Author: Badalian Vardan

Ruben Vardanyan’s Wife Wants Red Cross to Clarify Legal Status of Armenian Pr

Badalian Vardan
by Asbarez Staff

 

 March 19, 2026

 

in Artsakh, Featured Story, Latest, News, Top Stories

Ruben Vardanyan and his wife, Veronika Zonabend at the Samsung lab at UWC Dilijan, circa 2021


Veronika Zonabend, the wife of Ruben Vardanyan, has addressed a letter to International Committee of the Red Cross President Mirjana Spoljaric Egger on the legal status of the Armenian prisoners in Azerbaijan.

Vardanyan, who was the former state minister of Artsakh, was sentenced to a 20-year prison term, after a staged sham trial in Baku found him guilty of various trumped up charges.

The government of Azerbaijan effectively banned the ICRC from the country. The international organization’s mandate ended last fall and any contact with Armenian prisoners illegally held in Azerbaijan became limited to non-existent.

Below is the text of Zonabed’s letter.

Dear President Spoljaric,

I am writing to you on behalf of my husband, Ruben Vardanyan, an Armenian citizen, philanthropist, and former State Minister of Nagorno-Karabakh, who was illegally detained by the Azerbaijani authorities on 27 September 2023 while attempting to leave Nagorno-Karabakh for Armenia.

I would like to express my sincere appreciation for the work of the International Committee of the Red Cross. ICRC’s role and mandate are truly unique and unparalleled. In times of cruelty, war, and injustice, the ICRC remains a rare symbol of dignity, compassion, and humanity with the noble mission of protecting the vulnerable. The ICRC is one of the few international organizations in which team members have not lost their sense of mission and continue to approach their work with humanity and care. We deeply appreciate the ICRC delegates’ visits to Ruben at his place of detention in Azerbaijan. For our family, and I am sure for the families of other detained Armenians, your visits mean far more than a formal procedure.

I write with full understanding of the ICRC’s humanitarian mandate, as well as its long-established principles of confidentiality, impartiality, and neutrality. At the same time, for the families of individuals who remain unlawfully detained, it is of profound importance to receive an impartial and professionally grounded understanding of the detainees’ legal status in Azerbaijan at the time of the ICRC delegates’ visits.

This need for clarity is rendered all the more urgent in light of the manifestly deficient judicial proceedings in Azerbaijan, including trials that lack fundamental guarantees and charges that appear devoid of factual and legal basis. The suffering inflicted on the families of the detainees as a result of their unlawful detention and the conduct of proceedings that lack fundamental fairness is further aggravated by the dissemination of misleading information and the deliberate misrepresentation of the detainees’ status by the Azerbaijani authorities, who publicly and repeatedly label them as “terrorists.”

In this context, I respectfully ask for clarification of the specific legal status under which Ruben and other Armenian detainees were visited by ICRC delegates. In particular, we seek to understand whether they were considered by the ICRC as persons deprived of liberty in relation to an armed conflict, and as such whether they were prisoners of war, security detainees, internees, or have another status under applicable rules of international humanitarian law.

Such clarification would be of exceptional value. It would provide much-needed reassurance to families and contribute meaningfully to an objective understanding of how the detainees are regarded under international humanitarian law and the ICRC’s humanitarian visiting standards.

Allow me to conclude by expressing sincere gratitude for the humanity and dignity the ICRC brings to its work, qualities that remain indispensable in a world where they are too often in short supply.

Finally, I address you not only in your official capacity, but also with a deeply personal appeal to the organization whose mission has always been to place the protection of human life, dignity, and justice above formalities and political considerations. For families like ours, who are living through the anguish of prolonged and unlawful detention of our loved ones, this belief in the ICRC’s humanitarian conscience is a source of hope. I sincerely trust that this same spirit will guide your attention to the situation of Ruben and other Armenian detainees.

Yours sincerely,
Veronika Zonabend
Wife of Ruben Vardanyan

—

Armenian Minister Vague On Declaration Reference In Draft Constitution

Badalian Vardan
March 18, 2026

Armenian Justice Minister Srbuhi Galian speaks during a news conference, Yerevan, February 4, 2026.

Armenian Justice Minister Srbuhi Galian declined on Wednesday to clarify whether a newly drafted constitution retains a reference to the country’s Declaration of Independence, an issue that has lately become a key point of contention in relations with Azerbaijan.

Speaking to reporters in parliament, Galian said the current draft text does not yet include a preamble, where the reference appears in Armenia’s existing constitution. She added that discussions on the draft are still ongoing within the government and the ruling party’s parliamentary faction, and that the full text, including the preamble, will be published at a later stage.

Azerbaijan has argued that the reference to the 1990 Declaration of Independence in Armenia’s constitution amounts to a territorial claim to Nagorno-Karabakh, a region that was predominantly populated by ethnic Armenians and remained outside Baku’s control for decades until Azerbaijan completed its military takeover in 2023, triggering an exodus of the local Armenian population.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian recently reiterated his position that Armenia’s new constitution should not include any reference to the declaration. The document, adopted in 1990, cites a 1989 unification act between Soviet Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.

