Kevorkian a lightning rod for debate, controversy

Kansas City Star
June 4 2011

Kevorkian a lightning rod for debate, controversy

By JOE SWICKARD, PATRICIA ANSTETT AND L.L. BRASIER
Detroit Free Press

Jack Kevorkian, after years of combative advocacy for assisted
suicide, slipped quietly from life early Friday morning. Known as Dr.
Death even before launching his fierce fights against the medical and
legal establishments, Kevorkian, 83, died at Beaumont Hospital in
Royal Oak, Mich., where he had been hospitalized with kidney problems
and pneumonia.

“It was peaceful. He didn’t feel a thing,” said his attorney Mayer Morganroth.

Admired as a compassionate crusader or abhorred as a murderous crank,
Kevorkian is widely credited with changing how states deal with
assisted suicide and stimulating much-needed discussion about
improving end-of-life care in the U.S.

Kevorkian admitted being present at about 130 suicides, and his
hectoring defiance of established laws and protocols forced
re-examination of personal freedoms in medical treatments and
end-of-life decisions.

“He had an impact, but not deliberately,” said Dr. Maria Silveira, a
University of Michigan end-of-life specialist.

“He was such a lighting rod that there was a huge reaction to what he
was doing,” Silveira said. “Many people in medicine were quite alarmed
at the notion that we could be asked to help assist our patients in
death and dying. In response to that, more of us began to realize we
had a greater responsibility to recognize our patients’ suffering and
to find ways to address it, short of what Jack Kevorkian was doing.”

Kevorkian “was a historic man,” said attorney Geoffrey Fieger, who
represented him in numerous legal fights. “It’s a rare human being who
can single-handedly take on an entire society by the scruff of its
neck and force it to focus on the suffering of other human beings.”

Many people who went to Kevorkian called him the best doctor they had
ever seen.

“I know my mom and myself were eternally grateful. … He wasn’t a
kook or anything. He was a man with an idea whose time had come,” said
Alan O’Keefe, 52, of Lincoln Township, Mich. Kevorkian helped his
father, Donald O’Keefe, 73, a retired engineer with bone cancer, to
die in 1993.

Since his first acknowledged assisted suicide in 1990, authorities had
tried to rein in Kevorkian as the toll soared. He was charged four
times with murder only to have three juries acquit him and one case
collapse in mistrial.

That streak of courtroom triumphs ended with the 1998 death of Thomas
Youk, 52, of Waterford, Mich., who had Lou Gehrig’s disease.

In a self-inflicted triple injury, Kevorkian videotaped himself
injecting Youk, had it broadcast on “60 Minutes,” and then acted as
his own lawyer in the ensuing Oakland County murder trial.

Kevorkian was convicted of second-degree murder and was sentenced to
10 to 25 years in prison in 1999 . He was released in 2007 and
discharged from parole in 2009.

His post-prison career included a 2008 congressional bid and a cable
TV bio pic starring Al Pacino.

In his failed political career, Kevorkian, as usual, cast himself as
the truth-teller in a world of hypocrisy: “We need some honesty and
sincerity instead of corrupt government in Washington.”

“You Don’t Know Jack,” the HBO film, earned Pacino an Emmy, Golden
Globe and Screen Actors Guild Award. Kevorkian cut a vivid image at
premiers, sometimes wearing his iconic blue thrift store sweater with
a tuxedo. He almost glowed at receptions as women circled him and
powerful men elbowed their way through the adoring crush to shake his
hand.

Later, when friend Neal Nicol gave him a picture of Pacino from the
film, Kevorkian joked: “Where did they get that picture of me?”

Despite his public persona, Kevorkian will not be openly memorialized,
Morganroth said.

“If Jack could look down on us – and who knows – he wouldn’t want
that,” Morganroth said.

Kevorkian’s death, naturally and in a hospital, was not a rejection of
his own beliefs, Morganroth said.

“There was no reason for him to end his own life,” he said. “It wasn’t
terminal until the end with the clot. He followed his own wishes and
died the way he wanted to.”

The son of Armenian immigrants, Kevorkian was born in 1928 and raised
in Pontiac, Mich., during the Depression and World War II. The son of
an excavation contractor, Kevorkian graduated from the University of
Michigan School of Medicine in 1952, but his career soon took an
idiosyncratic trajectory.

