Author: Baghdasarian Karlen

Bohjalian Receives Award in Moscow

By Weekly Staff on January 6, 2015

Russian Translation of ‘Sandcastle Girls’ to Come Out in 2015

MOSCOW, Russia (A.W.)–New York Times best-selling author Chris
Bohjalian received a Soglasie (Corcord) Award from the World Armenian
Congress and Union of Armenians in Russia in December, for his
“devotion to the Armenian nation’s traditions and memory.”

New York Times best-selling author Chris Bohjalian received a Soglasie
(Corcord) Award from the World Armenian Congress and Union of
Armenians in Russia

The Soglasie awards ceremony was held at the Grand Kremlin Palace with
more than 5,000 community members and guests present.

“I was moved and honored by my visit with the Armenian community in
Moscow, and humbled by the award. My hopes for The Sandcastle Girls
are that it teaches non-Armenians this part of our history and gives
Armenians a sense of pride. This award and the new Russian edition
will help accomplish both.”

The Russian translation of The Sandcastle Girls, a novel on the
Armenian Genocide, will be published by the Moscow-based Vorak-Media
LLC in February 2015. Publisher Vahe Avanesyan said, “I was very moved
when Ara Abrahamyan, the head of the Union of Armenians in Russia,
handed the Concord Award to Chris Bohjalian. This award is for the
tremendous talent and work Chris has put into the creation of The
Sandcastle Girls.” There is already “a big buzz and a lot of
anticipation” for the book in Russia, he added.

The Sandcastle Girls was a New York Times best-seller, and more than a
dozen editions and translations of the book have appeared around the
world, including Canada (in English and French), Brazil, the United
Kingdom, France, Italy, Romania, Poland, Norway, Israel, and Armenia.

During his trip, Bohjalian also visited the Spiritual and Educational
Center of the Armenian Apostolic Church in Moscow and met with
archbishop Ezras Nersisyan, the head of the Russian and
New-Nakhichevan Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

From: Baghdasarian

Weak ruble and new immigration law impacting Armenians in Georgia’s south
By Inga Popovaite
Jan 8, 2015

It is a hard winter for ethnic Armenians living in Georgia’s southern
Samtskhe-Javakheti region. The fall of the ruble has led to less money
being sent home from relatives who have found jobs in Russia, and
Georgia’s new immigration law is forcing people to acquire a residency
permit, which they are not guaranteed to get even after paying all the
fees.

No employment in the region

Akhalkalaki is a town situated on a volcanic plateau 1,700 meters
above sea level. The main crops grown here are potatoes, cabbage and
carrots, locals told us; not the kind of agriculture which gives you a
good income.

However, all other options are also closed. The biggest employer used
to be a Russian military base which was closed in 2007. Apart from
public sector jobs and small businesses, the town has almost nothing
else to offer job seekers.

`There are no jobs here. During the Soviet times, men were used to
going to Russia for work, and their wives and children stayed here.
Even now, when the Soviet Union does not exist anymore, when there are
new countries and new borders, the same mindset remained, and people
still travel abroad to work,’ deputy chair of the Akhalkalaki town
council, Nairin Irichian, explained.

Currency problems

The migration of laborers impacts the annual cycle of this region.
Now, during the winter holidays, the whole region is bursting with
life, as the men take a break from their job in Russia or Armenia.
Shushana Shirinian, a local journalist, said that the men usually stay
until spring and then go back. `Then the `women’s season’ will start,
when all duties will fall on the woman’s shoulder’s,’ Shirinian said.

But this year, the family reunions are not as festive as usual. The
ruble has lost about one-third of its value in the course of the last
year, and it dragged Georgian and Armenian currencies down as well.
`Whatever people earned throughout the year, it all dwindled. It’s
like they’ve been working for free,’ Shirinian told DF Watch.

Have no Georgian citizenship

But the falling ruble is just one of the problems among Javakheti
Armenians. The biggest share of those who work abroad are Armenian,
not Georgian, passport holders. After the 2008 Georgia-Russia, it
became harder for Georgian citizens to get work in Russia, and many
chose instead to look for a job in Armenia, which is also easier with
an Armenian passport.