“Let me tell you why: because the Declaration of Independence is built on the logic of conflict. We cannot follow the logic of conflict if we want to build an independent state,” Pashinian said in a video message last week.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly stated that Baku will not sign a peace treaty with Armenia, initialed last August, unless the reference is removed from Armenia’s constitution. Under Armenian law, such a change would require the adoption of a new constitution through a national referendum.

Pashinian has said the new constitution would be put to a referendum after parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7. Galian did not rule out that a draft could be published before the vote, but noted it would not be a final version and could still be revised.

She also stressed that Armenia should avoid legal provisions that contradict its peace agenda.

“I don’t want you to get the impression that we are avoiding presenting what exactly will be included in the preamble,” Galian said. “The Constitution isn’t just a bill. It’s the legal foundation of our state, and we certainly can’t summarize all of our approaches in a single discussion.”

Noting that while there is no date set for the referendum yet, the minister gave assurances that the public will be given sufficient time to review the draft before voting.

Opposition groups have criticized Pashinian’s stance, arguing that removing the reference to the Declaration of Independence from the constitution would amount to a unilateral concession to Azerbaijan and could lead to further demands without ensuring lasting peace.

Edmon Marukian, leader of the opposition Bright Armenia party formerly allied to Pashinian, likened the potential move to stripping Armenia from its birth certificate.

“When the leader of Armenia says that our Declaration of Independence is a declaration of conflict, he thereby testifies against his own state, that it is his country that provoked the conflict,” Marukian said.

—

Facing Russian Hybrid Threats in Advance of Elections, Armenia Struggles to Ma

Badalian Vardan
Just Security
Mar 17 2026


Facing Russian Hybrid Threats in Advance of Elections, Armenia Struggles to Maintain Pro-U.S. and EU Path

By Laura Thornton
Published on March 17, 2026

Armenians head to the polls on June 7 to elect all 101 members of its parliament, the National Assembly, at a time of intense regional and geopolitical uncertainty. A country long dependent on Russia for security guarantees and economic stability, the 2018 Velvet Revolution and the 2023 war in which Azerbaijan seized the ethnic Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh have spun off new foreign policy alignments — and prospects — for the country. The government of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has sought to turn around the 2023 loss by redoubling his pursuit of new ties with the European Union and the United States and by redefining Armenia’s relationship with powerful neighbors Azerbaijan and Turkey. He is seeking to finalize a peace agreement with Azerbaijan that the two sides agreed last year at the White House, and is discussing new border and trade deals with Turkey.

In the first regular parliamentary election since the 2018 Velvet Revolution, Pashinyan’s ruling Civil Contract party faces a challenge from two oligarch-led opposition blocs that are closely tied to Russia. Many Armenians are undecided and dislike their options, according to polling, and describe the country’s political parties as personality-driven and scant on policy. However, one clear distinction between the political options is on the country’s future foreign alignment.

The ruling party is running on “peace,” emphasizing the continuing negotiations with Azerbaijan and closer ties with the EU and the United States. Pashinyan and his supporters accuse the opposition of being puppets of Russia (more on that later). The main opposition blocs criticize the government’s peace agreement, claiming to have an alternative plan (though scant on details) and accuse the government of being under Azerbaijani and Turkish control. The main opposition blocs also do not support EU membership, arguing that the country is not ready.

Unlike in some other frontline democracies teetering between authoritarianism and democracy and between a Western orientation and Russian control, the political divides don’t run neatly along “pro-West vs. pro-Russian” lines. Relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey are front and center, evolving and being redefined in the aftermath of the 2023 war. Armenians see both Azerbaijan and Turkey as far greater threats to the country than Russia. Further, none of the viable parties embraces a full break from Russia, mindful that a plurality (43 percent) of Armenians believe Russia is the country’s most important political partner, though it did nothing to prevent Azerbaijan’s offensive in 2023. Still, the parties do differ significantly on how the relationship with Russia should look going forward.

As for Russia, despite being largely consumed by its war on Ukraine, it is loathe to have Armenia drift further from its sphere of influence. The Kremlin has thus turned to its well-practiced hybrid-warfare toolkit, employed in Georgia, Moldova, and other countries, to defeat the ruling party in Armenia. Disinformation campaigns, influence operations, and financial cooption are in full swing, presenting an extraordinary stress test for the fledgling democracy.

While in Armenia recently on a pre-election mission with the McCain Institute, Armenian government officials, civic leaders, and international representatives all acknowledged the unprecedented scale of — and lack of preparedness for — such hybrid threats. Russia dominates the information space without consequences, and Kremlin investments in political, religious, media, and societal actors go mostly unchecked and take advantage of plentiful legal loopholes. Armenian stakeholders said the Trump administration’s elimination of foreign aid has undermined the country’s democracy efforts and ability to defend against Russia.

The Armenian Apostolic Church is also a key player in these elections, given the ongoing conflict between the government and Church leaders that the Kremlin has both fueled and used to its advantage. Church leaders — headed by Karekin II, the Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians — have called for the resignation of Pashinyan. In turn, Pashinyan last year alleged they were fomenting a “coup” and the government has taken action against clergy, including arresting several bishops on various charges, prosecutions which many independent groups believe lack strong evidence. Church leaders are campaigning against the government and actively supporting the opposition, particularly the block run by Russian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan.

