The Scenarios of the Next War

Lragir, Armenia
June 3 2017
The Scenarios of the Next War

  • Comments – , 02:04
The French ambassador in Armenia has announced that the status quo in the area of the Karaback conflict can no longer be maintained. France has recently repeated this several times, including at the Hollande – Serzh Sargsyan meeting. If the status quo cannot be maintained, there are two ways of changing it – negotiations and war. Currently no negotiations are going on, Armenia has put forth preconditions for their continuation to which Azerbaijan does not agree – the status of Artsakh and the investigation mechanisms. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan have made their points which are absolute opposites. So, the war is left and in this case there are a lot of circumstances and questions relating to the domestic affairs of the sides and foreign affairs. The domestic situation in Armenia does not suppose a war. At best, it is a threat which is usually needed at important havens of domestic developments. Currently a similar haven is there where the issue of the government is being solved for a few months. Serzh Sargsyan brings a “security concept” for his upcoming plans. There is a different problem in Azerbaijan where the economic and political situation is flammable which they still can handle. Many say the only way out of this situation for the ruling regime is the war, which is true. On the other hand, however, solving problems through a war is too big a risk because it may produce a quite different effect depending on the outcome of the war. To avoid such risks the side that will start the war, in this case Azerbaijan, must have fast and clear external guarantees, at least from one Minsk Group co-chair that the war can be stopped at the right time and in the right place. Last April Azerbaijan obviously had such guarantees. In addition, Armenia’s behavior was one of those guarantees through Russia. By that time, the war had been matured through enough factors and most of them were eliminated in the result of the military actions in April but part of them still persists and some more new circumstances are there too. The other issue is the interests of a great power. The Minsk Group remains the only platform where the United States, Europe and Russia have a more or less agreed policy and positions. However, recently the relations between the United States and Europe, namely Germany and France on one side and Russia on the other side have become complicated. Is this the condition for the resumption of war? Russia’s stance and behavior is essential in the Karabakh issue and the general situation in the area of the conflict, and the issue of resuming the military actions depends much on this. Can Russia or the other co-chairs of the Minsk Group give Azerbaijan guarantees for the outcome of the war independently from each other? Although, is it possible that new clashes are provoked at the border which will change the status quo on the one hand and enable the solution of a series of domestic and foreign issues on the other hand? In fact, is a fully controlled war possible when only one of the co-chairs is in the game. The change of the status quo does not mean only change of the line of contact or territories. Moreover, the change of the status quo on the Armenian side is perceived in the form of territorial concessions by Azerbaijan. The international recognition of Artsakh is also a change of status quo. For example, a scenario is possible when the Armenian side takes Azerbaijani territories under control, and then these territories are exchanged for some agreement with Azerbaijan. Recently Azerbaijan has been trying to cause escalation at the border, as well as over the internet, the Armenian side announces that the situation at the border is calm, at the same time blocking the daily flow of information. This expresses the attitude of the sides, and at the same time the uncertainty of the situation and even expectations. The war ends with agreement between the sides, as the saying in the movie is. Armenia and Azerbaijan are far from this “level”.

Book: Qoqnoos Publishes Birjandi’s Version of Armenian History

Financial Tribune, Iran


A major work of early Armenian historiography, originally published in 1999 by Liverpool University Press, UK, is now available in Persian.

‘The Armenian History Attributed to Sebeos,’ a historical account written in the middle of the 7th century, is attributed to an Armenian bishop and historian known as Sebeos.

The Persian translation of the book by author, translator and historian Mahmoud Fazeli Birjandi, 55, has been brought out by the Tehran-based publishing house Qoqnoos, Mehr News Agency reported.

The 7th century history of Armenia is an excellent reference for those involved in the study of Armenia, the Caucasus, the Eastern Roman Empire and the Middle East in late antiquity (7th-9th centuries).

It will be of particular value to Islamic scholars, since Sebeos not only sets the scene for the advent of Islam, but also provides the only substantial non-Muslim account of the initial period of the religion.