Irichian stressed that Javakheti Armenians are without Georgian
citizenship for pragmatic reasons: `A lot of critics say that Armenia
handed out passports to Samtskhe-Javakheti Armenians so it could later
annex this region. But this is far from the truth. If people had jobs
in Georgia, they would never get Armenian passports and would never
leave their country, their home and their families.’

Immigration law brought problems

Before September 1, 2014, Armenian citizens were able to live in
Georgia without any additional documents, as long as they crossed a
state border once every year. But everything changed with the new
immigration law, and now those Javakheti Armenians who are without
Georgian citizenship can stay in their home country only for three
months and then they have to stay away for another three.

Samvel Petrosian, a Georgian parliament member from Akhalkalaki, did
not hide his discontent with the current immigration law, and said
that it violates the rights and interests of ethnic Armenians in
Georgia.

`This new law is one of the biggest problems in Samtskhe-Javakheti at
the moment. The majority of people here are Armenians, every family
has relatives in Armenia and we are crossing the border frequently.
And this law restricts free movement across borders,’ he said.

Petrosian pointed out that there are a lot of inter-married families
in the region with one spouse an Armenian and the other Georgian
citizen. `But this law requires that Armenian citizens can be in
Georgia only six months per year. So it means that such family will be
together for six months, and apart for another six. And that’s how
families break.’

Costly applications

Therefore it wasn’t surprising to see long queues in the local branch
of the Public Service Hall, as people struggle to obtain temporary or
permanent residency permits. As each application costs 210 laris, and
sometimes an applicant needs to demonstrate that she or he has 4,000
laris on their bank account, it is a costly procedure for people in
this poor region. For example, a family of four will have to pay more
than 850 laris for the application process, including the costs for
various supporting documents.

Moreover, according to the locals, no-one can be sure that their
application will be approved or rejected. There seemed to be a
consensus among people I talked to that the rejection rate is high,
and the reasons are usually unknown. `For example, I remember one man
from a village nearby. He told me that he got rejected four times
already, and the Public Service Hall clerks are still encouraging him
to apply again and again. He cannot understand why are they telling
him to apply and pay money again, as he has been rejected so many
times already,’ Irichian said.

Uncertainty scares applicants

The Public Service Development Agency, which is responsible for
issuing residency permits, did not provide DF Watch with official
statistics concerning Armenian citizens applying for Georgian
residency permit and the rejection-approval rate.

The uncertainty scares those who need residency permits. A local small
business owner, who lives together with her husband and three
children, said that she is a bit afraid to pay all the money it costs
to apply for a residency permit, especially when she is not sure if
the answer will be positive. `I’ve lived here for fifteen years, we
have registered our business here, we pay taxes, we pay utilities. And
we do all of this with our Armenian passports, and it never seemed to
be a problem. What if I don’t get residency permits for me and my
family now? Maybe it would be wiser just to spend that money living in
Armenia?’

From: Baghdasarian

Solidarité
L’Arménie condamne l’attentat à Charlie Hebdo

L’Arménie a ajouté sa voix à la forte condamnation internationale de
l’attentat du magazine satirique français Charlie Hebdo, qui a fait au
moins 12 morts.

Serge Sarkissian a envoyé une lettre à son homologue français François
Hollande condamnant fermement la tuerie, présentant ses condoléances
aux familles des victimes et exprimant sa solidarité avec la France.

“Nous condamnons avec la plus extrême sévérité le terrorisme dans
toutes ses formes et renouvelons notre engagement à poursuivre la
lutte contre le terrorisme international.

En ces moments de grande affliction et d’importantes pertes humaines,
l’Arménie et le peuple arménien sont à vos côtés, aux côtés du peuple
français ami.

Nous exprimons notre soutien sincère et apportons notre aide aux
familles des victimes en leur souhaitant courage et fermeté. Aux
blessés, nous souhaitons un prompt rétablissement.

Veuillez accepter, votre excellence, l’assurance de mon profond respect.”

“En ce moment difficile de douleur et de perte, l’Arménie et le peuple
arménien sont à vos côtés” a écrit Sarkissian.

Edouard Nalbandian, dans une déclaration distincte a écrit : “nous
exprimons nos condoléances et notre soutien au peuple et aux autorités
de la France amie, ainsi qu’à la rédaction de Charlie Hebdo et aux
proches des victimes”, a déclaré le ministre des Affaires étrangères,
.

