Author: Baghdasarian Karlen

NEW ARMENIAN CATHOLIC LEADER

Story from Lragir.am News:

Published: 10:41:25 – 09/08/2011

Catholics of Armenia have a new leader. The official ceremony of
Archbishop Raphael Minasyan’s appointment was held at the Arevik
Cathedral of Saint Grigory the Illuminator. As we know, Armenian
Catholics have lacked a leader for one and a half year after the
resignation of Vahan Ohanyan.

This event is important because Archbishop Raphael Minasyan is
appointed as the new head of Armenian Catholics in Armenia, Georgia
and Eastern Europe.

From: Baghdasarian

LES ARMENIENS RESTENT MAJORITAIREMENT RUSSOPHILES
Gari

armenews.com
mardi 9 aout 2011

Trois Armeniens sur quatre se sentent toujours proches de la Russie et
approuvent la politique de ses actuelles autorites, selon un sondage
realise ce week-end qui classe l’Armenie parmi les cinq pays les plus
russophiles de la planète.

Le sondage, realise par Gallup dans 104 pays l’an dernier indique que 7
% seulement des Armeniens critiquent la politique actuelle du Kremlin,
17 % se montrant par ailleurs indecis. Les 75% restants approuvent la
politique conduite par le president Dmitry Medvedev and son premier
ministre Vladimir Poutine, selon les chiffres fournis par l’institut
de sondage americain.

Selon Gallup, Moscou peut se feliciter de susciter un engouement
similaire dans 4 autres pays seulement, don’t 3 republiques de
l’ex-URSS, le Tadjikistan, le Kyrgyzstan, l’Ouzbekistan, et le Mali.

Le resultat de ce sondage confirme la russophilie profondement
ancree chez les Armeniens, en depit de lienx toujours plus etroits
avec l’Occident. La Russie est ainsi toujours consideree par une
majorite d’Armeniens comme la garante de la securite de leur pays,
face principalement a la menace que represente traditionnellement le
voisin turc. D’ailleurs, les tensions persistantes avec la Turquie,
exacerbees par le lancinant conflit avec l’Azerbaïdjan turcophone au
sujet du Karabagh sont tenues pour l’une des pricipales explications
des sentiments pro-russes de la population armenienne.

Curieusement, le sondage Gallup met en evidence de memes sentiments
dans l’Azerbaïdjan, où 54 % des personnes sondees se sont montrees
favorables a la politique menee par le tandem Poutine-Medvedev,
comme d’ailleurs dans la plupart des ex-republiques de l’URSS. “La
sphère d’influence de la Russie se retrouve encore aujourd’hui dans
la plupart des ex-republiques sovietiques, dont les habitants sont
informes de la politique du Kremlin, approuvee par une moyenne de 61%”,
souligne le sondage.

La Georgie est l’une des exceptions qui confirment cette règle,
l’intervention militaire russe d’août 2008 qui avait inflige une
cuisante defaite aux forces georgiennes ayant contribue a renforcer
les sentiments anti-russes ancres dans la population. Quelque 76 %
des Georgiens auraient exprime leur desaccord avec la politique des
autorites russes. ” La popularite dont jouit la direction russe dans
plusieurs pays d’Asie centrale et au Caucase s’explique par leur
histoire commune au sein de l’espace sovietique”, indique Gallup,
qui precise que “cette sympathie apparente montre aussi l’etroite
dependance de la plupart des habitants de ces pays par rapport a la
Russie”. “Au Tadjikistan, où la cote de popularite de la direction
russe est la plus elevee, le FMI estimait par exemple que les devises
envoyees par les emigres tadjiks travaillant en Russie, contribuent
a 50 % au PIB du pays en 2008”. En Armenie, ce rapport etait de 13%
en 2010. Les chiffres du gouvernement montrent que près de 80 % des
devises envoyees en 2010, d’un montant d’au moins 1,3 milliard de
dollars, venaient de Russie, où travaillent des centaines de milliers
d’immigres armeniens.

From: Baghdasarian

WINNERS AND LOSERS IN THE NEW BAKU
By Jenny Norton

As I turn the corner into Shamsi Baidabeili Street in central Baku
I suddenly feel completely disorientated.

One side of this pleasant low-rise, 19th-Century street has been
demolished. Many of the houses on the remaining side are no more than
empty shells waiting to be knocked down.

It is all part of a plan to redevelop the area.

On the day I visit, a local human rights organisation that is based
on the street is organising a protest.

A young man shins up a drainpipe and starts spray-painting slogans
on the wall of the house defending its owners’ right – under Azeri
and European law – to occupy the building.

It is not the first time he has done this. And each time someone has
come round after office hours and quietly painted over the slogans
with grey paint.