In addition to threats to the election process — disinformation campaigns, possible cyberattacks, financial interference, vote buying — observers fear that the post-election period might be contested if the ruling Civil Contract party wins. Opposition parties, aided by Russia and its proxies, are sowing the ground to reject the results of the elections, casting doubts on the integrity of the election process.

Armenia is at a fragile crossroads. The election represents an opportunity for the country to carry on a new course for peace, foreign policy alignment, and democracy but many forces stand in the way and support is needed.

Foreign Relations Pivot

Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Armenia has been closely tied to Russia — part of the Eurasian Economic Union, a Russian initiative to ensure economic integration, and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a Russian-led security alliance. Russia has been Armenia’s largest supplier of military aid and a key trading partner. However, Russia’s failure to defend Armenia during the 2023 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict soured ties between the two states. Following a months-long Azerbaijani economic blockade of Armenian-occupied territory, Azerbaijani forces seized the area and forced most ethnic Armenians to flee. Russia did not intervene. Yerevan has since suspended its participation in the CSTO and ordered the removal of Russian border troops from the airport that had been stationed there since 1992. Armenia and Azerbaijan signed a historic peace agreement.

As it turns away from Russia, Armenia has pursued European Union (EU) accession. Pashinyan made EU membership an explicit part of his government’s agenda in 2024, and, in March 2025, Armenia’s National Assembly endorsed this goal. Armenia has also signed a strategic partnership agreement with the United States. In January, Armenia and the U.S. announced a framework to implement the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), which aims to establish a transit route in the south Caucasus, building off the peace agreement.

While the ruling Civil Contract party prioritizes deepening these new foreign alignments, the opposition disagrees. The opposition bloc Armenia Alliance is led by former President Robert Kocharyan, who serves on the board of directors for Sistema PJSFC, one of Russia’s largest investment companies. Russian citizen Samvel Karapetyan founded the other major opposition bloc, Strong Armenia. Karapetyan is the owner of the Russia-based Tashir Group conglomerate. In addition to their obvious Russian ties, representatives from both blocs stated clearly during my visit that they reject Pashinyan’s peace agreement, do not approve of TRIPP, and believe Armenia is “not ready” for the EU. Both opposition blocs are campaigning on a strong anti-government message. Pressing their allegation that the government is under Azerbaijani and Turkish influence, they argue that Armenia’s “sovereignty is at stake.” Of the opposition parties, only Strong Armenia is polling above the required 8 percent threshold to enter parliament.

Russia’s Hybrid Warfare

During my visit to Yerevan, international observers, diplomats, and experts in Russian threats described Russia’s hybrid warfare in Armenia today as unprecedented and “incredibly sophisticated.” They noted that the primary goal of Russia’s efforts is to thwart a Pashinyan victory.

Journalists described how Russia dominates the airwaves. Unlike bans on Russian broadcasting in countries like Moldova, there are no such regulations in Armenia and multiple Russian channels freely broadcast on television. There is also no regulation of the online space, and Ministry of Internal Affairs officials explained that the only situation in which they can legally remove or block a website is if it related to drug transactions. Russian music, films, and news are also ever-present and serve as effective psychological warfare. Films such as Ararat 73, which is ostensibly about an Armenian football team, is embedded with Kremlin messages about Armenia’s loyalty to the Soviet Union.

Russian narratives are similar to those used elsewhere, leaning heavily on anti-LGBTQ rhetoric and gender issues and associating any defense of such rights with a move toward the West. Messaging also reinforces the opposition’s talking points, building fear about Armenia’s security if it abandons its ties with Russia and giving false hope that Russia will “bring back” Nagorno-Karabakh. Economic messages, according to international organizations that track foreign interference, include “Armenia will collapse if they leave the Russian market” and “Turkey will swallow Armenia and kill its economy.”

The Kremlin has also infiltrated charities, movements, and foundations, such as the “Foundation to Battle Injustice,” established by the late Wagner Group leader Yevgeniy Prigozhin. Russia also actively uses Armenian clergy to spread their narratives. Garegin II, the Catholicos of All Armenians, the supreme head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, has a close relationship with President Vladimir Putin, who bestowed him with the Russian State Honor in 2022, and Garegin’s brother serves in the Armenian church in Russia.

To pay for these operations, Russian money can easily flow into Armenian politics as Russian banks and businesses operate throughout the country. Internal Affairs Ministry officials acknowledged that foreign transfers were “very significant” and that they did not have satisfactory measures to address it. There are also legal loopholes. Third-party expenditures by entities such as movements, charities, and foundations on behalf of political campaigns are not covered under existing regulations. Further, political finance reporting for parties occurs only annually, preventing real-time monitoring and exposure.