“Ces actes effroyables commis par des extrémistes ne peuvent avoir
aucune justification et soulignent une fois de plus la nécessité d’une
plus grande consolidation des efforts internationaux de lutte contre
le terrorisme”, a t-il ajouté.

jeudi 8 janvier 2015,
Claire (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

ATTENTAT À CHARLIE HEBDO
Communiqué du ministère des Affaires étrangères d’Arménie

Nous condamnons fermement l’attentat terroriste perpétré le 7 janvier
à Paris dans le siège de Charlie Hebdo, ayant entraîné la mort de
plusieurs personnes.

Nous adressons nos condoléances et notre solidarité aux familles des
victimes, à la rédaction de Charlie Hebdo, aux autorités et au peuple
ami français.

Ces actes effroyables des extrémistes n’ont aucune justification et
montrent une fois de plus la forte nécessité de consolidation des
efforts de toute la communauté internationale dans la lutte contre le
terrorisme.

Edward Nalbandian

jeudi 8 janvier 2015,
Ara (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

REVUE DE PRESSE
Syrie : 1912-2014 РKoban̩, ville neuve, ville martyre

par Asli Aydintasbas, Milliyet (Istanbul)

Elle est aujourd’hui au coeur de l’actualité internationale, thétre
de violents combats entre Kurdes et islamistes. Pourtant, il y a un
siècle, personne n’aurait pu la situer sur une carte. Et pour cause.

Il y a cent ans, il n’existait pas d’endroit portant le nom de Kobané.
Pas plus d’ailleurs qu’il n’y avait de lieu appelé Ayn Al-Arab, nom
que certains considèrent maintenant avec insistance comme le toponyme
originel de cet endroit.

Il y a un siècle, on trouvait tout au plus, là où s’étend Kobané
aujourd’hui, un petit hameau portant le nom d’Arab Punari ou Arap
Pinari [qui, en turc, signifie “fontaine arabe”, tout comme son
équivalent arabe Ayn Al-Arab]. L’histoire de ce lieu, qui fait
maintenant la une de l’actualité dans le monde entier, a été oubliée,
mais elle vaut pourtant la peine d’être connue.

C’est dans le cadre de la construction de la ligne de chemin de fer
reliant Berlin à Bagdad, dernier grand projet politique et économique
de l’Empire ottoman, que le lieu-dit Arab Punari est pour la première
fois référencé. Il s’agit alors d’une petite gare située sur la
portion reliant [l’actuelle ville turque de] Konya à [l’actuelle ville
syrienne d’] Alep et sur laquelle travaillent des ingénieurs
allemands. Nous sommes en 1912.

A cette époque, Suruç [située aujourd’hui du côté turc de la
frontière, face à Kobané] est une sous-préfecture de 10 000 habitants.
Urfa, chef-lieu de la province, est une ville peuplée essentiellement
d’Arméniens et d’Arabes. Quant à Arab Punari, ce n’est donc qu’une
petite gare entourée de quelques baraquements.

Toutefois, Arab Punari rentre véritablement dans l’Histoire avec les
massacres d’Arméniens en 1915. A cette époque, Arab Punari, tout comme
Raqqa, Ras Al-Ayn ou Deir Ez-Zor, dont nous entendons beaucoup parler
aujourd’hui dans le cadre de la crise en Syrie, abrite un des camps où
sont parqués les milliers d’Arméniens déportés d’Anatolie.

C’est un centre de transit où la mortalité est très élevée.
L’historien français d’origine arménienne Raymond Kevorkian explique,
dans son livre Le Génocide des Arméniens [Odile Jacob, 2006], qu’aux
alentours du 25 septembre 1915, entre 120 et 170 Arméniens déportés de
Sivas, en Anatolie, meurent chaque jour à Arab Punari.

A cette époque, les autorités ottomanes déportent tous les Arméniens
d’Anatolie et les envoient vers les déserts de Syrie – vers la mort.
Au même moment, Suruç aussi voit affluer des colonnes de déportés,
dont certains, grce à l’indulgence du sous-préfet local (jusqu’au
moment où cela lui vaudra d’être relevé de ses fonctions), vont
s’installer sur place et plus au sud.

