Turkish Press: US can contribute to peace process in South Caucasus by ‘considering new realities’: Azerbaijan

Yeni Safak, Turkey
Dec 7 2023

US can contribute to peace process in South Caucasus by 'considering new realities': Azerbaijan

'Historic opportunities' arose for peace after end of 2020 2nd Karabakh war, Azerbaijan's President Aliyev tells visiting US special envoy

The US can contribute to the peace process between Azerbaijan and Armenia by taking the South Caucasus region's "new realities" into consideration, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev told a senior official from Washington on Wednesday.

During a meeting in the capital Baku, Aliyev told James O'Brien, US special envoy for European and Eurasian Affairs, that "historic opportunities had arisen for the establishment of peace" after the end of the second Karabakh war of fall 2020, according to a statement by his office.

"Emphasizing that Azerbaijan supported the regional peace agenda, President Ilham Aliyev said that after the end of the conflict and full restoration of Azerbaijan's sovereignty, historic opportunities had arisen for the establishment of peace, noting that the United States could contribute to the process by considering the new realities," said the statement.

Aliyev noted during the meeting that Armenia did not fulfill its obligations after the end of the 44-day war, while also sending weapons and military personnel to the territories of Azerbaijan.

The statement also quoted Aliyev as saying that Azerbaijan "carried out anti-terror measures in its sovereign territories, put an end to aggressive separatism, and demonstrated exemplary compliance with the requirements of humanitarian law during the operation."

"The President pointed out that no harm had been done to civilians and infrastructure," the statement further quoted Aliyev as saying.

It said Aliyev and O'Brien discussed various aspects of bilateral relations and exchanged ideas on regional issues, during which the Azerbaijani president conveyed prospects for developing bilateral cooperation in the fields of energy, transport, and logistics.

O'Brien, for his part, emphasized Washington's role in bringing Azerbaijan's energy resources to world markets and said his country supports the peace agenda in the region, including the normalization of Baku-Yerevan ties and negotiations on a peace treaty, the statement said.

The statement also quoted O'Brien as saying that the US supports the development of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, as well as the continuation of discussions on opening communication lines between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, also called the Middle or East-West Corridor, is a network of railways and roads that start in Türkiye and covers Georgia, Azerbaijan, the Caspian Sea, and Central Asia, and reaches China, making it an important effort to revive the ancient Silk Road.

"During the meeting, the sides described the resumption of reciprocal visits as a positive step for advancing bilateral relations. The sides also exchanged views on regional issues of mutual interest," it concluded.

Azerbaijan liberated most of the Karabakh region from Armenian occupation during 44 days of clashes in the fall of 2020, which ended with a Russian-brokered peace agreement, opening the door to normalization.

The Azerbaijani army initiated an anti-terrorism operation in Karabakh this September to establish constitutional order, after which illegal separatist forces in the region surrendered.

https://www.yenisafak.com/en/news/us-can-contribute-to-peace-process-in-south-caucasus-by-considering-new-realities-azerbaijan-3674497

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World Bank ready to support Armenia in managing challenges caused by forced displacement from Nagorno-Karabakh

 18:13,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 27, ARMENPRESS. Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan Monday hosted World Bank Regional Director for the South Caucasus Rolande Pryce.

Welcoming the guests, Tigran Khachatryan  briefed  Rolande Pryce on the humanitarian situation resulting from the forced displacement of more than 100,000 people from Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as the measures implemented by the Government to overcome it, the Deputy Prime Minister’s Office said.

According to the source,  World Bank Regional Director for the South Caucasus assured that the World Bank is ready to support Armenia in effective management of the situation.

It is noted that during the meeting, the interlocutors discussed a wide range of issues related to bilateral cooperation, including irrigation, drinking water, healthcare, and several other areas.

New book explores life of missionary who saved orphans during Armenian Genocide

ERR, Estonia
Nov 20 2023


ERR

A new novel explores the life of Anna Hedwig Büll, a Baltic-German missionary from Estonia, who helped and saved thousands of Armenians coping with the consequences of the genocide at the beginning of the 20th century.

Büll was a missionary from Estonia who was born into a well-to-do family in Haapsalu in 1887. Her father, Theodor Büll, was the owner of Haapsalu's famous mud cure resort and also the city's mayor.

"At the age of 24, she moved to Turkey, to an orphanage in the town of Marash (now Kahramanmaras), where she was caught up in the Armenian genocide. It is said that she saved thousands of people there," said Piret Jaaks, who has written a new novel "Taeva tütred" ("Daughters of Heaven") about Büll.

The Armenian Genocide took place during World War I between 1915-1917 when the Ottoman Empire systematically killed more than 1.5 million people.

It is thought Büll managed to save and assist around 2,000 people during this time.

Jaaks novel is based on Bülli's biography and, while she tried to stick to the facts, she also added created fictitious characters. She also did not dwell on tragic events. "It seems to me that we have had enough of these wars in society," she said.

Asked why she wrote the book, Jaaks said: "It's an unbelievable story of how one woman from here in little Estonia goes and does it all."

In 1921, Büll went to Syria to help Armenians in a refugee camp in Aleppo to restart their lives.

Büll died in 1981 in Germany having spent the last 30 years of her life in Europe. She was denied entry to the Soviet Union in 1951

Jaaks said Büll is well-known and loved in Armenia and there are several monuments commemorating her memory in both her homeland and Armenia.