A book about the Greco-Egyptian Ptolemies who ruled Egypt for about
300 years just before the start of the Common Era shaped Kevorkian’s
life for the next half-century. As he’d recall in interviews and court
testimony, the book described a society in which criminals repaid
their crimes by undergoing medical and scientific experimentation.

Kevorkian was soon advocating use of convicts and condemned prisoners
for experiments and research. He and U-M parted ways, and he moved his
residency to Pontiac General Hospital, but interrupted it for a year
of independent study in Europe.

He returned to the U.S. and completed his residency. He was first
called Dr. Death by nurses for his fascination with the transition
from life. Volunteering for night shifts, he photographed the eyes of
deceased patients as close to the instant of death as possible.

He became a pathologist and worked at several Detroit-area hospitals.
His interest expanded into the use of blood from cadavers, including
direct corpse-to-patient transfusions. He envisioned tremendous
battlefield benefits if wounded soldiers were saved through their
fallen comrades’ blood.

Turned down for a research grant – an act he would later call an
example of establishment corruption – he moved to the West Coast where
he worked for several Southern California hospitals. Stretching
frugality to eccentricity, he sometimes lived in his 1968 Volkswagen
van.

His last employment ended in 1982 when he left a Long Beach, Calif.,
hospital to devote himself to research and authoring articles such as
“Marketing of Human Organs and Tissue is Justified and Necessary” and
“The Last Fearsome Taboo,” a work outlining his theories of suicide
clinics and experimenting on patients.

Returning to Michigan, he lived a skinflint’s life in a barely
furnished apartment above a store in downtown Royal Oak. He lived on
cheese sandwiches and shopped for clothes at the Salvation Army.

Kevorkian knew he was often seen as an odd bird: “I’ve never really fit in.”

Ultimately for Kevorkian, thought and words demanded deeds.

In 1987, he tried placing newspaper ads offering “Special Death
Counseling.” Instead, he got references in short stories in the
Detroit Free Press and magazines like Newsweek about a strange
pathologist.

One of those reading about Kevorkian – who had cobbled a suicide
machine out of $30 worth of spare parts – was Janet Adkins, a former
teacher in Portland, Ore. Adkins, who at 54 had an early diagnosis of
Alzheimer’s disease, feared the conditions’ inevitable mind-stealing
progression and flew to Detroit.

The jury-rigged device delivered the flow of saline, sedatives and
finally the heart-stopping potassium chloride, and Adkins died June 4,
1990, inside Kevorkian’s rusty VW van.

Her death – a murder charge was dismissed before trial – launched
Kevorkian into the national eye and set his course.

Using drugs and later carbon monoxide, Kevorkian, backed with a
coterie of supporters, attended more deaths, sometimes dropping the
bodies off at hospitals, other times having them collected at the
suburban Oakland County home of his associate Nicol.

Gaunt, theatrical and hyperbolic, Kevorkian appeared to demand
martyrdom, staging increasingly outlandish provocations from appearing
in court as Thomas Jefferson in a tri-cornered hat, knee britches and
powdered wig to offering for transplant a client’s crudely harvested
kidneys.

Those who opposed him were denounced as superstitious know-nothings,
Dark Age hypocrites and philosophical cowards.

Medical experts challenged his methods.

“Kevorkian presented a false choice,” said Dr. Michael Paletta , chief
medical officer for Hospice of Michigan. “Either have your pain and
suffering or have a physician end your life.”

Legal authorities also were taking notice and action against Kevorkian.

By then, he had teamed with attorney Fieger, who turned the trials
into slashing attacks on then-Oakland County Prosecutor Richard
Thompson. In the ensuing cases, Thompson, Oakland County Medical
Examiner L.J. Dragovic and the medical establishment were cast as
cruel, hidebound fanatics condemning the sufferers to end their lives
in agony and helpless humiliation.

“I want to make euthanasia a positive thing” for those too weary and
beaten by illness, Kevorkian said.