There are key vulnerabilities in the election process, as well. Election officials explained they were under-resourced and lacked the tools, legislation, and mandate to effectively address hybrid threats. A key issue raised by election experts was how Russia was actively involved in paying and organizing groups of diaspora Armenians in Russia to return home to vote. The Central Election Commission acknowledged that 60,000 such voters could affect the outcome. Disinformation about election results has also been a problem in the past, and Armenian observer groups expressed an even greater concern this year, with Russia and its proxies already sowing distrust in the election process. For example, Russia uses doppelganger accounts to mimic real news sites and spread false information. Cyberattacks are another risk, and observers worry about the possibility of Russia interfering with the cameras in polling stations.

Church and Democracy

The conflict between the government and leaders of the Armenian Apostolic Church dominates the political landscape and translates into partisan divisions. In Yerevan, one bishop explained the Church leadership blamed Pashinyan for “losing the war” in Nagorno-Karabakh, leading to Catholicos’ demand for the prime minister’s resignation. The government, for its part, has arrested several clergymen on various charges. Most notably, Archbishop Mikael Adjapahyan was arrested for inciting a coup against the government. Church leaders and the main opposition parties accuse the government of violating free speech and committing judicial malpractice, describing a “culture of fear” for believers.

Many civil society, media, and international representatives also believe that the government overstepped in its prosecution of clergy. According to one diplomat, the investigations of the Armenian Apostolic Church were launched based on “the prime minister’s wants.” This has fed into broader concerns about the government’s anti-democratic behavior. Though democratic progress since 2018 is undeniable, accusations of selective justice and abuse of freedom of speech beleaguer the government. One representative from an international observer group said there was clear “abuse of the judicial system.” A leading Armenian civic leader said, “Over the past six months, we have seen alarming signs of democratic backsliding in Armenia, including the ruling party’s instrumentalization of law enforcement and the judiciary for narrow political interests.”

International Support Needed

Armenia’s coming parliamentary election represents a generational opportunity for the country to solidify a new course for peace, foreign policy alignment, security, and economic opportunities, which would have profound positive ripple effects on regional stability and growth. The United States and the EU benefit from a democratic ally in the region, in contrast to Georgia to the north, which has descended into authoritarianism and forged ties with Western adversaries, and Iran to the south.

But forces inside and outside the country are investing in thwarting those opportunities. The country is not adequately prepared to take on these threats, particularly unprecedented Russian hybrid attacks on the election process. The elimination of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has made matters far worse, by kneecapping critical civic and media efforts, government monitoring and preparedness, and strategic communications support.

There is much the Armenian government, civil society, and election bodies can do to fortify against threats – improving inter-agency communication, appropriating resources and staff, enhancing investigations and oversight, and investing in public communications, increased cyber security efforts, and voter education. But they need international support. That should include increased technical assistance, financing, and training for Armenian partners and enhanced intelligence cooperation, as well as exchanges with other countries for officials involved in Armenian election, anti-corruption, and security bodies.

The United States and the EU also are in a unique position to ensure Armenia stays on the democratic path by including clear reform benchmarks in their agreements. Democratic strength, security, and strategic alignment go hand-in-hand, while backsliding democracies are far more likely to abandon Western alliances and form closer ties to autocratic regimes.

Without Western support, the risk is that Russia is successful in Armenia. That means Armenia could fall as Georgia has — forging closer relations with Iran and China, serving as a sanctions-evasion route, and adopting a hostile anti-American, anti-EU posture. The result would be a new adversarial, anti-democratic wall built from Russia to Iran, blocking the West from economic, trade, and security alliances in the region.

—

Haroutiun Galentz: The Form of Color

Badalian Vardan

· MARCH 16, 2026


—

PM’s chief of staff, Council of Europe officials discuss preparations for EPC

Badalian Vardan

Politics17:53, 13 March 2026
Read the article in: Arabic Persian ՀայերենRussian中文

Armenian Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff Arayik Harutyunyan met with members of the European side’s preparatory team for the 8th Summit of the European Political Community (EPC), the Armenian government said in a press release.

The participants included Helene Holm-Pedersen, Head of the Directorate-General for External Relations of the President of the Council of Europe, and Marilyn Josefson, Adviser to the Office of the President of the European Council on Foreign Policy.

 EU Ambassador to Armenia Vassilis Maragos also attended the meeting.

According to a readout issued by the Armenian Prime Minister’s Office, the sides discussed issues related to the organizational preparations for the 8th EPC Summit, which will be held in Yerevan in May.

Harutyunyan emphasized the importance of holding the summit at a high level and said preparatory work is being carried out within the planned timeframe.

He expressed gratitude for continued partnership and the sharing of experience, noting that Armenia remains in active contact with EU partners as well as with representatives of countries that hosted previous EPC summits.

The participants also discussed further steps and events related to the organization of the summit.

Published by Armenpress, original at 
—

Verelq: Robert Kocharyan’s team is preparing a big event

Badalian Vardan

“Hraparak” newspaper writes:


“The team of the second president of the Republic of Armenia, Robert Kocharyan, is preparing a big event, which will probably take place on March 16, at the sports concert complex named after Karen Demirchyan. On that day, it will be announced about the alliance led by Kocharyan, which will participate in the national elections on June 7.


There will be 2 forces in the alliance: the Armenian Revolutionary Alliance and the right-centered party of Sevak Khachatryan, candidate for the mayor of Etchmiadzin. Although the passing threshold for alliances was raised before this election from 7 to 8 percent, the second president’s team has no doubts that they will overcome the threshold, one more thing.