After Nagorno-Karabakh: How Europeans can strengthen Armenia’s resilience

Nov 24 2023

The question of Nagorno-Karabakh is unlikely to be discussed any time soon after Azerbaijan took control of the region in September. Europeans should now diplomatically engage with all sides to prevent further escalation, while supporting Armenia’s domestic political stability and strengthening its defence capabilities

On 19 September, Azerbaijan retook the long disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia decided not to respond militarily, out of a lack of capabilities and an unwillingness to engage in another bloody war which they would eventually lose. After Azerbaijan’s months-long blockade, some 100,000 residents of the enclave fled to Armenia in just a few days. Many were housed by Armenians, largely avoiding an immediate refugee crisis. But other challenges may be looming for Armenia’s security if Azerbaijan decides to push further into its territory. To prevent such an escalation, the European Union should step up its diplomatic engagement while working more actively to strengthen Armenia’s societal resilience and defence capabilities.

For now, Armenians seem to blame Russia more than their government for what has happened. This is consistent with the rapid deterioration in Armenian-Russian relations since the 2020 war and the Moscow-brokered truce. The poor performance of the Russian ‘peacekeeping’ contingent stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh, along with Moscow’s reluctance to support its Armenian ally even after Azerbaijani incursions into its territory in 2021 and 2022, and finally the absence of any Russian reaction to the Azerbaijani offensive on 19 September, has left many Armenians doubting Russia’s security backing.

These security concerns are far from over. With Azerbaijan taking back full control of Nagorno-Karabakh, the 35-year conflict over the disputed territory has now de facto turned into an interstate conflict over the delimitation, or the establishing of the outer limits, of an international border. Increasing Azerbaijani rhetoric referring to southern Armenia as “western Azerbaijan” has fuelled Yerevan’s concerns about possible irredentist claims over the territory of Armenia itself. The issue of border delimitation has been touched upon in the ongoing peace negotiations between the two countries. But, Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev regularly sends signals of his unwillingness to agree on anything in a Western-led negotiating format and has instead advocated for a settlement involving “regional actors” ie, Russia and Turkey.

Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Russia, in such a scenario, could team up in a regional format that excludes the EU and United States, in order to arm-twist Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan into concessions, including the establishment of a land ‘corridor’ – branded as the Zangezur corridor – through Armenia’s southernmost Syunik region. Here, Pashinyan’s hand would be weak and Armenia’s domestic stability under constant threat, possibly opening avenues for internal destabilisation and making the country more vulnerable to external meddling. Even without this negotiation format Armenia faces such threats. Shortly after Azerbaijani forces retook Nagorno-Karabakh, Pashinyan accused Russia of making “public calls for a change of power in Armenia, to overthrow the democratic government”.

Azerbaijan's current military positions at Armenia’s border and the tremendous disbalance of power between the two countries has raised the Armenian government’s fears of a possible invasion

However, Azerbaijan's current military positions at Armenia’s border and the tremendous disbalance of power between the two countries has also raised the Armenian government’s fears of a possible invasion. Azerbaijan took three weeks to build up and prepare the attack in Nagorno-Karabakh, as it enjoyed military support from Turkey and Israel. It could take approximately the same time to attack the Syunik region and Azerbaijan would probably prefer to do so before winter kicks in.[1]

Both scenarios could carry dramatic consequences for Armenia, not least because its fragile democracy would be endangered by domestic discontent as well as Russian pressure. But it would also be very damaging for the EU, which has engaged resources and political capital in its mediation efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Its credibility would be significantly damaged if it were to let regional actors play with borders in its immediate neighbourhood, and would discredit its commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity.

Furthermore, the establishment of a land corridor through the Syunik region poses significant risks for Europe, whether established through militarily means and fully controlled by Azerbaijan, or through negotiations and formally controlled by Russian forces. This would entail Turkey and Azerbaijan, possibly with Russia’s support, gaining de facto control over a corridor connecting the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea, one of the key routes connecting Europe to Central Asia and China.

The EU should act to prevent such a scenario via addressing short, medium, and long-term concerns:

  1. Preventing further escalation
  • The first priority should be to deter an Azerbaijani attack on the territory of Armenia through high-level political engagement with the government in Yerevan. This would show that European leaders care for Armenia. But Europeans should also engage with Azerbaijan and Turkey. The consequences of a possible attack, including the prospect of restrictive measures, should be made clear to the Azerbaijani leadership.
  • Extending the mandate of the EU mission to Armenia (EUMA) to better trace ceasefire violations and providing it with technical means to exert a more thorough monitoring of the border may also be instrumental in preventing further escalation. The decision taken at the EU Foreign Affairs Council on 13 November to strengthen the EUMA to allow for more observers and patrols is a step in this direction.
  1. Strengthening defence capabilities
  • Armenian membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) should not be an excuse to not help it build up its defence capacity. Rather, the EU should be open to using the European Peace Facility to equip the Armenian armed forces. Delivering equipment will also require EU engagement with Georgia to provide a transport corridor.
  • And while most eyes are on military equipment, the EU is best suited to provide other kinds of assistance to strengthen Armenia’s defence capacity. Assistance to reform the administration (Ministry of Defence), logistics, military education, training, and operational and tactical planning and procedures need to be put in place to enable Armenia to make use of new equipment effectively.
  • Recently India has emerged as a new provider of hard security assistance to Armenia and in this role is less suspect to Moscow and Tehran than the West. Strategic consultations with the government in Delhi on supporting Armenia militarily should also form part of the European effort.
  • Reforming and re-equipping Armenia’s armed forces so they are able to withstand an Azerbaijani offensive will take several years, while to prepare an Azerbaijani offensive could take a few weeks. While Armenia remains highly vulnerable, Europe should exert diplomatic and economic pressure to keep the situation from escalating.
  1. Supporting a peace settlement
  • In parallel, the EU should step up mediation efforts, and use the fact that Nagorno-Karabakh is no longer part of the negotiation to reframe the discussion around the issue of borders. Mediation should aim for an agreement on the delimitation and opening of borders – including the border between Armenia and Turkey – in a way that provides security to all sides. This discussion will not be easy, but it could allow for technical solutions to problems that are currently framed in terms of sovereignty: primarily the question of a transit route through Armenian territory to connect Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan. As part of a future peace settlement the EU could offer technical support and possible investments to facilitate transit and connectivity in the wider region to incentivise the opening of borders.
  • Last but not least, the EU should work towards increasing Armenia’s societal resilience. In the short term, humanitarian support will be needed for Nagorno-Karabakh refugees. Their integration into Armenian society will be key to ensuring future domestic political stability in the medium and long term. Beyond this, the EU can also contribute to institutions and capacity building in the country, to make it less vulnerable to both domestic instability and external pressures.

Ultimately, the EU also needs to manage Armenia’s expectations and should refrain from making unachievable promises. By doing so, it risks exposing Armenia to greater threats not just from Azerbaijan, but also from Russia, in which case it will end up bearing responsibility for a potential worsening situation, hurting its credibility in the region. The EU cannot make Iran, Russia, Turkey, and Azerbaijan go away – nor will it completely replace them. But it can support Armenia in balancing their interests without having to make exorbitant sacrifices, and it can help avoid Armenia’s imbalanced dependency on one regional power that would leave it at its mercy.


[1] Authors’ interviews with diplomats and Armenian officials held under the Chatham House rule, Yerevan, Armenia, 10-12 October 2023.

The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. ECFR publications only represent the views of their individual authors.

https://ecfr.eu/article/after-nagorno-karabakh-how-europeans-can-strengthen-armenias-resilience/

RFE/RL Armenian Service – 11/24/2023

                                        Friday, 


Armenian PM Says ‘State Interests’ Will Matter In Decision On CSTO Membership


Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian (file photo)


Armenia will decide on whether to quit the Collective Security Treaty 
Organization (CSTO) or not “based on its own state interests,” Prime Minister 
Nikol Pashinian said on Friday, answering a question from the public on why 
Yerevan still continues to be a member of the Russia-led defense bloc.

“We will focus on the state interests of Armenia, and if we have made or haven’t 
made any decision at this moment, our benchmark is the state interest of 
Armenia,” he said during almost a nine-hour-long live question-and-answer TV 
broadcast.

“At the moment, our records show that the CSTO’s de-facto actions or inaction do 
not address its obligations towards the Republic of Armenia, that is, in this 
sense, the CSTO’s actions are not in line with Armenia’s interests. And we raise 
this issue in a transparent way,” Pashinian added.

The Pashinian government has long criticized the CSTO for its “failure to 
respond to the security challenges” facing Armenia.

Armenia had appealed to the CSTO for military assistance in September 2022 
following two-day deadly border clashes with Azerbaijan that Yerevan said 
stemmed from Baku’s aggression against sovereign Armenian territory.

The Russia-led bloc stopped short of calling Azerbaijan the aggressor and 
effectively refused to back Armenia militarily, while agreeing to consider only 
sending an observation mission to the South Caucasus country.

Armenia later declined such a mission, saying that before it could be carried 
out the CSTO needed to give a clear political assessment of what Yerevan had 
described as Azerbaijan’s aggression and occupation of sovereign Armenian 
territory.

Speculation about Armenia’s possible withdrawal from the CSTO was stoked by 
Pashinian’s most recent decision not to attend the organization’s November 23 
summit in Minsk, Belarus, which drew criticism from Moscow.

Political analyst Areg Kochinian said Pashinian’s step and his remarks on Friday 
were not yet “withdrawal” from the CSTO, but rather a preparation for it.

“One should not overestimate this boycott like some do in the media, calling it 
an effective withdrawal from the CSTO. But, of course, this is essentially the 
way towards change, the way of preparation for making some qualitative changes 
in the security architecture of Armenia to quit the CSTO,” the analyst said.




Nagorno-Karabakh Leader Testifies In 2020 War Probe


Leader of Nagorno-Karabakh Samvel Shahramanian (file photo)


Samvel Shahramanian, the leader of Nagorno-Karabakh, testified in front of an 
Armenian parliament commission probing the 2020 war that met on Friday behind 
closed doors to hear the unrecognized republic’s last president.

Andranik Kocharian, the head of the commission, said that, among other things, 
during his three-hour-long testimony Shahramanian also shed light on some of the 
events that followed Azerbaijan’s latest military operation in Nagorno-Karabakh 
on September 19-20 that led to the exodus of more than 100,000 Armenians, the 
region’s virtually entire Armenian population, to Armenia.