Finalement, les Ottomans doivent se retirer de la région [en 1918] et,
conséquence des accords Sykes-Picot signés secrètement par la
Grande-Bretagne et la France, Suruç reste en territoire ottoman tandis
qu’Arab Punari se retrouve en Syrie. Les Arméniens rescapés des
massacres et les Kurdes venus de villages avoisinants commencent alors
peu à peu à s’installer à Arab Punari. En 1925, la répression contre
la révolte du cheikh Saïd Piran [dans les régions kurdes de la
nouvelle Turquie républicaine] pousse de nombreuses tribus kurdes à
venir s’installer du côté syrien de la frontière, à Ras Al-Ayn et à
Arab Punari. Avec le temps, la population du lieu devient un mélange
d’Arabes, de Kurdes, d’Arméniens et de Turkmènes. Le hameau, constitué
autour d’une petite gare, commence ainsi à se développer.

Durant le mandat français sur la Syrie, de 1920 à 1946, le problème le
plus important de la jeune République turque dans la région consiste à
contenir les bandes armées qui traversent la frontière en provenance
de Syrie, et notamment d’Arab Punari. Ankara considère que l’alliance
entre Kurdes et Arméniens en Syrie représente une menace.

Les échanges diplomatiques révèlent d’ailleurs qu’Ankara demande aux
autorités françaises d’exercer un meilleur contrôle sur ces groupes.
Pour rassurer un peu les Turcs et renforcer la sécurité à la
frontière, les Français établissent alors une antenne pour leurs
services de renseignements à Arab Punari. La Syrie devient ensuite
indépendante et le nouvel Etat syrien, dans le cadre de sa politique
d’arabisation, donne à cette petite ville le nom d’Ayn Al-Arab. Quant
au nom de Kobané [sous lequel la ville est connue dans les autres
langues], il ne semble pas être un mot kurde.

Kobané viendrait du terme allemand kompanie (signifiant “compagnie”,
“société”), et il remonterait au temps où les Allemands se trouvaient
à cet endroit. Selon une autre explication, ko viendrait effectivement
de kompanie et bané du mot allemand bahn, contraction d’eisenbahn
signifiant “voie ferrée”, ce qui aurait donné ko-bahn et donc Kobané.

Quoi qu’il en soit, le lieu que nous appelons aujourd’hui Kobané est
depuis un siècle une ville qui tente de survivre tant bien que mal,
dans les circonstances les plus pénibles, et c’est pour cela qu’elle
continue à résister.

Asli Aydintasbas

Publié le 13 octobre 2014 dans Milliyet Istanbul

jeudi 8 janvier 2015,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

Trend, Azerbaijan
Jan 8 2015

Israel does not intend to recognize so-called ‘Armenian genocide’ – Ambassador

8 January 2015, 14:22 (GMT+04:00)
By Elchin Mehdiyev – Trend:

Israel does not intend to recognize the so-called “Armenian genocide”,
Israeli ambassador to Azerbaijan Rafael Harpaz told Trend.

He was commenting on some Israeli politicians’ calls to the government
to recognize the so-called “Armenian genocide”.

“Israel is a democratic country, everybody has two opinions, not one
opinion,” Harpaz said. “The government has a very clear opinion.”

He said that Israel never recognizes and does not intend to recognize
the so-called “Armenian genocide”.

“But regarding the government, its policy is very clear and it was
earlier stated by foreign minister Avigdor Lieberman,” Harpaz said.

As for the unsatisfactory political relations between Israel and
Turkey, the ambassador expressed the hope that they will improve.

“There are enough common interests and issues in the world for us to
cooperate,” Harpaz said. “I would like to take an example of Turkish
Airlines. Turkish Airlines is the biggest foreign airline which is
active in Israel. Istanbul is the biggest hub for Israelis. The same
goes for tourism, trade which is up. We hope that our political
relations with Turkey will improve.”

From: Baghdasarian

Why did Rosneft break into Georgia?
By Georgi Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi.
7 January 2015 – 5:07pm

[Summary: The first political event of 2015 in Georgia was a major
deal between Petrocas Energy Group and the Russian state company
`Rosneft.’ Petrocas belongs to billionaire David Jacobashvili. It sold
49% of its shares. The deal caused heavy protests from the opposition
and pro-Western experts, who thought it was `breaking into Georgia by
the most powerful Russian state corporation.’]

