated, by other human beings,
to the lowest rung of existence: to being nothing more than flesh
and blood intended for destruction with the utmost efficiency.

What was the thing inside me that I could hold up against this attempt
at erasure? What was the thing that could preserve the human spark
within me, in a reality entirely aimed at extinguishing it?

One can answer these questions, only about one’s self, in private. But
perhaps I can suggest a possible path to the answer. In the Jewish
tradition, there is a legend, or a belief, that every person has
a small bone in his body called the luz, located at the tip of the
spine, which enfolds the essence of a person’s soul. This bone cannot
be destroyed. Even if the entire human body is shattered, crushed
or burned, the luz bone does not perish. It stores a person’s spark
of uniqueness, the core of his selfhood. According to the belief,
this bone will be the source of man’s resurrection.

Once in a while, I ask people close to me what they believe their
luz is, and I have heard many varied answers. Several writers,
and artists in general, have told me that their luz is creativity,
the passion to create and the urge to produce. Religious people,
believers, have often said that their luz is the divine spark they
feel inside. One friend answered, after much thought: parenthood,
fatherhood. And another friend immediately replied that her luz was
her longing for the things and people she missed. A woman who was
roughly 90 at the time talked about the love of her life, a man who
committed suicide over 60 years ago: he was her luz

The other question I asked while writing See Under: Love is closely
related to the first, and in some ways even derives from it: I asked
myself how an ordinary person – as most Nazis and their supporters were
– becomes part of a mass-murder apparatus. In other words, what is the
thing that I must suspend within myself, that I must dull, repress,
so that I can ultimately collaborate with a mechanism of murder?

What must I kill within me to be capable of killing another person
or people, to desire the destruction of an entire people, or silently
to accept it?

Perhaps I should ask this question even more pointedly: am I myself,
consciously or unconsciously, actively or passively, through
indifference or with mute acceptance, collaborating at this very
moment with some process that is destined to wreak havoc on another
human being, or on another group of people?

"The death of one man is a tragedy," Stalin said, "but the death of
millions is only statistics." How do tragedies become statistics
for us? I am not saying that we are all murderers. Of course
not. Yet it seems that most of us manage to lead a life of almost
total indifference to the suffering of entire nations, near and far,
and to the distress of hundreds of millions of human beings who are
poor and hungry and weak and sick, whether in our own countries or
in other parts of the world.

With wondrous ease we create the necessary mechanisms to separate
ourselves from the suffering of others.

Intellectually and emotionally, we manage to detach the causal
relationship between, for example, our economic affluence – in
the sated and prosperous western countries – and the poverty of
others. Between our own luxuries and the shameful working conditions
of others. Between our air-conditioned, motorised quality of life
and the ecological disasters it brings about.

These "others" live in such appalling conditions that they are not
usually able even to ask the questions I am asking here. After all,
it is not only genocide that can eradicate a person’s luz: hunger,
poverty, disease and refugee status can defile and slowly kill the
soul of an individual, and sometimes of a whole people.

Perhaps it is only in this global reality, where so much of our
life is lived in a mass dimension, that we can be so indifferent to
mass destruction. For it is the very same indifference that the vast
majority of the world displays time after time, whether during the
Armenian Holocaust or the Jewish Holocaust, in Rwanda or in Bosnia,
in the Congo, in Darfur, and in many other places.

And perhaps, then, this is the great question that people living in
this age must relentlessly ask themselves: in what state, at which
moment, do I become part of the faceless crowd, "the masses"?

There are a number of ways to describe the process whereby the
individual is swallowed up in the crowd, or agrees to hand over
parts of himself to mass control. I become "the masses" when I stop
formulating my own choices and the moral compromises I make. When I
stop formulating them over and over again, with fresh new words each
time, words that have not yet eroded in me, not yet congealed in me,
which I cannot ignore or defend myself against, and which force me
to face the decisions I have made, and to pay the price for them.

The masses, as we know, cannot exist without mass language – a language
that will consolidate the multitude and spur it on to act in a certain
way, formulating justifications for its acts and simplifying the
moral and emotional contradictions it may encounter. In other words,
the language of the masses is a language intended to liberate the
individual from responsibility for his actions, to temporarily sever
his private, individual judgment from his sound logic and natural
sense of justice.