Eviction process

Local residents gather to support the protest. Everyone has a story
to tell. They are all angry and stunned – not just to be losing their
homes. But also at the way in which they say the authorities have
managed the whole compulsory purchase and eviction process.

“We were given two weeks to pack our things and leave,” one woman
tells us. “When we said ‘no’ the police came to the house at night.

They shouted at us.

“They called my daughters prostitutes. I’ve worked honestly for this
country all my life. What have we done to deserve this?”

Former residents have tried to salvage scrap metal from the ruins on
Shamsi Baidabeili Street

People show us mobile phone recordings of police heavies smashing
down doors, and of excavators moving in as shocked residents stand
by and watch.

They take us further up the road to see a building that was knocked
down earlier that day. The gas pipe that was fixed onto the side of
the house is now propped up with a bit of wood. It hasn’t been sealed
off and there’s a smell of gas in the air.

Two doors down is a derelict building. Shockingly there are still two
families living in the rubble filled rooms. One is a mother with three
little girls. The other is a refugee from Azerbaijan’s devastating
war with Armenia during the 1990s.

“Where will you go?” I ask her. “I don’t know, she says flatly. Where
would you go if you were me?”

This is the dark side of a massive, oil-fuelled urban development
programme which is rapidly turning the Azeri capital into a Caspian
Sea version of Dubai.

And it is all the more sad because this is a programme which does
have many positives.

City of light

When I first came to Baku in 1995 the city was still in shock from
more than half a decade of war and civil unrest.

There were frequent power cuts. The once-lovely 19th Century buildings
on the sea front were dark and crumbling.

Now it is a city full of light and life. Mansions built by oil barons
from the past have been restored to their former glory.

Grim Soviet-era public buildings and tower blocks have been transformed
with a new facade of trademark honeyed sandstone.

The sea-front boulevard has been repaved and landscaped and is full of
flowers and lawns. There is even a shiny new shopping centre complete
with glass lifts, a food hall and a multiplex cinema.

Yes, some of the new mirror-glass sky scrapers are completely over
the top and look out of place in what was always a cosy kind of city.

And the breathtakingly conspicuous wealth being flaunted by the
privileged few who can afford to frequent the downtown designer
boutiques is quite shocking to see.

But for the ordinary families enjoying a stroll in the sunshine, or
going shopping in the new Debenhams department store, Baku’s makeover
has made life much nicer in many ways.

But the people on Shamsi Baidabeyli Street do not feel part of any
of this. The heart is being ripped out of their neighbourhood and
they are not being offered much in return.

A once-cosy city is being rapidly transformed by oil money

And there is little prospect of taking on the system and winning.

Leyla Yunus, the head of the human rights organisation on Shamsi
Baidebeyli Street, says she has written eight letters to the interior
ministry outlining specific complaints about police behaviour over
the evictions. She has not received a reply to any of them.

Her attempts to pursue her case through the courts is also running
out of steam with a succession of judges refusing the take on the
case and referring it onto someone else.

She now has her sights set on the European Court of Human Rights.

City officials are quick to play down criticism of the demolitions.

“When you try to do something good there will always be some negative
reaction,” Hadi Recebli, an MP from the ruling YAP party who heads
the Azerbaijani parliamentary committee on social policy issues,
told the BBC.

He said all demolitions in Baku were being carried out with the
sanction of the court. And he dismissed resident’s complaints that
they weren’t being offered a fair rate of compensation for their homes.

“Some people give in to their emotions when they tell you things like
this” he said. “I think some of the cases you are mentioning didn’t
really happen and couldn’t happen.”

The Baku mayor’s office did not offer to speak to the BBC.

Back on Shamsi Bediebeyli Street the protests and the evictions are
continuing and the overwhelming emotion of local residents seems to
be anger.

They feel humiliated to be treated as an inconvenience by city
officials who seem prepared to bulldoze both the homes and rights of
its poorest people in the pursuit of their dream for a new city.

And that new city seems all the poorer for being built on the ruins
of the lives of some of its most vulnerable inhabitants.

Additional reporting by Konul Khalilova

From: Baghdasarian

KHACHATURIAN (2003): A FASCINATING FIRST-RATE DOCUMENTARY ON THE ARMENIAN-RUSSIAN COMPOSER.
John Sunier

Audiophile Audition

Aug 8 2011

Documentary on the Armenian/Russian composer
Director/Producer: Peter Rosen
Narrator: Eric Bogosian
Studio Kuhn Foundation/VAI 4298
All regions
Video: 4:3 color & B&W
Audio: English/Russian PCM stereo & mono
Closed-captioned, English subtitles
Extras: Complete performance of Khachaturian Cello Concerto with
Mstislav Rostropovich, cell/Khachaturian cond., B&W, 24 min.; “Making
Khachaturian” 17 min.; Khachaturian: 3rd mov’t of Piano Concerto –
Dora Serviarian-Kuhn, piano/Armenian Philharmonic/Loris Tjeknavorian,
cond.