Kevorkian and Fieger loudly proclaimed that they stood for personal
freedom to choose a gentle, dignified release. Along the way, they
slapped a red clown’s nose on a blow-up of Thompson and cast the
Yugoslavian-born Dragovic as bowtie-wearing incarnation of Dracula.

They won acquittals in three murder trials and a mistrial in another.

It was a fractious courtroom partnership, though, with an agitated
Kevorkian often trying to direct the case as Fieger shouted, “Shut
up!”

Kevorkian’s authority-baiting antics got him on David Letterman’s Top
10 lists, but they antagonized potential allies.

Derek Humphry of the Hemlock Society, which advocates for the right to
suicide, said Kevorkian was “too obsessed, too fanatical, in his
interest in death and suicide to offer direction for the nation.”

Nevertheless, he undeniably forced the debate into the limelight.

In 1994, Oregon voters approved a measure making physician-assisted
suicide a legal medical option for terminally ill residents. It was
delayed through a series of court challenges and in 1997, Oregonians
again voted in favor of it.

As his fame grew, Kevorkian, still wearing a $1.50 thrift shop
cardigan, exhibited his gruesome paintings of leering skulls, agonized
patients or dismembered bodies. He also performed his own musical
compositions as he championed the notion of absolute personal freedom
in life decisions.

Then-Gov. John Engler and Michigan state legislators tried to curtail
or outlaw his practice, which only fed Kevorkian’s loud outrage and
demands for carefully administered release for terminal or agonized
patients.

But growing examination of Kevorkian’s works showed he often ignored
his own professed standards.

Franz-Johann Long, a 53-year-old Pennsylvania man who died in late
1997, told Kevorkian that he had terminal bladder cancer. But
relatives said he had a history of mental illness – at times he
claimed to be a secret agent – and an autopsy found only a
“superficially involved” tumor.

Autopsies of at least five other people who died with Kevorkian in
Oakland County found no sign of diseases, and only 17 of 69 closely
examined cases had terminal illnesses or conditions such as multiple
sclerosis or cancer.

In November 1998, 1 1/2 months after a state law banning
doctor-assisted suicide took effect, CBS’ “60 Minutes” aired a tape of
Kevorkian fatally injecting Youk, who had amyotrophic lateral
sclerosis . He then dared officials to do something about it.

“Either they go or I go,” Kevorkian told CBS interviewer Mike Wallace.
“If I’m acquitted, they go because they know they’ll never convict me.
If I am convicted, I will starve to death in prison. The issue has got
to be raised to a level where it is finally decided.”

Waterford Police Lt. John Dean was taken by Kevorkian’s demeanor on
the tape: “He was a very charming man, but then, so was Ted Bundy.”

The murder charge was brought by David Gorcyca, who was elected
Oakland County prosecutor on a pledge not to pursue Kevorkian using
homicide charges based on common law.

“I was elected and dismissed 17 counts against him,” Gorcyca said.

He said he ignored Kevorkian for 18 months, depriving him of an antagonist.

“I ignored him until he went on ’60 Minutes'” with the taped death of
Youk in 1998, Gorcyca said. “He not only dared me to prosecute him, he
begged me. He wanted to be on the national and international stage.”

Kevorkian chose to act as his own lawyer.

Trial prosecutor John Skrzynski, who had lost one murder case against
Kevorkian, said the doctor’s motive didn’t matter because it “is not
an element of murder. The facts are pretty cut-and-dried in this case.
He spelled out all the elements himself.”

Outside court, Kevorkian shouted: “The question is, do any of you
think I’m a criminal?”

But inside court on April 13, 1999, an Oakland County jury convicted
him of second-degree murder and he was ordered to serve a 10- to
25-year sentence.

Former Oakland County Circuit Judge Jessica Cooper, currently the
county prosecutor, oversaw the trial.

At his sentencing, Cooper had strong words for the tiny man in the
orange jumpsuit.

“You invited yourself to the wrong forum,” she said in a lecture that
was broadcast worldwide. “When you purposely inject another human
being with what you know to be a lethal dosage of poison, that sir, is
murder and the jury found so.

“Then you had the audacity to go on national television, show the
world what you did and dare the legal system to stop you. Well, sir,
consider yourself stopped.”