Shahramanian, who was elected president by Nagorno-Karabakh’s parliament on 
September 9, only ten days before Azerbaijan’s offensive, signed a decree on 
September 28 disbanding the “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” from January 1, 2024, 
which he later hinted was done under pressure from Azerbaijan to allow a safe 
escape for the local ethnic Armenian population to Armenia.

Andranik Kocharian

Kocharian said that Shahramanian was also asked about he managed to safely reach 
Armenia on board a helicopter while Nagorno-Karabakh’s eight former and current 
officials, including three former presidents, were arrested by Azerbaijan and 
now face grave charges in Baku.

Among the questions were also those about the fuel depot explosion on September 
25 as a result of which hundreds of people were killed and injured.

“Some realities were revealed to me that no one would have been entitled to 
receive information about on another platform,” said the head of the commission 
that is due to complete its investigation on December 3.

Kocharian said that Shahramanian’s testimony will be reflected in the final 
conclusions of the commission to be presented in a report due next year.

Kocharian said that before completing its work the commission also expects to 
question one of Nagorno-Karabakh’s former military commanders who was in charge 
of the Hadrut unit. He said that former Secretary of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Security 
Council Samvel Babayan has himself expressed a desire to testify before the 
commission.

Kocharian said that there was a legal obstacle to questioning Jalal Harutiunian, 
who led the Nagorno-Karabakh defense army during most of the 2020 war, as he is 
now facing criminal charges as part of a war-related investigation.

Journalists did not have an opportunity to ask questions to Shahramanian, who 
had entered the investigative commission room unnoticed and almost unnoticed 
left after the meeting ended.




Armenia Eyes Debt Reduction After Paying Russia For Undelivered Weapons


Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian answers questions sent in by the public, 
.


Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said Yerevan was looking for options to 
reduce its outstanding financial debt to Russia by using the payments it has 
made for weapons that Moscow has failed to deliver.

Pashinian made the remarks on November 24 during a live question-and-answer TV 
broadcast with the public when he was asked about weapons that Armenia had 
purchased from Russia but that were never delivered.

Earlier, Pashinian and other Armenian officials talked about “hundreds of 
millions of dollars” transferred to Moscow as part of arms purchase contracts 
that remained unfulfilled amid Russia’s continuing war against Ukraine.

One citizen asked Pashinian why his government would not consider the reversal 
of a controversial deal that Russia made with Armenia in the early 2000s to take 
possession of some of Armenia’s lucrative strategic assets in exchange for the 
South Caucasus nation’s debt.

The Armenian premier gave no figures, but again confirmed that there were 
problems with Russia’s fulfilling its arms contracts with Armenia.

He said reducing Armenia’s debt to Russia could be one of the mechanisms of 
settling the issue, but said there were other options as well.

“We know that Russia itself needs weapons. In this context, we expect to settle 
this issue in a routine working manner. I hope that our discussions will lead to 
concrete results,” Pashinian said.

Armenia has long been a close ally of Russia but – angered in part by what it 
saw as a lack of support from Moscow during the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh and 
subsequent border clashes with Azerbaijan – has in recent months taken steps to 
distance itself from that alliance.

Armenia drew criticism from Moscow earlier this month after Pashinian said he 
would not attend the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) 
in Minsk, Belarus.

Other Armenian officials also declined to participate in events held by the 
CSTO, which also includes Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, but a 
senior official in Yerevan on November 23 said Armenia nevertheless is not 
considering quitting the CSTO.




Armenia Says Azerbaijan Still Vague On Commitment To Peace


Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian answers questions sent in by the public, 
.


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said on Friday that it still remains unclear 
whether Azerbaijan will ultimately commit to signing a peace agreement with 
Armenia based on the three principles that he said were agreed upon during 
negotiations mediated by the European Union.

Answering questions sent in by the public during a live TV broadcast, Pashinian 
referred to his meetings with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev that were held 
with the mediation of European Council President Charles Michel in May and July.

The Armenian premier reiterated the three principles, including mutual 
recognition of territorial integrity and borders, border delimitation based on a 
1991 declaration signed by a dozen former Soviet republics, including Armenia 
and Azerbaijan, after the collapse of the USSR, and the sovereign jurisdictions 
of the states over transportation links passing through their territories.

“Now we cannot say with certainty that Azerbaijan refuses to sign a peace 
agreement based on these three principles, but we cannot say with certainty that 
Azerbaijan reaffirms its commitment to these three principles either. There is a 
need to clarify these issues and nuances during the negotiations,” Pashinian.

Azerbaijan appears to have avoided Western platforms for negotiations with 
Armenia after Azerbaijani forces recaptured the whole of Nagorno-Karabakh in a 
one-day military operation on September 19, causing more than 100,000 people, 
virtually the entire local Armenian population, to flee to Armenia.

Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev were scheduled to meet on the 
sidelines of the EU’s October 5 summit in Granada, Spain, for talks mediated by 
French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, and European 
Council President Charles Michel.

European Council President Charles Michel hosts talks between Armenian Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in Brussels, May 
14, 2023.

Pashinian had hoped that they would sign there a document laying out the main 
parameters of an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty. However, Aliyev withdrew 
from the talks at the last minute.