Don’t know how I missed this upon its original release – a touching
and well-done film which won a Best Documentary award at the Hollywood
Film Festival. It is something Armenian pianist Dora Serviarian-Kuhn
has wanted to do for many years. In addition to no documentary having
been done on the important composer, she wanted set right that he
was basically Armenian – not Russian. She was one of the executive
producers of the documentary, one of her relatives edited it, and
she is seen in a rather odd music video of the final movement of
Khachaturian’s colorful Piano Concerto.

While we’re into the extras, one should be pointed out that may be of
equal or superior interest to the documentary for some viewers. It’s
a complete performance of the composer’s Concerto-Rhapsody with
Rostropovich as the soloist. The “Making Of…” documentary goes into
the difficulty the filmmakers had in obtaining much of the archival
footage. In the case of this studio performance video, Rostropovich
had been one of the very first great Russian artists to get out of
the Soviet Union, and therefore the authorities hid the film and
didn’t want any attention on the cellist. The filmmakers also found
that though with difficulty they acquired the footage of Khrennikov
giving the speech in 1948 which denounced Khachaturian, Shostakovich
and Prokofiev, the Soviets had completely erased the soundtrack so
that no evidence of Stalin’s absurd accusations against the composers
of being “formalist” and “anti-people” existed anymore.

And the persistence of the filmmakers was amply rewarded with many
not-before-seen clips. Such as the great shot of Shostakovich actually
smiling while hugging a pig, and the one of Khachaturian catching a
nap on his piano. The film explores the daily life of the composer,
and shows how – like many Soviet people – he had to hide his private
life and feelings behind a mask of Communist Party loyalty (of which
he was a member). He had been lauded as a favorite Soviet musical
figure, getting medals directly from Stalin, and only a few years
later he was castigated and disgraced along with the other composers.

Eventually he regained his status by spending several years
composing his great Spartacus ballet. With a story line about an early
revolutionary against the empire, how could it not find favor with the
Communist leaders? But at the same time it represented the ill-fated
fight of the Russian composers against the Communist regime. (It
made me want to see again right away the Blu-ray of Spartacus which
we reviewed.) There are sizeable clips in color of scenes from both
Khachaturian’s Gayane and Spartacus ballets, and even an interview
with the lead dancer in the latter. One commentator mentions how
Shostakovich was influenced by German musical culture, and Prokofiev
by French, and he felt that Khachaturian was most influenced by
American musical culture. In a way, his emphasis on his Armenian
musical background gave his works a wonderful exotic touch that made
them stand out from lesser Soviet composers who sounded too obvious,
simplified and careful. And at the same time his music appealed to
a wider audience than that of Shostakovich and Prokofiev.

The wide variety of footage is edited sensibly into the documentary,
and when the talking heads are doing it in Russian, English subtitles
appear. (Also for Rostropovich – who is speaking English but you
wouldn’t know it.) There was a bit too much footage of the funeral
services of Lenin, Stalin and Khachaturian for my kopeck, but one
must remember this is Russian. Otherwise a most informative and
thoughtful documentary.

From: Baghdasarian

TURKEY, ARMENIA HAVE DIFFERENT RECONCILIATIONS OF 1915 EVENTS – ENVOY

news.am
Aug 8 2011
Armenia

Turkey and Armenia have different reconciliations of the 1915 events,
Turkish Ambassador to Czech Republic Cihad Erginay said in an interview
with RFE/RL.

“The Armenians term it as genocide, as alleged genocide. We say they
are unfortunate events that happened during the First World War,”
he said.

The envoy said catastrophic events took place but the sides must
discuss them and leave to historians the right to find out what
exactly happened, he added.

He recalled that several years ago Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
offered to form a commission of historians who would discuss the
matter openly.

“But we hope that [the Armenians] will [accept the commission] some
day in order for us to open the gates for better relations between
two countries, which we wish for,” Erginay said.

Speaking about joining the EU, the Ambassador stressed that Turkey
is holding talks on full membership and hopes it would happen sooner
or later.

Erginay said that Turkey has become almost a new country over the
last ten years and “now it is the 16th strongest economy in the world,
it’s the sixth strongest economy in Europe, it is a country which is
the biggest contributor to operations in NATO.”

Commenting on the Cyprus dispute, the Ambassador noted Turkey is
actively trying to solve it. He expressed confidence the talks would
be over by the end of this year, as “an open-ended negotiating process
is getting us nowhere.”