Inside the prison walls, his fame endured. He was given the Gleitsman
Foundation’s Citizen Activist Award in 2000.

Attending and accepting him was his lawyer Morganroth, who read a
statement from the imprisoned pathologist saying his acts had been
wrongly criminalized.

Attempts to overturn his convictions were rejected, as were his
efforts to win an early release. His health started faltering in
prison, and he was paroled in 2007.

As a parolee, he faced the usual restrictions and constraints – seeing
a parole officer, getting drug and alcohol testing and shunning
felons, weapons and anything that constitutes criminal behavior.

There were special conditions, too. He couldn’t provide care for
anyone older than 62 or who was disabled. He was barred from being
present at any suicide or euthanasia, and he could not counsel people
on how to commit suicide.

Once free, Kevorkian’s health continued to fail.

Kevorkian’s assistant Nicol said he and Kevorkian contracted hepatitis
C from experiments they did together in the 1960s at the former
Pontiac General Hospital, where they both worked – Kevorkian as a
pathologist and Nicol as a medical assistant. Kevorkian was
hospitalized twice in May because of kidney problems and a fall.
Additionally, he suffered from an array of ailments including liver
and heart disorders. He underwent hernia surgery in February 2005.

Doctors hoped they could strengthen the frail Kevorkian so he could
undergo radiation treatments for the cancer, but “his strength never
got to that point.” Indeed, Kevorkian’s cancer appeared treatable. He
had only two tumors on his liver, one benign and the other small,
Morganroth said.

Kevorkian spent his 83rd birthday on May 26 in the hospital, where
Nicol; Ava Janus, Kevorkian’s niece; longtime Royal Oak friend Brian
Russell; and Morganroth visited him.

Even at the end, Kevorkian was seeking answers, Morganroth said. He
didn’t deny the afterlife as much as challenge the notion of an
eternal soul, Morganroth said.

“Jack wasn’t an atheist. He was an agnostic,” Morganroth said. “He
wasn’t sure – but now he knows.”

(Staff writers Cecil Angel, Megha Satyanarayana, Mike Brookbank, John
Wisely, Tammy Stables Battaglia, Matt Helms, Kathleen Gray and Chris
Christoff contributed to this report)

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.kansascity.com/2011/06/03/2925024/kevorkian-a-lightning-rod-for.html

Turkish soldiers sentenced over Armenian murder

Agence France Presse
June 2, 2011 Thursday 1:47 PM GMT

Turkish soldiers sentenced over Armenian murder

ANKARA, June 2 2011

A Turkish court Thursday handed down jail terms of between four and
six months to a group of paramilitary policemen for negligence over
the 2007 murder of a prominent ethnic Armenian journalist.

It was the first time state officials had been sentenced over the
killing of Hrant Dink, which sent shockwaves through Turkey when it
emerged that both police and paramilitary forces knew of an
assassination plot but failed to act.

A colonel and five subordinates who held key posts in the coastal city
of Trabzon when a group of local youths hatched the plot were
sentenced by a court in the Black Sea port, Anatolia news agency said.

Two other soldiers were acquitted, the agency reported.

The sentences were the heaviest that the tribunal could impose and
lawyers for Dink’s family expressed frustration that the case was not
heard by a more senior court.

“The trial could have taken place at a court dealing with heavy
crimes. But infortunately, this did not happen despite all our
efforts,” attorney Fethiye Cetin told AFP.

The convicts will remain at large until the appeals court confirms
their sentences, she added.

A leading figure of Turkey’s tiny Armenian minority, the 52-year-old
Dink was shot dead on January 19, 2007, outside the office of his Agos
newspaper in central Istanbul.

Prosecutors say police received intelligence as early as 2006 of a
plot to kill Dink which had been organised in Trabzon, home to the
self-confessed gunman, aged 17 at the time of the murder, and 18
suspected accomplices, who remain on trial in Istanbul.

Dink campaigned for reconciliation between Turks and Armenians over
their bloody past, but nationalists hated him for using the genocide
label for the massacres of Armenians under the Ottoman Empire, which
Ankara fiercely rejects.

In September, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the
Turkish authorities had failed to take adequate measures to protect
Dink.