Although the government and its propaganda machine insist on the opposite. By the way, the first three of the alliance are 21 years old. Robert Kocharyan, Ishkhan Saghatelyan, Anna Grigoryan: Last time, the fourth number was Vahe Hakobyan, the chairman of the “Reviving Armenia” party, this time it will probably be Sevak Khachatryan.

—

RFE/RL Armenian Service – 02/26/2024

Badalian Vardan 
                                        Monday, 


Aliyev Insists On Azeri Terms Of Peace With Armenia

        • Ruzanna Stepanian

Turkey -- Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan meets his Azerbaijani 
counterpart Ilham Aliyev in Ankara, February 19, 2024.


Armenia has no choice but to accept Azerbaijan’s terms of a peace deal, 
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said on Monday ahead of fresh talks between 
the two nations.

“Armenia, which is trying to find a new master and is throwing itself into 
others’ arms, should realize that its only option is to accept all the 
conditions of Azerbaijan and give up its territorial claims to Azerbaijan,” he 
said during a visit to Nagorno-Karabakh recaptured by Baku last September.

The warning came just over a week after Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian met in Munich for talks hosted by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. The 
two leaders agreed that their foreign ministers will meet soon for further 
discussions on an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty.

The Armenian Foreign Ministry told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service that the ministers 
will meet in Berlin on Wednesday and Thursday. It did not say whether German 
Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock will attend the talks.

Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov said earlier in the day that 
Armenian and Azerbaijani officials will negotiate “in the coming days.” He noted 
that despite a lack of face-to-face contacts between them, the two sides have 
continued to exchange written proposals on the peace treaty in recent months.

Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanian said last week that they still 
disagree on some key terms of the treaty. Pashinian complained, meanwhile, that 
the Azerbaijani leadership remains reluctant to recognize Armenia’s borders 
“without ambiguity.”

Pashinian went on to accuse Azerbaijan of planning military aggression against 
Armenia. The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry rejected the claim as “absolutely 
baseless.”

“The last five months have been the calmest period along the presumptive border 
between Armenia and Azerbaijan,” Bayramov said on Monday. He accused the 
European Union and France in particular of seeking to whip up tensions there.

Bayramov specifically reiterated Baku’s discontent with an EU monitoring mission 
deployed on the Armenian side of the border and denounced France for continuing 
to support Armenia in the conflict.

Meeting with Pashinian in Paris last Wednesday, French President Emmanuel Macron 
said Azerbaijan should explicitly recognize Armenia’s territorial integrity. His 
defense minister, Sebastien Lecornu, delivered a new batch of French military 
equipment acquired by Armenia during an ensuing visit to Yerevan. Lecornu 
stressed that Armenia will use that hardware only if it is attacked by one of 
its neighbors.




Armenian Church Also Opposes New Constitution

        • Robert Zargarian

Armenia - The Supreme Spiritual Council of the Armenian Apsotolic Church starts 
a meeting in Echmiadzin, February 20, 2024.


The Armenian Apostolic Church has added its voice to opposition criticism of 
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s plans to try to enact a new constitution 
demanded by Azerbaijan.

The issue was on the agenda of a five-day session of the church’s Supreme 
Spiritual Council that drew to a close in Echmiadzin at the weekend.

“The Supreme Spiritual Council found the initiative to adopt a new Constitution 
very bewildering, especially given that it is widely perceived in public circles 
also as a consequence of external coercion,” read an official statement on the 
session chaired by Catholicos Garegin II.

“It was noted that the discourse of various high-ranking Armenian officials as 
well as the president of Azerbaijan regarding the adoption of the new 
Constitution only deepens existing suspicions,” it said.

Pashinian declared last month that Armenia needs a new constitution reflecting 
the “new geopolitical environment” in the region. Analysts believe that he first 
and foremost wants to get rid of a preamble to the current constitution that 
makes reference to a 1990 declaration of independence adopted by the republic’s 
first post-Communist parliament. The declaration in turn cites a 1989 
unification act adopted by the legislative bodies of Soviet Armenia and the then 
Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said on February 1 that Armenia should remove 
that reference if it wants to cut a peace deal with his country. Armenian 
opposition leaders portrayed Aliyev’s statement as further proof that Pashinian 
is planning to change the constitution at the behest of Baku. Pashinian has 
denied the opposition claims while saying that Armenia “will never have peace” 
as long as it sticks to the 1990 declaration.

The church council defended the country’s existing constitution, saying that it 
is anchored in “the cherished past of our people” and their “national 
aspirations.” It also condemned Azerbaijan’s “expansionist ambitions” and 
“continuing encroachments” on Armenian territory.

Armenia - Catholicos Garegin II leads Christmass mass at the St. Gregory the 
Illuminator Cathedral in Yerevan, January 6, 2024.

Pashinian’s relationship with the ancient church, to which the vast majority of 
Armenians belong, has increasingly deteriorated since the 2020 war in 
Nagorno-Karabakh. Garegin and other senior clergymen joined the Armenian 
opposition in calling for Pashinian’s resignation following Armenia’s defeat in 
the six-week war.