From: Baghdasarian

COMPLETE LIST OF 76 ARMENIAN MPS WHO HAVE PRIVATE BUSINESSES

news.am

Aug 9, 2011
Armenia

YEREVAN. – In the framework of oppositional Armenian National Congress
(ANC) – authorities dialogue, ANC delegation presented to the ruling
coalition 87-page document of arguments in favor of early parliamentary
and presidential elections.

Among many other arguments brought in the paper, ANC emphasized that
76 Armenian MPs have private businesses, which is a direct violation
of Constitutional provisions.

“As a result of institutionalization of corruption, in 2010 52 percent
of total wealth of the country generated in the hands of 44 families,”
says the document.

Among those family names ANC puts former and current Armenian
presidents Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan, high-rank officials
Aleksandr Sargsyan, Tigran Sargsyan, Hovik Abrahamyan, Arthur
Baghdasaryan, Armen Gevorgyan, Vardan Ayvazyan, Gagik Khachatryan,
Arthur Javadyan, Andranik Manukyan, Karen Karapetyan, Gagik Beglaryan.

Below we present ANC’s list of the 76 Armenian MPs who have their
private business. Businesses are presented after the owners’ names
and name of political party which supports the MP.

1. Abrahamyan Gagik (Republican Party of Armenia) – “DCA” Diamond
Company of Armenia CJSC, JCA Jewellery Company CJSC.

2. Abrahamyan Hovik (Republican Party of Armenia) – 1600 hectares of
agricultural lands, Sand mines, ARARATCEMENT CJSC, ARTFOOD Cannery,
Artashat Vinkon CJSC, Artashat Knitting Factory, Artashat mechanical
factory, Artashat Supermarket, Parking Lot trust N5 Selstroy,
Artashat Hotel Complex, Mkhchyan Mechanical Plant, Concrete Plant,
Gas and Petrol Stations.

3. Alexanyan Lernik (Republican Party of Armenia) – Snsyum Ltd.

4. Aghababyan Ashot (Republican Party of Armenia) – Hrazdan Central
Stadium CJSC, Hrazdan stadium mall, Menk enk CJSC, Dar-21 TV Company
CJSC, Shirak Supermarket, Cilicia football club.

5. Ayvazyan Vardan (Republican Party of Armenia) – Tools-manufacturing
plant, Stone and Metal Industry.

6. Avetisyan Sukias (Republican Party of Armenia) – David A Ltd.,
YUMS Ltd.

7. Arzakantsyan Tigran (Republican Party of Armenia) – Ashtarak
Wines CJSC, Great Ararat Ltd, Great Sakra Ltd, Nikel Mountain Ltd,
Mountainous Wealth Ltd, Golden Valley Ltd, Golden Distribution Ltd,
Gran-Max Ltd, Great Valley JV LLC.

8. Arsenyan Ashot (Republican Party of Armenia) – Jermuk Group CJSC,
New Life of Jermuk Ltd, 16 hectares of agricultural lands.

9. Babloyan Ara (Republican Party of Armenia) – Arabkir Medical
Center Ltd, Guarant Limenence Insurance CJSC, Agricultural lands,
protected territory in Ardanish village.

10. Badalyan Volodya (Republican Party of Armenia) – Chimreactive
OJSC, Catlin Ltd, Reactor synthesis Ltd, Intergro Kimreaktiv Ltd,
Olympia hotel-restaurant.

11. Badeyan Manvel (Republican Party of Armenia) – Eurostan Uyut Ltd,
Luys Kom Ltd.

12. Gevorgyan Nahapet (Republican Party of Armenia) – Stone industry
plants.

13. Grigoryan Hrant (Republican Party of Armenia) – Etchmiadzin BUAT
CJSC, 60 hectares of agricultural lands, Etchmiadzin-Yerevan bus route.

14. Grigoryan Rafik (Republican Party of Armenia) – Hydroelectric
plant.

15. Davtyan Artak (Republican Party of Armenia) – ACFINROYAL Ltd.

16. Hakobyan Hakob (Republican Party of Armenia) – Arpa-Sevan CJSC,
Bazalt CJSC, Dilijan Resort CJSC.

17. Hakobyan Vahe (Republican Party of Armenia) – Armenian Molybdenum
Production, Lamax Group Ltd, Niash Ltd, VH Stone Ltd.

18. Hambardzumyan Arkadi (Republican Party of Armenia) – DERJAVA Group,
Lacoste brand store, Audi car dealership.

19. Hayrapetyan Ruben (Republican Party of Armenia) – Armenian
Development Bank, Zeytun CJSC, RRR Ltd, Holani CJSC, Humel Ltd,
Gyumri CJSC, Grand Club CJSC, Harur Ltd, Bjni mineral water plant,
Harsnaqar hotel complex.