The case is seen as a test for Ankara’s resolve to eliminate the “deep
state” — a term used to describe security forces acting outside the
law to preserve what they consider Turkey’s best interests.

Lawyers for Dink’s family suspect the gunman was encouraged and
protected by elements of the “deep state” but their efforts to put
more officials on trial have failed to bear fruit.

They have accused police of withholding and destroying evidence to
cover up the murder, including footage from a bank security camera in
the street where the journalist was gunned down.

Dink had won many hearts in Turkey with his message of peace and more
than 100,000 people marched at his funeral.

su-sft/co

From: Baghdasarian

Iran plays Armenia’s card – Russian expert

news.am, Armenia
June 3 2011

Iran plays Armenia’s card – Russian expert

June 03, 2011 | 13:13

Armenia is extremely interested in the balance between European Union
and Russia, Iran and US, Yevgeny Satanovsky, the president of the
Institute of Middle East Studies told Vesti.az.

Relations between Yerevan and Tehran will only be strengthened, he added.

`After all Armenia is one of the foothold of Iran’s influence over the
South Caucasus and Tehran will be very active here,’ noted Satanovsky.

According to him, moreover, convinced that attempts to force
Azerbaijan to refuse to cooperate with U.S. and Israel have failed,
Iran has just played Armenia’s card.

From: Baghdasarian

BAKU: There is no military solution to Karabakh conflict – Bryza

news.az, Azerbaijan
June 3 2011

There is no military solution to Karabakh conflict – Matthew Bryza
Fri 03 June 2011 08:14 GMT | 11:14 Local Time

Matthew Bryza: `I share President Barack Obama’s hopes concerning the
achievement of agreement on basic principles in Kazan meeting’.
`I share President Barack Obama’s hopes concerning the achievement of
agreement on basic principles in Kazan meeting’, US Ambassador to
Azerbaijan Matthew Bryza told exclusively APA.

Commenting on Kazan meeting of Azerbaijani, Armenian and Russian
presidents, the ambassador said that president Obama noted the results
expected by him from the meeting in Deauville statement: `The
statement says that there is no alternative for peaceful settlement of
Nagorno Karabakh conflict and calls upon Presidents Aliyev and
Sargsyan to use this period in Kazan meeting to reach agreement on
basic principles. Of course I share that hope and deeply convince that
there is no military solution of the conflict’.

APA

From: Baghdasarian

Genocide is a fact in no way linked to Azerbaijan – Russian expert

Genocide is a fact in no way linked to Azerbaijan, Russian expert says

June 3, 2011 – 16:22 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Middle East Research Institute President Yevgeny
Satanovsky commented on the possibility of Israel’s recognizing the
Armenian Genocide, dubbed `mythical’, in Azeri media reports.

`Armenian Genocide is a true fact, which is in no way linked to
Azerbaijan, having occurred in Ottoman Empire. At present, Knesset is
responding to Turkish policy. For dozens of years, Turks demanded
Israel to refrain from recognition of Genocide. The game is now
finished,’ Vesti.az cited the expert as saying.

From: Baghdasarian

Only 15-20% of pastoral lands are used in Armenia

Only 15-20% of pastoral lands are used in Armenia

arminfo
Friday, June 3, 17:27

There are 1.2 mln ha of pastoral lands in Armenia and only 15-20% of
them are used, Agriculture Minister Sergo Karapetyan said today over
discussion of the programme on agriculture resources management and
competition.

He also added that many pastoral lands are not used as the
infrastructure was broken, In particular, there no irrigation system,
roads were ruined and there are no necessary conditions for people to
live there. The above mentioned programme foresees to create normal
conditions for people and set infrastructures in rural districts. The
minister said that the programme is directed to cattle breeding
development, increasing of milk yield and meat production, which will
result in growing of village residents’ income.

The programme is called also to stimulate farm amalgamation, their
unification in corporative for more effective management of pastoral
lands, Karapetyan said and added that unification in corporative will
not lead to growth of the tax burden. Karapetyan explained that at
present Agriculture Ministry has been preparing a draft law according
to which these cooperatives will not pay VAT.