It is wrong to say that Russian state companies were absent in
Georgia. The UES of Russia bought the Tbilisi SCR system `Telasi’ from
the American company AES and solved the `historic’ problem of stable
electric power being provided to the capital in a year. However, even
in 2003 supporters of Mikheil Saakshvili stood against the `malicious
penetration by Anatoly Chubais’s company of Georgia’, as he was
thought to be an author of the concept of the `liberal empire.’

Today they are protesting against Rosneft. At the same time, in both
cases private companies have decided to sell their shares profitably
to a buyer who was ready to pay big money for it. However, supporters
of the former president organize briefings, insisting on cancelling
the deal, as it `damages the state interests of Georgia.’

Why did the Russian oil giant decide to buy a packet of Petrocas
shares which is not a controlling one? David Jacobashvili’s company
owns not only the biggest network of fuel stations in Georgia, Gulf,
but also the biggest oil-loading terminal near Poti. In recent years
Rosneft used the terminal for transshipment of oil and oil products to
Armenia. It seems that Moscow has decided to improve its control over
the oil supply line of the state, which has recently entered the
Eurasian Economic Union. The geopolitical approach meets the Kremlin’s
strategy on building new and reconstructing former communications
connecting Russia and the South Caucasus. I mean reconstruction of the
railway through Abkhazia and construction of the Avro-Kakheti highway
from Dagestan to Eastern Georgia and further to Armenia. The oil
product transshipment line is an important component of providing
vitality in Armenia. Tbilisi media even suppose that Rosneft is going
to buy a controlling interest of Petrocas, but the vice-president of
the Georgian company, Niko Mchedlishvili, told Vestnik Kavkaza that
this is not so: `The controlling interest still belongs to David
Jacobashvili.’

It is a secret how much the deal costs. Negotiations on selling the
controlling or blocking interest of Petrocas Energy Group started in
autumn 2013, when Armenia rejected signing the association agreement
with the EU and decided to join the Customs Union of Russia, Belarus
and Kazakhstan, but at the same time Yerevan raised the question of
`stable communication lines with the countries of the Customs Union
under absence of common borders.’

However, Tbilisi considers the story from a different point of view `
it is an attempt by the Russian giant (almost the Russian state
itself) to `gain the most important communications and the Black Sea
shore of the country.’ According to one of the leaders of
Saakashvili’s party, the MP Zurab Japaridze, the deal with Petrocas is
only the beginning of `a big process’, and if nobody makes the
authorities cancel the deal, `in future Moscow will have no obstacles
at all.’

The opposition states that Rosneft is actively working in Abkhazia,
violating Georgian law on occupied territories. From a formal point of
view, it could be an argument for rejection of registration of the
purchase and redistribution of interests. However, it seems Prime
Minister Irakli Garibashvili doesn’t intend to take such a radical
step, as Moscow could consider it a return to the times of
Saakashvili’s rule with his confrontational logic, i.e. `a forced
breaking’ of the deal could lead to the reinstatement of a Russian
embargo on Georgian goods.

From: Baghdasarian

REVUE DE PRESSE
Montpellier : les 100 ans du génocide arménien

2015 marque les 100 ans du génocide des Arméniens. Avec, pour ce mois
de janvier, jeudi 8, 20h25 : rencontre avec Serge Avédikian,
réalisateur de talent, Palme d’or à Cannes pour Chienne d’histoire,
qui présentera son dernier film, Le scandale Paradjanov, au Diagonal
Capitole.

Et le vendredi 23 : pour la journée de l’avocat menacé, organisée par
l’Institut des droits de l’homme du barreau de Montpellier, la Ligue
des droits de l’homme et le Syndicat des avocats de France. À la
Maison des avocats : 9h-12h, les avocats des philippines. 14h-17h :
interventions d’avocats (contexte du génocide et conséquences
sociétales par Héléna Demirdjian ; le destin de Krikor Zohrab, par
Virginie Dusen). 04.67.61.72.60.