Baku cited France’s allegedly “biased position” against Azerbaijan as the reason 
for skipping those talks in Spain.

The Azerbaijani leader also appears to have canceled another meeting which the 
EU’s Michel planned to host in Brussels in late October.

Most recently Azerbaijan refused to attend a meeting with Armenia at the level 
of foreign ministers in Washington after allegedly “one-sided and biased” 
remarks by a senior U.S. official made during a congressional hearing on 
Nagorno-Karabakh. That meeting had reportedly been scheduled to take place on 
November 20.

In doing so Azerbaijan recently offered to hold direct talks with Armenia, 
including at the Armenian-Azerbaijani border.

Pashinian reaffirmed today that a meeting of the two countries’ officials 
engaged in border delimitation and demarcation activities will be held at a yet 
undisclosed location along the state frontier on November 30.

He said that Yerevan will draw conclusions from those discussions as to whether 
“Azerbaijan is ready for peace based on those principles or whether Azerbaijan 
rejects those principles.”

“We don’t have that confidence until today,” Pashinian said.

The Armenian leader did not say whether Yerevan also considers direct 
negotiations with Azerbaijan at the highest level.

On Thursday, Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Mnatsakan Safarian said that 
there are issues in negotiations “where the presence of mediators is mandatory 
and plays a very important role.”

“For example, issues related to the rights of the population forcibly displaced 
from Nagorno-Karabakh. The existence of international mechanisms is important 
here. There are also other issues where guarantees are important,” the senior 
Armenian diplomat said.

Armenia’s former President Serzh Sarkisian, meanwhile, warned that Yerevan 
should not engage in direct talks with Baku. He said such a format will deadlock 
the negotiation process.

Former Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian

He also warned that a peace agreement foisted on Armenia will also amount to a 
“surrender.”

Sarkisian claimed that if Pashinian is going to sign a peace agreement with 
Azerbaijan the way “as we see it now,” it will make him a “double capitulant” 
after the “surrender” that the ex-president alleged Pashinian signed in 2020 to 
stop the war in Nagorno-Karabakh.

“Because unjust peace is a reason for a new war,” Sarkisian said.

Pashinian and members of his political team routinely deny that the 
Russia-brokered 2020 ceasefire agreement with Azerbaijan amounted to a 
surrender. They, in turn, accuse Sarkisian and his predecessor Robert Kocharian 
of being the ones who paved the way for the military defeat in Nagorno-Karabakh 
by leaving a legacy of conflict and a “corruption-stricken” army and state to 
their government.




Armenia ‘To Consider’ Joining Documents Adopted By CSTO Summit It Skipped


Russia’s President Vladimir Putin (second from right) posing for a family photo 
with leaders of the Collective Security Treaty Organization during a summit not 
attended by Armenia. Minsk, Belarus, .


Armenia will consider whether to accede to the documents adopted as a result of 
the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) summit that it did not 
attend, a Foreign Ministry spokesperson in Yerevan said.

“We will consider the documents adopted as a result of the sessions of the CSTO 
statutory bodies… and, taking into account the procedures existing within the 
CSTO framework, the issue of Armenia’s accession to them,” Ani Badalian told the 
news program of Armenia’s Public Television late on Thursday.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and other Armenian officials refused to go to 
Minsk to participate in the November 22-23 sessions hosted by Belarusian leader 
Alyaksandr Lukashenka and his government and attended by leaders and 
representatives of four other former Soviet countries, including Russian 
President Vladimir Putin.

According to officials in Yerevan, Armenia’s absence from the summit was due to 
the CSTO’s “failure to respond to the security challenges” facing the South 
Caucasus nation.

Armenia had appealed to the CSTO for military assistance in September 2022 
following two-day deadly border clashes with Azerbaijan that Yerevan said 
stemmed from Baku’s aggression against sovereign Armenian territory.

The Russia-led bloc stopped short of calling Azerbaijan the aggressor and 
effectively refused to back Armenia militarily, while agreeing to consider only 
sending an observation mission to the South Caucasus country.

Armenia later declined such a mission, saying that before it could be carried 
out the CSTO needed to give a clear political assessment of what Yerevan had 
described as Azerbaijan’s aggression and occupation of sovereign Armenian 
territory.

This week’s summit of the Russia-led defense bloc discussed “urgent problems of 
international and regional security” and made a number of decisions, including 
the approval of a new provision on the order of response of the CSTO to crisis 
situations and on the order of adoption and implementation of collective 
decisions on the use of forces.

The summit also approved the appointment of Russian Colonel General Andrei 
Serdyukov to the post of the head of the Joint Staff of the CSTO and a 
regulation on the joint press center of the CSTO.

Belarusian Foreign Minister Syarhey Aleynyk acknowledged before the leaders of 
Belarus, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan gathered for the summit 
that Armenia’s absence meant the lack of a quorum, but he told journalists that 
all the decisions approved would be “absolutely legitimate.”

Aleynyk said he had discussed “issues and mechanisms for approving decisions” 
with Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan in a phone call. The Belarusian 
minister said that according to the CSTO rules, all decisions are made in 
consultation with all countries.

“We agreed that after the summit, the secretary-general of the CSTO will visit 
Yerevan. And, of course, we will pass all the decisions that were finalized here 
as part of the conciliation commission to our Armenian partners. And we will 
count on them to join us,” Aleynyk said.