20. Ghazaryan Manvel (Republican Party of Armenia) – Vedu-gig OJSC,
Vedi alco Ltd.

21. Ghukasyan Areg (Republican Party of Armenia) – Avan Salt Plant
CJSC, 40 hectares of agricultural lands.

22. Chshmarityan Karen (Republican Party of Armenia) – MAK A.M,
Zangezur copper molybdenum combine.

23. Manukyan Khachik (Republican Party of Armenia) – 200 hectares of
agricultural lands, Max Concern Ltd, LTTF Ltd, Max Ad Ltd, Lusakert
Ltd, Sisart Ltd, Arkayahatik Ltd.

24. Margaryan Grigori (Republican Party of Armenia) – Delfi Ltd,
Bellagio restaurant complex.

25. Melikyan Gagik (Republican Party of Armenia) – Farming households.

26. Melikyan Spartak (Republican Party of Armenia) – Zoravan Cow Farm,
Real estate construction and sales.

27. Mkhitaryan Armen (Republican Party of Armenia) – Knus Ltd,
Aygedzor-Utik Ltd, Afins Gold, Euro Furniture Ltd, Former Dzerzhinsky
Machine-Tool Factory

28. Movsisyan Araqel (Republican Party of Armenia) – Farms,
Restaurants.

29. Nakhdalyan Hermine (Republican Party of Armenia) – Sisian Shik Ltd,
Begmik Ltd, Sisian BUAT Ltd, Nazenik Ltd, Alnars Ltd, Stone Industry
companies, Hydroelectric power plants.

30. Nikoyan Samvel (Republican Party of Armenia) – Nar CJSC.

31. Petrosyan Aleksan (Republican Party of Armenia) – 500 hectares
of agricultural lands, MAP Wine Brandy Factory.

32. Poghosyan Surik (Republican Party of Armenia) – Tashir Invest
Group CJSC, Tashir Sewing Factory OJSC.

33. Purtoyan Armen (Republican Party of Armenia) – 2X2 gas station
and restaurant, Restaurant Continental.

34. Sadoyan Ruben (Republican Party of Armenia) – Podo-first Ltd,
Unigraph-X Ltd.

35. Sahakyan Galust (Republican Party of Armenia) – Local transport
routes.

36. Sargsyan Alexander (Republican Party of Armenia) – HAHN LLC,
Construction activity in the U.S., Shares of different companies.

37. Sargsyan Levon (Republican Party of Armenia) – Family LLC, Gevhov
Ltd, Akhtamar CJSC, Grand villa Ltd, Tonahats CJSC, 3rd Bread Plant
Ltd, Sheghb LLC.

38. Sargsyan Samvel (Republican Party of Armenia) – 20 hectares of
agricultural lands.

39. Saribekyan Karen (Republican Party of Armenia) – Voskevan
restaurant.

40. Sadoyan Sedrak (Republican Party of Armenia) – Etchmiadzin Winery,
2nd Clinical Hospital, Duduk restaurant chains in Russia, Ukraine.

41. Stepanyan Misha (Republican Party of Armenia) – Armen-Karapet CJSC.

42. Pambukyan Harutyun (Republican Party of Armenia) – Tayger Ltd,
Hermes CJSC, Bur Group Ltd, Orange fitness club.

43. Abrahamyan Armen (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Magas-Invest CJSC,
Magas-Motors Ltd, Azg Newspaper Ltd, Armament CJSC, Yerevan Ar Ltd.

44. Akhoyan Aragats (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Haykarshin Ltd.

45. Avagyan Arsen (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Astafian CJSC, Cleopatra
Ltd, King Maro Beach CJSC.

46. Gevorgyan Ruben (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Car service centers.

47. Guloyan Murad (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Supermarket chains in
Abovyan city, Chocolate imports.

48. Yenokyan Gohar (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Spring OJSC, Bexa
fish Ltd.

49. Zakaryan Robert (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Arshaluys OJSC.

50. Tovmasyan Robert (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Haydzul CJSC.

51. Khurshudyan Vachagan (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Zangezurtransshin
OJSC, Charagayttransshin CJSC.

52. Tsarukyan Gagik (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Multi Group Concern,
Multi Group Stone CJSC, Argeym Ltd, Yerevan Ararat Brandy-Wine-Vodka
Factory, Yerevan Chemical-Pharmaceutical Plant, Baghramyan Bread
JSC, Cleopatra Ltd, Multi Gold Ltd, Kvanatonor Omega LTD, Russia,
Araratcement CJSC, Armament CJSC, GM Magharo CJSC, Yunimetkhim Ltd,
King Maron Beach CJSC.