Pashinian and other senior Armenian officials have boycotted Christmas and 
Easter liturgies led by Garegin for the past three years. In May 2023, the 
premier accused the church of meddling in politics, prompting a scathing 
response from Garegin’s office.

Tensions between the government and the church rose further last October when 
Garegin blamed Pashinian for Azerbaijan’s recapture of Karabakh and the 
resulting mass exodus of the region’s ethnic Armenian population. The church had 
repeatedly condemned Pashinian for recognizing Azerbaijani sovereignty over 
Karabakh before Baku’s September 19-20 military offensive.

The Supreme Spiritual Council concluded its session as over 200 supporters of 
Garegin gathered at the church’s Mother See following reports that an obscure 
group of Armenians planned to hold the same day a rally in Echmiadzin to demand 
his resignation.

The town’s municipal administration sanctioned the rally, slated for February 
24, late last month but revoked the permission shortly afterwards amid an uproar 
from vocal critics of the Armenian government. They claimed that Pashinian is 
behind the attempted rally.

The crowd that gathered on Saturday to show support for the church’s supreme 
head included several opposition figures, notably Levon Kocharian, a parliament 
deputy from the opposition Hayastan alliance led by his father and former 
Armenian President Robert Kocharian.

Another senior Hayastan member, Ishkhan Saghatelian, last week warned Pashinian 
against pressing ahead with his plans for the new constitution. He said that the 
Armenian opposition would “do everything” to turn a possible constitutional 
referendum on into a popular vote of no confidence in the premier.




Ukraine’s Zelenskiy Said To Visit Armenia

        • Artak Khulian
        • Shoghik Galstian

Spain - Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian talks to Ukraine's President 
Volodymyr Zelenskiy during a European summit in Granada, October 5, 2023.


Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy is planning to visit Armenia next week 
amid the South Caucasus country’s mounting tensions with Russia, a diplomatic 
source told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

The visit will likely take place on March 4, the source said, adding that 
Zelenskiy will also travel to Azerbaijan in that case.

The Armenian Foreign Ministry pointedly declined to confirm or deny the 
information, saying only that it informs the public about the visits of foreign 
leaders “in due course.”

Ukraine’s charge d‘affaires in Yerevan, Valeri Lobach, was also coy about the 
possibility of such a trip. “The spring will bring positive events to Armenia,” 
he told reporters on Friday.

News of Zelenskiy’s possible trip followed Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s 
recent visits to Germany and France during which he stepped up his criticism of 
Russia. In particular, Pashinian for the first time denounced the Russian 
invasion of Ukraine, saying that it violated a December 1991 declaration in 
which newly independent Soviet republics recognized each other’s Soviet-era 
borders.

Lawmakers representing Pashinian’s ruling Civil Contract party on Monday gave 
more indications that the Ukrainian president, who has not visited any 
non-Baltic ex-Soviet state since the outbreak of the war with Russia, is due in 
Yerevan.

“After all, the president of Ukraine is the elected leader of his country, and 
just like other heads of state, can visit Armenia unless there are some special 
hurdles,” one of them, Babken Tunian, told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskiy speaks during 'Ukraine. Year 2024' 
conference, in Kyiv, .

“We don’t care about how Russia will or will not react [to Zelenskiy’s visit,]” 
said another pro-government lawmaker, Gagik Melkonian.

There has been no such reaction from Moscow yet. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov 
said on February 19 that Russia and Armenia now have “diametrically opposite 
views” on the war in Ukraine.

Relations between the two longtime allies have further deteriorated in recent 
months, with the Russian Foreign Ministry accusing Pashinian of “destroying” 
them.

Dmitry Suslov, a senior analyst with Russia’s Kremlin-linked Council on Foreign 
and Defense Policy, told the Sputnik news agency on Monday that Zelenskiy’s 
visit to Armenia could mark “the point of no return” in the erosion of bilateral 
ties. Suslov claimed that it would be part of the West’s efforts to reorient 
Armenia towards the United States and the European Union.

Armenian opposition leaders have expressed serious concern about the 
far-reaching change in Armenia’s traditional foreign policy, saying that it is 
reckless in the absence of security guarantees or military aid offered by 
Western powers.

Pashinian embarked on the apparent rapprochement with Ukraine last year despite 
Kyiv’s strong support for Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2024 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