Private Remittances To Armenia Dwindle In 2023

        • Robert Zargarian


The net amount of private remittances entering Armenia has decreased by more 
than 20 percent, standing at some $1.3 billion in the first nine months of this 
year, the latest statistical data shows.

In January-September 2022, the net inflow of money to Armenia was about $1.8 
billion.

According to experts, this decline shows that the positive influence of the 
influx of Russians and their money on the economy of Armenia after Russia’s 
invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 is weakening.

“Demand-driven economic growth was also at the expense of the tripling of 
remittances, but this has become less of a factor, and, unfortunately, 
predictions about that are coming true and now the opposite is happening,” said 
Tadevos Avetisian, a member of the opposition Hayastan faction in the Armenian 
parliament.

Avetisian also said last year that those flows had external reasons and were not 
the result of the government’s activities, a view not entirely shared by 
Armenian officials.

According to the economist, the money that rapidly flow in also tend to rapidly 
flow out. “Now we are already at this stage, and this outflow of money puts 
stress on the economic processes as well,” he said.

According to the data of the Central Bank, money inflows to Armenia increased 
significantly in April 2022, some two months after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine 
that triggered a war that still continues between the two countries today.

It was during that period that the influx of Russians fleeing Western sanctions, 
reprisals or later the military draft began.

The net amount of private remittances to Armenia was steadily increasing for a 
year, but began to show an opposite trend since March of this year when more 
money started to flow out of Armenia.

And although the amount of money sent from abroad continues to be relatively 
large, the amount of funds leaving Armenia has increased significantly. Of the 
nearly $4,3 million that entered Armenia in the form of private remittances in 
January-September 2023, some $3 billion have already left. In the same period of 
2022, almost twice less, $1.7 billion, left Armenia.

According to Avetisian, last year’s large cash inflow was mostly not capitalized 
in Armenia, the money was not turned into investments and remained on bank 
accounts. Now, he said, this money is leaving.

“To put it figuratively, that money came to Armenia and hid here for a while, 
and now it is leaving Armenia due to new geopolitical realities. In other words, 
the hot money effect is when people withdraw their capitals from a country where 
there is a possibility of a military conflict,” the economist said.

Statistics shows that the lion’s share of the outflow of money from Armenia goes 
to Russia and the United States. This year people in Armenia have already wired 
half a billion dollars in private remittances to Russia, almost twice as much as 
in the same period of 2022. A total of $323 million was transferred to the 
United States during nine months, which is by nearly 60 percent more than last 
year.

According to economist Suren Parsian, in order to keep the money in Armenia, 
first a favorable investment environment should be created to attract those who 
have money so that they do not look for options in other countries.

“We must have a developed stock exchange where people can, for example, buy 
shares, bonds, and also have the opportunity to start a business in Armenia. 
There should be such an environment so that they can implement their ideas and 
projects here,” Parsian said.

Acknowledging external factors behind the influx of money into Armenia in 2022, 
the Armenian government has not shared the opposition’s view that it was 
entirely due to those factors that people came and brought their money to the 
country. Officials have pointed to efforts of the Armenian government to create 
an appropriate climate and business opportunities in Armenia.

At a weekly cabinet session on Thursday Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
touted his government’s success in setting a new record in terms of registered 
jobs in the country.

Pashinian said that around 183,000 new jobs have been created in Armenia, a 
country with a population of some 3 million people, since he first became prime 
minister in May 2018. The current number of registered jobs in Armenia, he said, 
stands at 730,000.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Nikol Pashinyan holds farewell meeting with Japanese Ambassador to Armenia Fukushima Masanori

 19:13,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 22, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan received Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan to Armenia Fukushima Masanori, who is completing his diplomatic mission in our country, the Prime Minister’s Office said in a statement.

The Prime Minister thanked Mr. Masanori for contributing to the development of Armenian-Japanese relations and cooperation with his vigorous activities. Nikol Pashinyan noted that Armenia attaches importance to the expansion of cooperation with Japan in various directions and expressed hope that bilateral ties will continue to deepen and strengthen.

Ambassador Fukushima Masanori, in turn, thanked the Prime Minister for cooperation and assured that in the future he will invest all his efforts for the development of relations between Armenia and Japan.

Prime Minister Pashinyan wished the Ambassador all the success.




Any encroachment against a place of worship is condemnable and unacceptable, says Armenian Ombudsperson

 16:36,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 17, ARMENPRESS. Any encroachment against a place of worship is unacceptable and condemnable, Human Rights Defender of Armenia Anahit Manasyan has said, expressing concern over the attempted arson targeting a synagogue’s entrance in Yerevan.

She stressed that the investigation into the incident must reveal whether the alleged attack was a hate crime.

The Ombudsperson also stressed that the protection of the rights of national minorities, and their safety, must be guaranteed in Armenia.

Armenian Ombudsperson calls on international organizations to respond immediately to the conviction of Vagif Khachatryan

 18:57, 7 November 2023

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS. Anahit Manasyan, the Human Rights Defender (Ombudsperson) of Armenia referred to the trial of Nagorno-Karabakh resident Vagif Khachatryan in Azerbaijan, which has ended with an absurd verdict.