To illustrate the encounter between one individual – a remarkably
exceptional one, with a uniquely personal language – and "mass
language", or between tragedy and statistics, I enlist the case of
the Polish Jewish author Bruno Schulz. I am referring to the story
of his murder during the second world war, in the ghetto of his town,
Drohobycz. It is a well-known episode, one that is probably inaccurate
and may only be a legend, a fictional anecdote, which emerged during
the years when the "Bruno Schulz myth" was being constructed by his
admirers all over the world.

"Anecdotes are essentially faithful to the truth," writes Ernesto
Sabato, "precisely because they are fictional, invented detail by
detail, until they fit a certain person exactly." And so, even if
this particular account of Schulz’s death is untrue, what it evokes is
essentially faithful to the truth, certainly to Schulz’s own ironic,
tragic truth, and to the horror of the encounter between "individual"
and "mass". And so I will retell it the way I first heard it:

In the Drohobycz ghetto during the war, there was an SS officer who
exploited Schulz and compelled him to paint murals in his home. An
adversary of this SS officer, a Nazi commander himself, who was
involved in a dispute with him over a gambling debt, happened to
meet Schulz on the street. He drew his pistol and shot Schulz dead,
to hurt his patron. According to the rumour, he then went to his rival
and told him: "I killed your Jew." "Very well," the officer replied,
"now I will kill your Jew."

I learned of this tale soon after I had finished reading Schulz’s
stories for the first time. I remember that I closed the book, left
my house, and walked around for several hours as if in a fog. My state
was such that, quite simply, I did not wish to live. I did not wish to
live in a world where such things were possible. And such people. And
such a way of thinking. A world in which a language that enables such
monstrosities as that sentence was possible.

"I killed your Jew." "Very well, now I will kill your Jew."

I wrote See Under: Love, among other reasons, to restore my will
to live and my love of life. Perhaps also to heal from the insult
I felt on behalf of Bruno Schulz – the insult at the way his murder
was described and "explained". The inhuman, crude description, as if
human beings were interchangeable.

As if they were merely a part of some mechanical system, or an
accessory, which can be replaced with another. As if they were only
statistics.

Because, with Schulz, every sliver of reality is full of personality:
every passing cloud, every piece of furniture, every dressmaker’s
mannequin, fruit-bowl, puppy or ray of light – each and every entity,
even the most trivial, has its own personality and essence.

And on every page and in every passage of his writing, life is bursting
with content and meaning. Every line Schulz writes is in defiance
of what he calls "the fortified wall that looms over meaning",
and a protest against the terror of vapidity, banality, routine,
stereotyping, the tyranny of the simplistic, the masses.

When I finished reading Bruno Schulz’s book, I realised that he
was giving me, in his work, one of the keys to writing about the
Holocaust. To write not about the death and the destruction, but about
life, about what the Nazis destroyed in such a habitual, industrial,
mass-minded way.

I also recall that, with the arrogance of a young writer, I told myself
that I wanted to write a book that would tremble on the shelf. That
the vitality it contained would be tantamount to the blink of an
eye in one person’s life. Not "life" in inverted commas, life that
is nothing more than a languishing moment in time, but the sort of
life Schulz gives us in his writing. A life of the living. A life in
which we are not merely refraining from killing the other, but rather
giving him or her new life, revitalising a moment that has passed,
an image seen a thousand times, a word uttered a thousand times.

The world we live in today may not be as overtly and unequivocally
cruel as the one created by the Nazis, but there are certain mechanisms
at work that have similar underlying principles. Mechanisms that blur
human uniqueness and evade responsibility for the destiny of others. A
world in which fanatic, fundamentalist forces seem to increase day
by day, while others gradually despair of any hope for change.

The values and horizons of this world, the atmosphere that prevails
in it and the language that dominates it, are dictated to a great
extent by what is known as "mass media" or "mass communication". The
term was coined in the 1930s, when sociologists began to refer to
"mass society". But are we truly aware of the significance of this
term today, and of the process it has gone through? Do we consider
the fact that, to a large extent, "mass media" today is not only
media designed for the masses, but that in many ways it also turns
its consumers into the masses?

It does so with the belligerence and the cynicism that emanate from
all its manifestations; with its shallow, vulgar language; with the
over-simplification and self-righteousness with which it handles
complex political and moral problems; with the kitsch which infects
everything it touches – the kitsch of war and death, the kitsch of
love, the kitsch of intimacy.