Azerbaijan-Armenia relations moving forward again

Badalian Vardan
ARAB NEWS, Saudi Arabia
Feb 25 2024

YASAR YAKIS


Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan met on Feb. 17 during the Munich Security Conference. It was a nice surprise that both leaders were able to make it to Germany.
There is now a thaw in Azerbaijani-Armenian relations. Using this opportunity, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz facilitated a meeting and personally participated in it. This was followed by a bilateral meeting between Aliyev and Pashinyan. The two leaders agreed on a number of issues, including the continuation of the peace talks between their countries and the demarcation of borders. It appears that Pashinyan was not fully happy with Aliyev’s hinting at the question of demarcation of the borders, but we have to admit that the dust cannot be swept under the carpet indefinitely.
With the end of Armenia’s occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh, a new window of opportunity is open in the region. It is important not to let this window close again. In this advice, there is also an allusion to encourage Azerbaijan to be more forthcoming.
Pashinyan may be counting on the support of the strong Armenian diaspora in the US during the presidential election at the end of this year. The Armenian diaspora in Russia is also strong, but we do not know how Moscow will use this leverage. One has to admit that Azerbaijan also has stakes in its hand and will probably use them when the opportunity arises.
The question of the Meghri corridor is one of the thorniest issues between Azerbaijan and Armenia and perhaps the most difficult to solve. Article 9 of the ceasefire agreement brokered by Russia President Vladimir Putin in November 2022 states: “All economic and transport connections in the region shall be unblocked. The Republic of Armenia shall guarantee the security of transport connections between the western regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic in order to arrange unobstructed movement of persons, vehicles and cargo in both directions.”
The future status of the Meghri corridor could not be defined more clearly than that.
During a live broadcast that Pashinyan made and that lasted several hours, he said he was convinced that the only thing that can ensure 100 percent peace is a lasting “de jure fixed binding peace.” He claimed that the trilateral ceasefire did not specifically mention the Meghri corridor. The name “Meghri” may not be mentioned in the text, but an entire paragraph of the ceasefire agreement was exclusively about this corridor. The corridor will facilitate transport links between Russia, Georgia and Iran on the one hand and between the Nakhchivan exclave and Azerbaijan on the other. In addition, it will also facilitate the connection between Turkiye and — through the Caspian Sea — the Central Asian states.

A new era may be dawning in the Caucasus, but it has to be handled with the utmost care.

Yasar Yakis

Two days after the Munich Security Conference, another important meeting was held in Ankara between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Aliyev. In this meeting, Erdogan reiterated his full support for the signing of a peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia. He said: “There is no doubt that the signing of a lasting peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia will be a new source of hope for peace and stability in our region and the world.”
A few hours before the Erdogan-Aliyev meeting, the spokesman of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry made an important point that should not be missed. According to the Armenian Constitution, the Nagorno-Karabakh territories that have been taken back by Azerbaijan are still shown in Armenian maps as belonging to Armenia. Hopefully, adjustments will be made in due course.
Other issues of cooperation were also raised in the meeting between Erdogan and Aliyev.
The Gaza war and other developments in the international arena have put Pashinyan in a difficult position because, under pressure from Washington and Paris, he last year ratified the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court to bring charges against Putin, meaning Yerevan would be obliged to arrest the Russian leader should he visit the country. On Feb. 2, Pashinyan announced that he would no longer rely on Russia’s protection and that Armenia had to have a new defense structure. This further exacerbated Moscow’s attitude toward Armenia. This is a major shift in Armenia’s attitude.
Substantive negotiations have recently been initiated between Azerbaijan and Armenia. They are being held in various Gulf countries. When the two countries are left alone, they make more progress in their talks. Problems arise when the Armenian diaspora in France and the US pour fuel on the fire.
Since the last Nagorno-Karabakh war of 2020, the Council of Europe has played a negative role by raising human rights issues in Azerbaijan. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has initiated a procedure to suspend Baku’s membership, claiming that human rights violations were committed during the clashes. However, the atrocities committed by Armenians exceeded by far what was done by Azerbaijanis. On Feb. 26, 1992, for example, 613 defenseless Azerbaijanis suffered untold atrocities and were killed.
Turkiye has strongly opposed the suspension of Azerbaijan but some members of the council seized this opportunity to criticize both Ankara and Baku at the same time. Such an attitude will not lead the Council of Europe anywhere. Even if Azerbaijan’s membership of the Council of Europe is suspended, it could survive without being a member.
The initiative of the Council of Europe may also negatively affect the reconciliation process that was launched between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
A new era may be dawning in the Caucasus, but it has to be handled with the utmost care.

  • Yasar Yakis is a former foreign minister of Turkiye and founding member of the ruling AK Party. X: @yakis_yasar

Turkish Press: Historic window of opportunity for lasting peace in Karabakh should not be closed, says Turkish president

Badalian Vardan
Yeni Safak
Feb 20 2024

Historic window of opportunity for lasting peace in Karabakh should not be closed, says Turkish president

Signing of permanent peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia will be new source of hope for peace, and stability in our region and world, says Recep Tayyip Erdogan

With the end of Armenia's decades-long occupation of Karabakh, a historic opportunity opened for lasting peace in the region, said the Turkish president on Monday.

When Azerbaijan in fall 2020 and last September brought an end to Armenia's nearly 30-year occupation of Karabakh, a historic window of opportunity opened for lasting peace in the Southern Caucasus, said Recep Tayyip Erdogan, speaking in the capital Ankara alongside Azerbaijan's president, Ilham Aliyev.

It is “crucial” that this window does not close, Erdogan added.

“It is undoubtedly certain that the signing of a permanent peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia will be a new source of hope for peace, tranquility, and stability in our region and the world,” said Erdogan.

He said that during this process, Türkiye and Azerbaijan have stood “shoulder to shoulder.”