Midi Libre

mercredi 7 janvier 2015,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

From: Baghdasarian

Entering the Centennial Year on the Wrong Foot

Mirror Spectator
Editorial 1-10

By Edmond Y. Azadian

As if the scourge of our failures in the Diaspora was not enough on
this very auspicious moment of history, now dissonances and discord
have also surfaced in Armenia, when cooperation and harmony are most
needed to face the challenge of the century.

The centennial activities thus far are confined to ceremonial affairs,
symbolic gatherings and heart-wrenching memorials, which all serve as
necessary catharsis for the pain built up during the last century. But
if those activities are not combined with political activism, we will
be condemned to live in an illusory world.

The most significant political statement would have been the
completion and the inauguration of the Armenian Genocide Museum, an
earshot from the White House, in the nation’s capital. That would have
served as a symbol of our collective will to survive and to pursue
justice. It would also have served as a reminder to the world about a
century of injustice, as well as an educational forum for all to learn
about the Armenian Genocide.

The failure to deliver the museum on schedule to provide substance to
our memorials is one catastrophe, while yet another is the
indifference regarding this failure. Where is the outrage?

Failing to build the museum by 2015 is tantamount to delivering a
victory to the Turks on a silver platter.

The indignity goes to all the parties who contributed to this
monumental failure, but above all, it goes to the entire community for
its lackadaisical indifference for accountability.

This much is the Diaspora’s share of responsibility.

Turning to Armenia, we have more disheartening news. The scholars who
were supposed to lay the foundations of our centennial activities,
especially by developing a solid body of scholarly Genocide
literature, are at each others’ throats at this moment.

While there was overall concern that scholars in Armenia and the
Diaspora were working at cross-purposes, labeling each other with
unsavory epithets, now the disease has reached Armenia to pit
prominent local scholars against each other, as well.

Some scholars in Armenia used to accuse their diasporan colleagues as
agents of Turkey or the US State Department. The counter charge was
that scholars in Armenia were mired in nationalistic narratives, which
cannot win currency on the international market. Now, these latter
accusations have also been thrown at prominent scholars living and
publishing in Armenia.

During a recent press conference, Hayk Demoyan, the director of the
Genocide Memorial and Museum, and the official coordinator of the
centennial programs in Armenia, accused some scholars in Armenia of
being agents of Turkey’s special services. He said, “During the
organization of centennial commemorative events, there is a tendency
to speak about righteous Turks who have saved Armenian lives,
forgetting the fate of 1.5 million victims of genocide. Those who
promote those tendencies are cooperating with the special services of
the Turkish government. Nine out of 10 functions that they organize
favor Turkey.” He added: “We are not talking only about the Diaspora.
Those are high-level officials in the Republic of Armenia, who are
undermining my activities as the secretary of the official centennial
committee.”

Then he named another prominent scholar, Ashot Melkonian, saying the
latter has tried to destroy his dissertation.

This is not the place to pass judgment on the academic merits or
demerits of Hayk Demoyan or Ashot Melkonian, as the scenario is very
ugly at a period when all efforts should be coordinated and directed
towards organizing a successful centennial commemoration, especially
when many foreign dignitaries will be converging on Yerevan on April
24. This kind of exchange of cheap shots does not augur well for a
positive outcome.

Demoyan was a rising star in the academic circles when he was tapped
by the government as the director of the museum. Before even beginning
to deliver on his new job, he was accused of plagiarism and was
severely criticized for presenting his doctoral dissertation in
Russian rather than Armenian. Enter another scholar, Turkologist Ruben
Melkonian, who has said that “both Ashot Melkonian and Hayk Demoyan
are talented scholars, but their differences of opinion should not
have moved to the public forum; they should have been confined to
within the four walls of our academic institution.”

However, he went further to elaborate that there is some truth in the
fact that the “grants offered by foreign sources in the organization
of centennial activities mostly serve the interests of the Turkish
side; let’s engage in dialogue, let’s forget the past, let’s talk
about mutual pain, etc.”

Indeed, in certain quarters honoring righteous Turks has gained
prominence. There has to come a time to pay due respect to Turkish
individuals — who contrary to the Turkish masses and certainly risking
their own lives — demonstrated humanity in saving Armenian lives. But
those people were exceptions and not the rule. At this point, going
after righteous Turks means to divert and dilute the issue. It is
putting the cart before the horse.