A cursory look would indicate that these kinds of media actually focus
on particular persons, rather than on the masses. On the individual
rather than the collective. But this is a dangerous illusion: although
mass media emphasises and even sanctifies the individual, and seems to
direct the individual more and more towards himself, it is ultimately
directing him only towards himself – his own needs, his clear and
narrow interests. In an endless variety of ways, both open and hidden,
it liberates him from what he is already eager to shed: responsibility
for the consequences of his actions on others. And the moment it
anaesthetises this responsibility in him, it also dulls his political,
social and moral awareness, moulding him into conveniently submissive
raw material for its own manipulations and those of other interested
parties. In other words, it turns him into one of the masses.

These forms of media – written, electronic, online, often free, highly
accessible, highly influential – have an existential need to preserve
the public’s interest, to constantly stimulate its hungry desires.

And so even when ostensibly dealing with issues of moral and
human import, and even when ostensibly assuming a role of social
responsibility, still the finger they point at hotbeds of corruption
and wrongdoing and suffering seems mechanical, automatic, with no
sincere interest in the problems they highlight. Their true purpose
– apart from generating profits for their owners – is to preserve
a constantly stimulated state of "public condemnation" or "public
exoneration" of certain individuals, who change at the speed of
light. This rapid exchange is the message of mass media. Sometimes
it seems that it is not the information itself that the media deem
essential, but merely the rate at which it shifts. The neurotic,
covetous, consumerist, seductive beat it creates. The zeitgeist:
the zapping is the message.

In this world I have described, literature has no influential
representatives in the centres of power, and I find it difficult to
believe that literature can change it. But it can offer different
ways to live in it. I know that when I read a good book, I experience
internal clarification: my sense of uniqueness as a person grows
lucid. The measured, precise voice that reaches me from the outside
animates voices within me, some of which may have been mute until
this other voice, or this particular book, came and woke them.

And even if thousands of people are reading the very same book I am
reading at the very same moment, each of us faces it alone. For each
of us, the book is a completely different kind of litmus test.

A good book – and there are not many, because literature, too, is
subject to the seductions and obst-acles of mass media – individualises
and extracts the single reader out of the masses. It gives him an
opportunity to feel how spiritual contents, memories and existential
possibilities can float up and rise from within him, from unfamiliar
places, and they are his alone. The fruits of his personality alone.

At its best, literature can bring us together with the fate of others,
distant and foreign. It can create within us, at times, a sense of
wonder at having managed, by the skin of our teeth, to escape those
strangers’ fates, or make us feel sad for not being truly close
to them. For not being able to reach out and touch them. I am not
saying that this feeling immediately motivates us to any form of
action, but certainly, without it, no act of empathy or commitment
or responsibility can be possible.

At its best, literature can be kind to us: it can slightly allay the
sense of insult at the dehumanisation that life in large, anonymous,
global societies gives us. The insult of describing ourselves in coarse
language, in cliches, in generalisations and stereotypes. The insult
of our becoming – as Herbert Marcuse said – "one-dimensional man".

Literature also gives us the feeling that there is a way to fight
the cruel arbitrariness that decrees our fate: even if at the end
of The Trial the authorities shoot Josef K "like a dog"; even if
Antigone is executed; even if Hans Castorp eventually dies in The
Magic Mountain – still we, who have seen them through their struggles,
have discovered the power of the individual to be human even in the
harshest circumstances. Reading – literature – restores our dignity and
our primal faces, our human faces, the ones that existed before they
were blurred and erased among the masses. Before we were expropriated,
nationalised and sold wholesale to the lowest bidder.

When I finished writing See Under: Love, I realised that I had
written it to say that he who destroys a man, any man, is ultimately
destroying a creation that is unique and boundless, that can never
again be reconstructed, and there will never be another like it.

For the past four years, I have been writing a novel that wishes to
say the same thing, but from a different place, and in the context of
a different reality. The protagonist of my book, an Israeli woman of
about 50, is the mother of a young soldier who goes to war. She fears
for his life, she senses catastrophe lurking, and she tries with all
her strength to fight the destiny that awaits him. This woman makes a
long and arduous journey by foot, over the land of Israel, and talks
about her son. This is her way of protecting him. This is the only
thing she can do now, to make his existence more alive and solid:
to tell the story of his life.

In the little notebook she takes on her journey, she writes, "Thousands
of moments and hours and days, millions of deeds, endless acts and
attempts and mistakes and words and thoughts, all to make one person
in the world."

Then she adds another line: "One person, who is so easy to destroy."

The secret allure and the greatness of literature, the secret that
sends us to it over and over again, with enthusiasm and a longing to
find refuge and meaning, is that literature can repeatedly redeem for
us the tragedy of the one from the statistics of the millions. The
one about whom the story is written, and the one who reads the story.
From: Baghdasarian