“I believe that Armenia should evaluate this process with a long-term, strategic perspective. We also invite third parties to contribute constructively to the process rather than poisoning it,” he said.

Relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia have been tense since 1991, when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

Azerbaijan liberated most of the region during the war in the fall of 2020, which ended with a Russian-brokered peace agreement, opening the door to normalization.

Baku initiated an anti-terrorism operation in Karabakh last September to establish constitutional order, after which illegal separatist forces in the region surrendered.

Erdogan on Monday welcomed Aliyev in the capital Ankara to discuss all aspects of bilateral relations, as well as steps to further cooperation between the two countries.

Aliyev's visit to Ankara is his first trip abroad since being reelected earlier this month.

– Council of Europe and Azerbaijan

On more recent developments, Erdogan said Türkiye will continue to work to get Azerbaijan's credentials validated at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE).

“We will continue our support and efforts for Azerbaijan until the decision (not ratifying their credentials) is overturned,” Erdogan said.

Last month, PACE voted to deny validation to the credentials of the Azerbaijani delegation to the body, alleging that it has not fulfilled major commitments under its Council of Europe membership.

Erdogan added that Türkiye will continue stressing that PACE should be a platform for “parliamentary democracy rather than conflict.”

– Türkiye-Azerbaijan relations on trade, transportation

Erdogan said the potential in the transportation and energy sectors between Baku and Ankara must be enhanced “in a period of critical challenges.”

“The Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway line is essentially one of the most concrete examples of this. It is crucial to complete our renovation efforts urgently to achieve the highest efficiency from this line. During my visit to Nakhchivan, the Turkish Gate, in September, I, along with Aliyev, signed the memorandum of understanding for the Kars-Nakhchivan railway with this understanding,” he said.

Erdogan added that expanding the capacity of Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP) and facilitating the transportation of Caspian natural gas to both Türkiye and Europe are key focuses in Ankara's agenda within this sector.

“We added a new dimension to our energy cooperation with the Igdir-Nakhchivan natural gas pipeline project initiated during my visit to Nakhchivan,” last September, said Erdogan.

On trade ties, Erdogan said: “The total Turkish-Azerbaijani trade volume last year reached $7.5 billion for the first time. We will step up our efforts to achieve a $15 billion target,” Erdogan added.

Erdogan also expressed hope that recent incidents on the border of the two countries that wounded one Azerbaijani soldier would not be repeated.

“Our family council continues to work towards further institutionalization and strengthening of our unity within the Organization of Turkic States,” Erdogan said.

-⁠ ⁠Turkish-Azerbaijani unity important factor for Eurasia

For his part, Aliyev described his visit to Türkiye following his reelection earlier this month as “natural,” saying that Turkish-Azerbaijani unity is an important factor not only for the region but also for the Eurasian continent as a whole.

Aliyev said Türkiye has reached new heights with Erdogan's efforts, and has gotten a say on the global level, adding that Türkiye is also the guarantor of “peace, stability and cooperation” in the southern Caucasus.

Türkiye stood by Azerbaijan, which “solved the historical problem that it could not solve by peaceful means on the battlefield," and his people will not forget Türkiye's support during this time, said Aliyev, referring to its regaining full sovereignty over its territory of Karabakh after a nearly 30-year occupation.

He added that the anti-terror operation Azerbaijan carried out in the Karabakh region last September “fully affirmed” the country's sovereignty.

Aliyev also said Azerbaijan and Türkiye share an outlook in all matters and are adding to their strength based on a declaration cementing their alliance.

“The unification of the Turkic world, the coexistence of peoples with common cultures, will increase the strength of each member of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS),” he added.

Repeating his Turkish counterpart's remarks that an extraordinary OTS summit in Shusha, Azerbaijan will be held in July, Aliyev said Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) President Ersin Tatar will also attend, a move which he said will “give impetus to the unity of the Turkic people.”

Aliyev said he is very pleased that their trade with Türkiye is growing rapidly, much more than they could have ever dreamed.

He also said that military collaboration is also an important aspect of cooperation between Türkiye and Azerbaijan, describing the armies of both countries as “like a fist.”

He went on to say he and Erdogan had extensive discussions regarding the defense industry sector, and that they have “concrete plans” for joint production.

Ameriabank executives to retain management – Bank of Georgia Group chairman

Badalian Vardan

 13:36,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 20, ARMENPRESS. Ameriabank and Bank of Georgia Group (BOGG) PLC have completed negotiations. Ameriabank can now join the BOGG international group. The next phase envisages the confirmation of the deal, and meanwhile BOGG chairman Mel Carvill has visited Armenia on the occasion of the successful completion of the negotiations.

In an interview with journalist Eric Hacopian, Carvill spoke about Armenia’s investment appeal, presented BOGG, the details of the possible deal and its importance for both sides.

He also spoke about the opportunities that the deal would provide in case of confirmation. The BOGG chairman said that greater security and stability guarantees will be created for the bank’s customers, because Ameriabank will be part of a major banking group and thus have direct access to global capital markets. At the same time, Carvill said that Ameriabank will continue shaping its success story by remaining the leading Armenian bank. “The current management team will also continue to manage the bank,” he said.

[see video]