From: Baghdasarian

L’Azerbaïdjan, pays musulman partenaire d’Israël mais allié improbab

AZERBAIDJAN
L’Azerbaïdjan, pays musulman partenaire d’Israël mais allié improbable

Des hommes portant un chle se balancent d’avant en arrière en
murmurant des prières en hébreu dans une synagogue moderne construite
au coeur de Bakou, la capitale de l’Azerbaïdjan, un des rares pays
musulman qui entretient de bonnes relations avec Israël.

Cette ancienne république soviétique du Caucase à majorité chiite a
financé ces dernières années la construction de deux nouvelles
synagogues à Bakou et ses liens avec l’Etat hébreu irritent la
République islamique d’Iran, pays voisin de l’Azerbaïdjan et ennemi
juré d’Israël.

“Il n’y a jamais eu de signes d’antisémitisme en Azerbaïdjan”,
souligne le leader de la communauté juive ashkenaze de Bakou, Guennadi
Zelmanovitch.

Près de l’entrée de la synagogue est affiché le portrait d’Ilham
Aliev, l’autoritaire président de l’Azerbaïdjan critiqué en Occident
pour les atteintes aux droits de l’homme dans ce pays courtisé pour
ses réserves gigantesques d’hydrocarbures.

L’Azerbaïdjan exporte du pétrole en Israël et s’y approvisionne en
armes dans le cadre d’échanges commerciaux qui ont atteint dans
l’ensemble 1,8 milliard de dollars (1,2 milliard d’euros) l’an passé.

Bakou a acheté à Israël des drones et d’autres équipements militaires
pour des centaines de millions de dollars, selon les médias
israéliens.

L’Azerbaïdjan a besoin des armes d’Israël en raison notamment du
conflit qui l’oppose à l’Arménie au Nagorny Karabakh, une région
séparatiste peuplée majoritairement d’Arméniens, qui avait été
rattachée à l’Azerbaïdjan pendant la période soviétique.

Le Nagorny Karabakh a proclamé son indépendance, non reconnue par la
communauté internationale, après une guerre sanglante entre 1988 et
1994, mais Bakou et Erevan n’arrivent pas à se mettre d’accord sur le
statut de cette région au coeur d’une zone stratégique située entre
l’Iran, la Russie et la Turquie, un allié de l’Azerbaïdjan.

“L’industrie de défense israélienne de niveau international convient
parfaitement aux besoins substantiels de l’Azerbaïdjan en matière de
défense, qu’il est loin de pouvoir satisfaire avec les Etats-Unis,
l’Europe et la Russie”, selon un cble diplomatique de l’ambassade
américaine, publié par Wikileaks.

Israël et l’Azerbaïdjan “peuvent s’identifier avec facilité aux
difficultés géopolitiques de l’autre et tous deux considèrent l’Iran
comme une menace à la sécurité”, selon ce cble.

L’Azerbaïdjan n’a pas d’ambassade en Israël pour ne pas froisser ses
partenaires musulmans au sein de l’Organisation de la Conférence
islamique, alors que l’Etat hébreu a une ambassade à Bakou.

“Israël a besoin de relations amicales avec des pays musulmans”,
observe Elhan Shaïnoglu, directeur du Centre de recherche politique
Atlas à Bakou, soulignant que l’Etat hébreu soutient l’Azerbaïdjan
dans le conflit au Nagorny Karabakh.

“Contrairement à ce qui s’est passé en Europe, il n’y a pas eu
d’élimination de juifs dans l’histoire de l’Azerbaïdjan. Israël a
toujours soutenu l’intégrité territoriale de l’Azerbaïdjan”, ajoute M.
Shaïnoglu.

Des dizaines de milliers de juifs azerbaïdjanais ont émigré en Israël
après l’indépendance de l’Azerbaïdjan en 1991 et il en reste environ
30.000 dans ce pays considéré comme l’un des plus laïques dans le
monde musulman.

Les autorités sont critiquées par les islamistes qui lui reprochent
d’avoir fermé plusieurs mosquées et interdit le port du foulard dans
les écoles en vue de lutter contre le fondamentalisme religieux.

Certains musulmans réclament la fermeture de l’ambassade d’Israël à
Bakou par solidarité avec la cause palestinienne.