53. Karapetyan Karo (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Shahumyan Wine
Factory.

54. Hakobyan Versand (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Yerevan Champagne
Wine Factory OJSC, Noyemberyan wine factory CJSC, Grig Tour Ltd,
Al Passo Tours and Shipping Company LLC, Capital Travel Ltd,
Elektrasark OJSC.

55. Harutyunyan Mkhitar (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Real estate
construction and sale – Mori Plaza.

56. Gharagyozyan Harutyun (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Local transport
routes.

57. Madatyan Hrant (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Sevan-Motel CJSC.

58. Makhsudyan Vahagn (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Martuni Motor
Company Ltd.

59. Manukyan Melik (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Saranist Ltd,
Arm-glass Ltd.

60. Melikyan Armen (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Endomed -S Ltd,
Rafael Surgery Center LLC.

61. Mkhitaryan Arshak (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Pigeon Diamond
Trading Ltd, Kabsh Ltd, Naira Ltd, Diamond House CJSC, Lee-Ani
diamonds Ltd.

62. Tonoyan Ashot (Prosperous Armenia Party) – Tonus Construction
Company Ltd, Senkar Ltd.

63. Hovhannisyan Vahan (Armenian Revolutionary Federation –
Dashnaktsutyun) – 50 hectares of agricultural lands.

64. Aghabekyan Arthur (Armenian Revolutionary Federation –
Dashnaktsutyun) – Entertainment Complex Water land in Nagorno-Karabakh.

65. Apoyan Ashot (Armenian Revolutionary Federation – Dashnaktsutyun)
– Ashtarak Kat Company.

66. Grigoryan Araik (Armenian Revolutionary Federation –
Dashnaktsutyun) – Avshar Wine Factory.

67. Vardanyan Karen (Armenian Revolutionary Federation –
Dashnaktsutyun) – Grand Candy.

68. Abrahamyan Seryozha (Rule of Law Party) – Diagnostic Preventive
CJSC, Golden Spike Ltd.

69. Margaryan Hovhannes (Rule of Law Party) – Gyumri Candy Factory.

70. Aleksanyan Samvel – Yerevan City supermarket chain, Akhuryan
sugar factory, Flitfood Company, food products import monopoly,
Natali Pharm chain of drug stores, Parvana restaurant, Alex Grig Ltd,
farming households, cafes, gas stations.

71. Balasanyan Samvel – Gyumri Beer Factory.

72. Grigoryan Martun – Trans-instant Ltd, Yerevan-Gyumri intercity
bus routes, inter-community routes.

73. Khachatryan Leva – Cafes, production plants in Armavir.

74. Hakobyan Hakob – Yerevan Beer JSC, Diayomit GM CJSC, CONNECT OJSC,
Dilijan trucks CJSC, Armamast Ltd, Selevkia Ltd, Cilicia Ltd, H. and
T. Hakobyans Ltd, Tigran HHG LLC, Balut Ltd, Anush and Gor LLC.

75. Varagyan Mkhitar – Stone production, construction, car dealerships.

76. Vardanyan Mikael – Grand Tobacco.

From: Baghdasarian

CAUCASUS AND CENTRAL ASIA: ARMENIA HAS MOST FAVORABLE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT IN 2011

EurasiaNet.org

Aug 9, 2011
NY

It’s no secret that the Caucasus and Central Asia are inhospitable
places for free speech and independent journalism. But a recent
survey by IREX, an international organization that promotes civil
society, found even countries that experienced so-called “color”
revolutions have been unable to produce lasting, positive changes in
their respective media environments.

In examining regional trends, experts said during a recent roundtable
discussion that freedom of speech, mass media independence and
related issues tended to improve immediately in Georgia after the
2003 Rose Revolution, as well as in Kyrgyzstan following the 2005
Tulip Revolution. But the gains proved fleeting, as the Georgian and
Kyrgyz media environments over time have reverted to close to the
point where they were before those revolutions, panelists said.

The roundtable coincided with the release of IREX’s 10th annual
Media Sustainability Index (MSI) for Europe and Eurasia. The
survey represents an effort by the NGO “to measure the strength and
viability of any country’s media sector.” Although known mainly for
promoting educational exchanges, IREX is involved in a wide variety
of civil-society related activities, including media development.

The 2011 findings confirmed that Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are
among the most repressive states on earth. On a scale of 0 to 4,
with 4 representing a free media environment, the IREX survey gave
Turkmenistan a 0.35 and Uzbekistan a 0.56 rating. IREX deemed Armenia,
with a 2.09 rating, to have the most favorable media climate in the
Caucasus and Central Asia in 2011.