''Vagif Khachatryan, abducted by Azerbaijani forces in the Lachin corridor, was sentenced to 15 years in prison in Baku, without observing the international legal standards and guarantees related to human rights. Anahit Manasyan, the Human Rights Defender (Ombudsperson) of Armenia, posted on X.

“International Human Rights organizations should respond immediately,” Manasyan added.

The Front Page: Armenians in New Zealand explain refugee crisis tearing families from homeland

New Zealand Herald
Nov 2 2023
By 

Artsakh is a ghost town.

The disputed territory, also known as Nagorno-Karabakh, was once home to around 120,000 ethnic Armenians. Artsakh is officially viewed by much of the world as part of Azerbaijan, but ethnic Armenians predominantly populate it.

In September, Azerbaijani forces enacted a large-scale military offensive against the breakaway state.

This led to residents fleeing and a decree that saw the abolition of all Nagorno-Karabakh institutions.

The military and geo-political tussle between Azerbaijan and Armenia has led to a humanitarian crisis, with families being forced to leave their homes to evade the conflict.

Despite the gravity of the situation, the story has all but faded from public attention.

Western eyes are instead currently focused on Israel and Ukraine, while the struggles of these Armenian families are largely ignored.

One person who has been speaking about the chaos is Dr Maria Armoudian, a senior lecturer on politics and international relations at Auckland University.

She tells The Front Page podcast that this is a story of people being denied their right to live in their homeland.

“In essence, Armenians wanted to stay on their indigenous lands,” Armoudian says.

“This is where their parents and grandparents, and their graveyards and churches [have been]. So they stayed, and they maintained that lifestyle as much as they could, but then Azerbaijan started to squeeze them, cutting off all food, water and energy. It’s winter, they’re freezing and they can’t feed their children. It’s a really horrific situation.”

After these measures, a military attack ensued, which left the families with no choice but to leave their homeland.

“They forced them out of their homelands, and they fled to Armenia, which was the closest place they could go. There are 120,000 refugees, which have nothing. They’ve left everything.”

Dr Anna Matevosyan, a former student at the University of Auckland, recently returned to Aotearoa from Armenia and also joined The Front Page.

She says the families that fled Nagorno-Karabakh are simply looking for a place to stay.

“In our village, we have a couple of families who have found temporary accommodation. They’re getting support from strangers or relatives in the form of very basic supplies. They had to escape Artsakh to save their lives, without anything. They just got into their cars and moved to Armenia.”

This story is personal for Matevosyan, given that her mother’s side of the family actually comes from this region.

“My grandparents and my aunt were refugees in the 1990s, so it’s very personal for me… During 1988 and 1990, when the [previous] war was ongoing, I was living in a frontline village… My family, including my father and uncles, had to go and defend the border… That was all happening at around the age of 10. Even then, I could understand that being Armenian is not a very safe thing.”

So is there any hope of this crisis resolving? And what role can New Zealand play in this geo-political tension?

https://www.nzherald.co.nz/world/the-front-page-armenians-in-nz-explain-the-refugee-crisis-tearing-families-from-their-homeland/77RNLC2MTREBVFFPDYYDC77TYQ/


Accountability, adapting and moving forward in the diaspora

The Armenian diaspora in the United States takes great pride in its accomplishments and legacy–and rightfully so. Theirs is a remarkable story. The challenges of maintaining the identity and infrastructure of diaspora institutions to promote culture, religion and national rights while providing a significant amount of support to the homeland should never be underestimated. This is nothing new for Armenian Americans. In my youth, our communities raised funds for our brethren in the Middle East to help build their capabilities, particularly in education. This parallel path has been a part of diaspora history for decades and was elevated to new heights with the independence of Armenia in 1991. Every community and organization has done its share, rising to the challenges even as needs have increased. The latest tragedy in Artsakh has given particular visibility to our enduring strengths, as well as our weaknesses.

Before continuing, I would like to clarify a related point. It concerns me that in the general media, and even in some Armenian media, the people of Artsakh are referred to as “evacuees” or subjects of a “forced evacuation.” Most interpret “evacuate” as a removal following a natural disaster such as a wildfire. I suggest the term “deported” or “deportee,” since there was nothing natural about the exit. People were in an extreme state of fear given the Azeri aggression and left with what they could bring. It was the modern version of 1915, with horses and wagons replaced by cars. Deportation is a component of genocide. Let’s call it what it is. The Azeris, predictably, have the audacity to state that the exodus was “voluntary,” but the military carnage and continuous intimidation prove otherwise. 

The global Armenian nation has at times struggled to be assertive in addressing changing needs, but has never been short on compassion. Currently, many volunteers from America have gone to Armenia to help with the overwhelming task of providing support for the Artsakh refugees. We should all be proud of the volunteers who have put aside their grief to selflessly distribute food, secure housing and offer comfort to those experiencing what our grandparents did. A friend of mine from California is in Armenia volunteering with colleagues from the ARS in Yerevan and Syunik. This is the Armenian nation at its very best – putting aside personal constraints and committing wholeheartedly at a time of extreme need. It is an attribute that enables recovery and an eventual return to prosperity. 