The Jews have been honoring righteous gentiles but after what? After
recovering their homeland and after benefitting from unprecedented
compensation. Certainly they can rightfully honor the righteous
individuals from a position of strength.

Ruben Melkonian further dwelt on the origins and the purposes of
foreign grants by adding: “If we dig deep in the origins of those
foreign grants, we may discover that they have been hatched in Turkey.
I caution all Armenian organizations to refrain from receiving foreign
grants, at least during this centennial year.”

One would have wished to begin the year with a salvo of positive news,
but we are far from being in that kind of salutary disposition.

Speaking of righteous Turks, it is very appropriate to quote and then
emulate Turkish columnist Cengiz Aktar, who has written a piece in
Today’s Zaman newspaper under the title “Entering 1915.” He concludes
his piece with the following: “The Armenian Genocide is the Great
Catastrophe of Anatolia, and the mother of all taboos in this land.
Its curse will continue to haunt us as along as well fail to talk
about, to recognize, understand and reckon with it. Its centennial
anniversary actually offers us a historic opportunity to disperse with
our habits, understand the Other and start with the collective
therapy.”

From: Baghdasarian

Russia Bids Farewell

Igor Muradyan, Political Analyst
Comments – 06 January 2015, 18:10

The Ukrainian developments demonstrated that Russia’s only opportunity
is neutrality of Ukraine and Georgia, possibly also other countries
located near Russia.

The last stage of the fight for the last positions is felt, and
Russia is looking for new positions if it gives up on the ambitions
that are destroying itself in time. To recover what it did not have
earlier, the statehood, start the new stage of formation of the
Russian state – moderately rich and totally free from ambitions –
which aspires to alliance with NATO.

The understanding that the time to choose has come close best
characterizes Russia which has not been able to choose its own way and
restoration of the new “empire”. The Russian people, not the people
living in Russia, as they put it, chose what was close to the
nostalgia of the imperial past: it is farewell to the stage of the
last farewell, and there is nothing else to say.

The Russian people want to live in another way, and only memories and
futile quest for the past which is sometimes evoked under the
influence of emotions rather than boundless illusions. This farewell
party leaves only one thing – make sure that the Ukrainians and
Georgians which are more apt for modern economy to choose neutrality
as a hope for a more or less certain status which will help them avoid
new mistakes and not resemble other nations which have chosen the
European path.

The Russians have a network of agents in Ukraine and especially
Georgia. However, there is no hope in Ukraine, it is a big and
nationalistic state.

The situation is different in Georgia yet there are still people in
Georgia who are ready for sacrifice for the sake of the freedom of
their own people. They are not many but they have to be taken into
account or a lot will go in vain. There is not a scenario of a fast
resolution, together with Russia which may only offer free movement of
migrant workers, thieves and pimps in its territory.

The Ukrainians have built Russia, now they need to build Ukraine.

These countries will never agree to neutrality because that would mean
giving up on their statehood, unlike the Armenians who are indifferent
to their own statehood which survives thanks to circumstances, not the
people. It would have been possible to speak about neutrality 20 years
ago when it was meaningful, when the Western community agreed which
was dealing with something else then which required silence.

Now that the last stage of fight for complete destruction of the
“empire” has set on, two models are left, Sweden or Canada which could
replace the Russian people’s dream of “empire”. The models of these
northern snow-covered well-off countries are the last dream of the
Russian people, while they can give up on Ukraine and Georgia.

Currently, the Russian political scientists who could have been named
otherwise are advising the Russian government on neutrality of Ukraine
and Georgia and the sooner, the better. The actual government of
Russia agrees to everything, including neutrality which will be
acceptable independent from how neutral these countries will be with
their present status.

The problem is why Russia, despite its immense spending on propaganda,
has not been able to create anything in neighboring countries. The
point is that new orientations have occurred in Ukraine and Georgia
which have nothing to do with the former pro-Western issues.

Absolutely new perceptions of one’s own new statehood have occurred in
these countries which Russia and the West beware to the extent of
trying to make no mistake in recognizing the new image. Only Armenia
can return to the old setting, as well as someone in Central Asia.

From: Baghdasarian