Given political developments in both countries, roundtable panelists
portrayed Georgia and Kyrgyzstan as disappointing performers in
terms of media freedom. Over the past decade, Georgia’s MSI rating
has remained basically flat, going from 1.82 in 2001 to 1.85 in 2011.

Kyrgyzstan’s has risen slightly over the same period, going from
1.29 to 1.66. Both of those rankings qualified the countries’ media
environments as “unsustainable mixed systems,” according to IREX.

Serbia and Ukraine, which also experienced “color revolutions,”
also saw only modest gains.

Some countries which did not have color revolutions have outpaced, or
at least kept up with their “color revolution” neighbors, according
to the IREX survey. Over the last decade, for example, Tajikistan’s
media environment has improved more than Kyrgyzstan’s, and Kazakhstan’s
has improved nearly as much, according to survey. Armenia’s ranking
has likewise improved more over that timeframe than Georgia’s.

“There can be a spike” immediately after the revolutions, said Leon
Morse, managing editor of the MSI. “So far none of these [revolutions]
have had lasting impacts.” Frequently, post-transition countries have
strong legal protection for the media in theory, but in practice the
laws are ignored, he added.

A positive media environment depends heavily on a strong, independent
judiciary, civil servants who are dedicated to implementing laws
related to access to information, and “simply having leaders who are
committed to following these laws,” Morse said.

Georgia and Kyrgyzstan do not meet those criteria, participants in
the roundtable said.

“The Georgian constitution and the legal environment in Georgia offer
quite strong protection for freedom of press and freedom of speech,”
said Anastasia Mirzoyants, a project manager at InterMedia. “However,
the problem with the media environment is that the rules and
regulations are quite frequently violated by the government, and the
government uses legal, extralegal and financial means to make sure
it is able to control the content … of the news.”

Josh Machleder, vice president for Europe and Eurasia programs
at Internews, said Kyrgyzstan’s media environment had given back
almost all of the gains made since the downfall of Askar Akayev’s
regime in Bishkek. “Now, we’re back where we were in 2005,” he told
the roundtable.

While there have been some positive steps, such as the recent
decriminalization of libel, the rise of hate speech since last
summer’s violence in southern Kyrgyzstan last year has led to
questions about how to reconcile that with freedom of expression,
he said. “Media development happens in waves,” he said. “There are
advances and retreats.”

The roundtable discussion, titled “Lessons from Other Transitions:
Challenges for Independent Media in Europe and Eurasia,” was hosted
by the National Endowment for Democracy.

Editor’s note: Joshua Kucera is a Washington, DC,-based freelance
writer who specializes in security issues in Central Asia, the Caucasus
and the Middle East. He is the editor of EurasiaNet’s Bug Pit blog.

From: Baghdasarian

ARMENIAN GENOCIDE FUND AUDIT DENIED
Mark Kellam

Glendale News Press
latimes.com
Aug 9, 2011
CA

District judge instead orders account administrator to voluntarily
provide payout details

A U.S. district judge on Monday denied a motion to conduct an audit of
a multimillion-dollar compensation fund for descendents of Armenian
Genocide victims, instead ordering the account administrator to
explain payout discrepancies.

Glendale-based attorney Vartkes Yeghiayan had sought the independent
audit after discovering that a fund established by insurance carrier
Axa S.A. contained nearly $2.5 million more than originally thought.

But U.S. District Judge Christina Snyder said the audit would cost
too much time and money and was unnecessary if Glendale resident
Parsegh Kartalian, the fund’s administrator, could provide adequate
information.

Kartalian has just a few weeks to sit down voluntarily with attorneys
Brian Kabateck, Mark Geragos and Roman Silberfeld, who represent
Yeghiayan.

If Kartalian does not meet with them voluntarily, Silberfeld said he
will return to Snyder and ask her to order him to testify in court.

Silberfeld said the check amounts “vary wildly” from $159 to more
than $200,000. Records also show descendants received multiple checks,
but some of them were never cashed.

“Why were people getting multiple checks when, theoretically, one check
would do?” Silberfeld said. “There is only one person apparently on
the planet who can tell us why that is, and that’s Mr. Kartalian.”

He also stressed that it is the responsibility of attorneys to figure
out what happened. It is not the responsibility of the France-based
settlement board, which simply decided who was eligible for claim
payouts.

The board has been pushing for the independent audit.

“The settlement board isn’t running this show. The court is running
this show,” Snyder said in court. “I think Mr. Kartalian owes an
explanation not to the settlement board, but to this court.”

When reached by phone on Tuesday, Kartalian said he had not been
contacted about a meeting.