Volunteers from around the world at the Aram Manoukian Youth Center in Yerevan

There are times, however, when our emotions can be a limiting factor. Diaspora organizations and institutions serve the needs of constituents in their locations and evolve in response to changing needs. The AYF was created in 1933 but has adapted to regional structures when communities have evolved. The AGBU established a “Young Professionals” wing in recognition of the emerging need for professional networking opportunities. After five generations, assimilation has not eroded the diaspora’s identity base. There are two factors that slow the impact of identity dilution: periods of migration that replenish the base and a solid connection to the homeland. We have experienced the former with emigration from the Middle East, Armenia and Baku over the last 60 years. In the last 10 years, the identity connection with Armenia has accelerated, through numerous youth- and professional-oriented programs. Some institutions, such as the church, have created impressive immersion programs, but have been slow to respond to the intermarriage reality and societal (secular) barriers.

The common thread between all these examples is that self-assessment has not been a traditional strength of the diaspora. Change has been driven primarily by reaction, not action. We wait for a problem to fester, then make attempts to mitigate the negative impact. The CEO of a company I once worked for told me that great companies never lose their appetite to improve, even during periods of success. In such a diverse and dynamic environment as the diaspora, we should have control mechanisms for continuous self-evaluation that trump authority, egos or defensiveness. We have no such mechanism to improve our effectiveness. We depend on individual organizations for improvement. Some have the leadership, and others don’t. This raises the question: Is the diaspora organized for success with the homeland? I have observed an emphasis on promoting one’s organization at the expense of macro goals and collaborative opportunities. Some pan-Armenian initiatives have emerged, but aside from an organizational presence in Armenia, the model has not changed. If we are to optimize the vast resources of the diaspora and explore new initiatives, such as in the defense industry, we need new collaborative models within our existing structure and new public-private ventures. This starts with bold leadership that has the resources to make a difference.

We all have opinions on the causes of the loss of Artsakh and where to assign blame. Assigning blame has never improved reality and only provides temporary emotional outlets. Most of the concern is directed towards the Armenian government. This is not unnatural. When you lose something, the initial response is to blame someone other than the image in the mirror. We have to focus on where we can make a difference. Most of us in the diaspora are not citizens of the Republic of Armenia. Our relationship is based primarily on an endearing love of the homeland, which is manifested through generosity and commitment. We also tend to be free with our opinions without regard to their impact. 

It is healthy and essential to conduct critical reviews of our performance in the diaspora. When it comes to advocacy for Armenia, are we focused on what the homeland wants or what we think is in their interests?

It is healthy and essential to conduct critical reviews of our performance in the diaspora. When it comes to advocacy for Armenia, are we focused on what the homeland wants or what we think is in their interests? Currently, Armenia is attempting a western alignment, which makes U.S.-Armenian advocacy convenient and popular. What would be our approach if Armenia advocated a strategic relationship, for example, with Iran and India? Would we still view it in Armenia’s interest to advocate a western alignment? How would it affect advocacy work here in America? 

Diaspora support must be at least loosely aligned with Armenia’s foreign policy. If we are to take credit for advocacy wins, such as foreign aid or U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide, then we should also accept our failure to influence U.S. policy as it relates to Artsakh and the Azerbaijani aggression towards Armenia. While our advocacy efforts address various subjects such as Genocide recognition and education, with Armenia’s survival at risk, America’s foreign policy toward Armenia is the priority. There are three branches of the United States federal government – judicial, legislative and executive – with numerous checks and balances, but foreign policy is essentially developed in the executive branch through the State Department. The legislative arm, Congress, has oversight, non-binding and review capability, but is not the main driver. Anyone who witnessed Sen. Menendez’s Foreign Relations Committee hearing on Artsakh saw the limitations of Congressional oversight. The PR firms and think tanks that influence the State Department should be considered an area of investment. 

We just suffered a devastating and frustrating lobbying defeat in this country with the Artsakh catastrophe. The United States did little to end the blockade or prevent the military attack and watched as Armenians were deported from their native land. Our failures represented the intersection of idealism and pragmatic self-interest. It may be time to consider shifting our tactics. Can we honestly say that the hundreds of statements and non-binding proposals of support from elected Congressional officials had an impact? The Armenian diaspora in France is producing results, seen in the French plan to deliver military defensive hardware to Armenia. Europeans have observers on the ground along Armenia’s border with extended commitment. America has offered support after the fact through USAID. There is a fear that the limited diplomatic support Armenia has received from the U.S. will be significantly diluted as a result of the Israel-Hamas war. Meetings with Congressional officials create the perception of influence but have delivered very little in terms of impact. This is a difficult message, in part because of the respect I have for the staff and volunteers of the ANCA and Armenian Assembly of America. They worked tirelessly for our people. I would suggest that we internalize this reality, assess the root causes and consider alternatives to improve the impact.

In an earlier column, I said that times of crisis create a crossroads. We have the choice of feeling sorry and directing blame, or we can take an honest look at ourselves, assess what we can control and take bold, corrective action. These are difficult times, but enlightened leadership should display no fear of new thinking. We should shed the distractions that distort our view of the critical goals. Pan-Armenian thinking should motivate our organizations to mobilize the diaspora to increase its impact in critical areas and open new opportunities. There are many collaborative models to consider that have been proposed in recent dialogue. Patriotic leaders should never be satisfied with sub-optimal processes. When opportunities are identified where collaboration can deliver greater impact, we should embrace those options and subordinate our affiliations in favor of the one that counts—the Armenian nation.

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.