“La relation d’amitié de l’Azerbaïdjan avec un tel pays est
inacceptable”, estime Akif Geïdarli, du Parti islamique, interdit en
Azerbaïdjan.

dimanche 5 juin 2011,
Sté[email protected]

From: Baghdasarian

Obsèques du jeune Khoren en Arles

DRAME
Obsèques du jeune Khoren en Arles

Hier Arles a enterré le jeune Khoren (11 ans) pendu à un porte-manteau
de son école. L’information de ce drame avait fait la une des médias
de France. Des centaines de personnes étaient présentes, parmi elles
de nombreux élus, dont Michel Vauzelle, le président de la Région
Provence Alpes, Côte d’Azur. Après la sortie du cercueil blanc, les
parents du garçonnet ont reçu les condoléances des personnes présentes
sur le parvis de l’église romane.

Le petit garçon de 11 ans, scolarisé en CM2, avait été retrouvé
“accroché par son tee-shirt à la patère du porte-manteaux en position
semi-fléchie, les pieds touchant le sol”, selon le parquet. Les
résultats de l’autopsie ont confirmé mercredi soir que l’enfant était
décédé “d’un oedème cérébral à la suite d’une asphyxie”.Pour le
procureur de la République de Tarascon, Christian Pasta, qui a “écarté
l’hypothèse du suicide”, celle de l’accident est privilégiée.

L’enfant avait été exclu de sa classe et envoyé dans le couloir
attenant en début de cours à 9 heures, parce qu’il n’avait pas voulu
corriger un devoir. “Voyant cet élève refuser de faire son travail,
l’institutrice lui a dit : +Puisque tu ne veux pas travailler, va donc
dans le couloir faire comme les manteaux qui, eux, ne travaillent pas
plus”, avait affirmé M. Pasta mercredi, lors d’une conférence de
presse. Ces propos “auraient pu être pris au pied de la lettre par
l’enfant pour faire réagir ses petits camarades, faire une scène un
peu thétralisée qui malheureusement a été fatale”, avait ajouté le
commissaire divisionnaire Sylvain Maubé.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 5 juin 2011,
Krikor [email protected]

From: Baghdasarian

Turkey’s Choice

June 2, 2011

Turkey’s Choice

By KATINKA BARYSCH

LONDON – Turkey’s election in 2007 was preceded by threats of a
military coup. The 2002 one was overshadowed by an economic meltdown.
This year’s poll, scheduled for June 12, could have signaled a move
toward political normality. However, a nasty sex-tape scandal and a
flare-up of violence in the Kurdish southeast have not only poisoned
the political atmosphere but also fueled allegations that the
governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) wants to grab ever more
power.

Polls have left little doubt that the AKP will win its third
consecutive election in June as voters reward Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan for presiding over years of economic growth, relative
political stability and Turkey’s growing international stature.

But Erdogan wants not only to stay in government, he wants to gain
enough seats in the Parliament to push through a new constitution
without having to compromise with the opposition. Since the AKP’s
share of the vote stands at around 43-45 percent, Erdogan can hope for
a supermajority only if the smaller of the two main opposition
parties, the rightist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) fails to pass
the 10 percent bar for entry to the Parliament.

Once commended for his initiatives to make up with Armenia and to give
Turkey’s Kurds more minority rights, Erdogan has now adopted a
nationalist tone to lure voters away from the MHP.

His chances of doing so seemed to increase in late May when videos
appeared on the Internet showing leading MHP politicians in
compromising situations. There is no indication that the AKP was
involved, but the fact is that the party could be the main
beneficiary.

Meanwhile, the electoral commission sought to bar a handful of leading
Kurdish politicians from running, which led to widespread
demonstrations in the southeast and raised doubts how many seats the
Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) would be able to gain.

While Erdogan is moving to the right, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, leader of
the main opposition party, the nationalist-secularist People’s
Republican Party (CHP) is trying a different gamble. Rather than
accusing the AKP of seeking to Islamize Turkey, Kilicdaroglu has
campaigned on economic opening and social safety. He has even mooted
more autonomy for the Kurdish regions – something that may not go down
well with the CHP’s traditional electorate.