Several years ago, New York Life Insurance Co. and Axa agreed to
establish separate funds for a total of $37.5 million to pay claims
that they failed to compensate descendents of Armenian Genocide
victims who bought policies between 1875 and 1923.

Geragos, Kabateck and Yeghiayan were co-counsels on the class action
lawsuit.

About 100 people still need to be compensated through the fund,
said Kabateck, adding that it was he and Geragos who discovered the
additional $2.5 million and found the claimants who still needed to
be paid.

Kabateck said the process should be fairly easy to pay the 100 people,
based on a formula that was drawn up for distribution of funds when
the settlement agreement was created.

A status hearing on the case is scheduled for Sept. 26.

From: Baghdasarian

RUSSIA AND AZERBAIJAN DISCUSS THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH ISSUE
Denisova Olga

The Voice of Russia
Aug 9, 2011

The situation in the Caucasus and the general state of several
countries and their people depend on the resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Presidents of Russia and Azerbaijan, Dmitry
Medvedev and Ilkham Aliev have focused on how to solve the conflict
at their meeting in the Russian resort of Sochi.

The Azeri President arrived in Sochi on a working visit, and his
Russian counterpart described the city as an appropriate place for
discussing bilateral relations, regional and international issues
and global economic problems. Both leaders noted that political and
economic dialogue between Moscow and Baku is gaining momentum.

However, the regional conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh remains unsolved,
the Russian President emphasized:

“The Nagorno-Karabakh will be a key topic at the meeting. I would like
to hold a frank discussion on what to do in the future and on how the
events will develop by taking into account the last meeting in Kazan
with the involvement of the Armenian President and previous meetings.

We are close neighbours and the general state of the entire region,
our countries and our people depends on how the situation develops,”
Dmitry Medvedev said.

The presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan have met more often on
Russia’s initiative in the trilateral format. In the past years, Russia
has played the role of a mediator in their dialogue. Both sides of the
conflict, Yerevan and Baku, welcome Russia’s involvement. The three
presidents, Medvedev, Sargsyan and Aliev have met nine times at the
negotiating table since 2008. This, according to the Azeri leader,
has produced results:

“We value highly your personal involvement in this process. Perhaps,
Azerbaijan is more interested in solving the conflict as soon as
possible than others so that the displaced people could return
to their native places of residence, and peace and order could be
established. I believe the resolution of the conflict at the earliest
meets the interests of all sides,” Ilkham Aliev said.

Medvedev and Aliev returned to the discussion of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict on the next day after the third anniversary of the Georgian
aggression against South Ossetia. During an interview, Dmitry Medvedev
said that Ilkham Aliev and Serzh Sargsyan consider the event a very
serious lesson. They admitted that it would be better to conduct an
endless dialogue on the fate of Nagorno-Karabakh, a possible referendum
or a peace treaty rather than fight for five days.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict broke out in February 1988 when the
enclave in Azerbaijan declared that it would secede from the Azerbaijan
Soviet Socialist Republic and join Armenia.

Nagorno-Karabakh declared its independence in 1991 before the collapse
of the Soviet Union. At the time, the two sides fought a war. Baku
opposed secession, while Yerevan supported those who fought for
independence.

The fighting ended after three years in 1994 when a truce signed with
the mediation of Russia came into force. However, the status of the
region has not been solved yet. The conflict is frozen, and Azerbaijan
considers that seven districts of its territory have been occupied.

Russia as a member of the Minsk group of the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe insists together with the U.S. and France on
the completion of the work of settling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

At the G8 summit in Deauville Medvedev, Obama and Sarkozy have once
again urged the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia to achieve this.

From: Baghdasarian

PEDESTRIANS FOLLOW TRAFFIC RULES MORE OFTEN IN ARMENIA

news.am
Aug 9, 2011
Armenia

YEREVAN. – Overall 6,288 pedestrians were fined during the seven
months of this year, head of Armenian Traffic Police, Colonel Norik
Sargsyan told at a press conference on Tuesday. Last year registered
22,824 violations of traffic rules by pedestrians.

Armenian pedestrians became more disciplined. Thus, last year all
accidents involving pedestrians occurred partially or completely as a
result of pedestrians’ mistakes. However, this year the number reduced
to one third. 370 cases of run over are registered till August this
year, 51 people died (2010 registered 374 cases and 60 people died).

417,457 cases of traffic rules’ violations were registered during the
last seven months, while 412,685 cases occurred last year. Overall,
the statistics show an increase of violations. For example, 2005
registered 150,000 cases.

Accidents also occurred by the fault of the drivers, who refuse to
give a way to the pedestrian. There are already 170 cases during the
last seven months of 2011, while 2010 registered 322 cases. These
drivers are fined with AMD 20,000 ($55).

From: Baghdasarian