Against the background of scandals, violence and shifting party
programs, it is hard to predict whether Erdogan’s reach for a
supermajority will succeed. For the sake of Turkish democracy, it
would be better if it did not.

Turkey does need a new, more democratic constitution. But if the AKP
gains 330 of the 550 seats, it will be able to push through a
constitutional draft without support from the opposition and put it
straight to a referendum. (If the AKP gained 367 seats, it could even
to adopt the constitution in a parliamentary vote.) A `one-party’
constitution would lead to further divisions in Turkey’s
already-polarized political system. The opposition parties, together
representing half of Turkey’s electorate, might well boycott a
constitutional process dominated by the AKP.

Even among AKP supporters there might not be much debate: Erdogan has
single-handedly struck 220 of the current 334 AKP MPs off the
candidates’ list and replaced them with little-known loyalists. In a
party that was once proud of its local roots, the top-down sweep has
left many members cross.

Many observers suspect that Erdogan’s main objective in the new
constitution is to move Turkey from a parliamentary to a presidential
system along French lines. Already, the AKP has amended the current
Constitution so that future presidents will no longer be elected by
Parliament but by the people. The new constitution would presumably
give the presidency bigger powers, commensurate with its popular
mandate.

Most Turks expect that Erdogan himself will want to become president
when Abdullah Gul’s term expires.

In Turkey’s already highly centralized system, a move toward a
presidential system does not look like a good idea. It could lead
either to rivalry and paralysis between a strengthened president and a
traditionally powerful prime minister, both backed by a popular
mandate. Or it could further erode checks and balances and reinforce
autocratic tendencies.

In either case, Turkey’s chances of getting through its daunting to-do
list, from improving the judiciary to creating jobs for an eager young
population, would diminish. So would its hopes of entering the
European Union, which would require a strengthening of democracy and
many of economic and legal reforms. Sex scandals and local violence
should not distract from the fact that Turkey’s future might be at
stake at this election.

Katinka Barysch is deputy director of the Centre for European Reform in London.

From: Baghdasarian

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/06/03/opinion/03iht-edbarysch03.html?ref=global

Armenian Opposition Protests Continue Despite Concessions From Gover

ARMENIAN OPPOSITION PROTESTS CONTINUE DESPITE CONCESSIONS FROM GOVERNMENT
Lilit Gevorgyan

Global Insight
June 1, 2011

A number of Armenian opposition parties united under the Armenian
National Congress (HAK) held a previously announced protest in the
Armenian capital Yerevan on 31 May. Nearly 6000 demonstrators took
to the streets demanding extra-term parliamentary and presidential
elections. HAK leader and former Armenian president Levon
Ter-Petrossian said at the demonstration that they will continue
demanding early elections to change the government of current
Oresident Serzh Sargsyan but he added that the change will be only
through peaceful means. He likened the events in Armenia to the Arab
Spring revolutions although he emphasised that the Armenian one will
be a step-by-step process of change.

Significance:The demonstration comes only three days after the
Armenian parliament, on the initiative of President Sargsyan,
pardoned around 2,000 prisoners as part of the 28 May Independence
Day celebrations. As a result of the amnesty all 10 Armenian political
prisoners have been released, a gesture that the government hopes will
improve Armenia’s standing with European human rights institutions
and also mitigate tensions with the opposition. While this is
an important concession, it is unlikely that the current ruling
coalition will agree to early elections. The opposition remains
deeply divided as there is lack of dialogue between HAK and one
of the most influential traditional Armenian parties, the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation Party (HYD). Furthermore there is apathy
among the wider electorate that would prefer a new political force
rather than return to Ter-Petrossian’s rule if there is a change
of government. Furthermore, since the collapse of the Soviet Union
in 1991, Armenia has been locked in a deadly war with neighbouring
Azerbaijan over the Armenian-populated self-declared republic of
Nagorno-Karabakh. HAK has also acknowledged that Armenia cannot afford
internal destabilisation as this may trigger neighbouring Azerbaijan
to launch a new war, as publicly declared on a number of occasions
by Azerbaijani leaders in recent months. The Armenian opposition is
likely to continue with its protests but to see any tangible results,
it has to first unite all anti -government forces.

From: Baghdasarian