Describing the tug of war between Byzantium (Eastern Roman Empire) and Persia for control of Armenia, followed by Arab invasion in the final chapters, the book is of unique significance, for it was written in a time when comparable chronicles in Greek and Syriac (the language of ancient Syria, a western dialect of Aramaic in which many important early Christian texts are preserved) were sparse.

From classical Armenian, the account was translated into English with commentary by expert in Armenian Studies Robert William Thomson, 83, and Byzantium historian James Howard Johnson, 75, both from the UK.

The book combines Thomson’s philological mastery with the special expertise of Johnson in the 7th century history of Byzantine Empire and the Middle East. The latter is the author of ‘Witness to a World Crisis: Historians and Histories of the Middle East in the Seventh Century,’ a 2010 study of “the period when the final struggles between the empires of Rome and Persia, and then the explosion of Islamic warriors, transformed the political and religious world.”

 Fortunes of Armenia

Sebeos traces the fortunes of Armenia in the 6th and 7th centuries within the framework of the Byzantine-Sassanid (the last imperial dynasty -224-651 AD – in Persia before the rise of Islam) conflict. He completed his account when Muawiya (602-680) was the caliph of the Umayyad Dynasty.

Before starting the translation, Birjandi reviewed three different editions of Sebeos’ work. He selected the publication of Liverpool University for his translation. The Liverpool edition comprises two volumes: Part 1 (240 pages) is the translation and notes followed by Part 2 (216 pages) which contains the historical commentary.

However, Birjandi did not limit the work to the Liverpool edition and made a comparative analysis with other sources such as ‘Sebeos’ History of Armenia’ translated by Armenian philologist Robert Bedrosian from the classical Armenian edition of K. Patkanean (Patmut’iwn Sebeosi episkoposi i Herakln).

BAKU: Parl’t speaker: Armenia violates regional security, stability by continuing occupation of Azerbaijani territories

APA, Azerbaijan

Speaker of the Azerbaijani Milli Majlis (Parliament) Ogtay Asadov has addressed the 25th summit of heads of state and government of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) Organization member states which is underway in Istanbul, Turkey.

 

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev will not be able to take part in the 25th summit of BSEC due to the 4th Islamic Solidarity Games closing ceremony to be held in Baku on May 22, said the speaker, an APA correspondent reported from Istanbul.

 

“President Ilham Aliyev expresses regret for this and conveys his greetings and best wishes to the summit participants,” said Asadov.   

 

He pointed out that the BSEC was established 25 years ago in order to contribute to long-term, close cooperation.

 

“Unfortunately, over the past 25 years our region has become more dangerous and new conflicts have emerged. Moreover, the prospects for regional development are under serious threat,” said Asadov. “Human tragedies are growing, the scale of atrocities and brutality in the region has turned imaginations of many upside down. However, all this is not something new for the Azerbaijanis, especially for more than a million refugees and IDPs.”  

 

Asadov added that Armenia violated the regional security and stability by continuing the occupation of nearly 20 percent of Azerbaijani territories.

 

He stressed that the occupation of Azerbaijani territories by Armenia impedes regional cooperation.

 

“Unfortunately, one of the BSEC members doesn’t give up its dangerous ideology and continues to demonstrate intolerance and aggression. This ideology of Armenia is turning it into a mono-ethnic country and depriving it and the region of development opportunities,” he said.

 

Asadov accused Armenia of ignoring the rule of law and UN Security Council’s four resolutions that demand an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian troops from the occupied Azerbaijani territories.

 

“Therefore, I would like to assure everyone that the primitive thinking of the Armenian leadership that the use of force could promote good-neighborly relations a figment of a sick imagination,” said the parliament speaker, expressing confidence that Azerbaijan will undoubtedly restore its territorial integrity in accordance with the norms of international law.

 

Bahrain Ambassador to Kuwait receives Catholicos Aram I

Bahrain News Agency (BNA)
 Sunday
Bahrain Ambassador to Kuwait receives Catholicos Aram I
Manama, May 21 (BNA): Ambassador of the Kingdom of Bahrain to the
State of Kuwait, Shaikh Khalifa bin Ahmed Al Khalifa, received His
Holiness Aram I, Catholicos of the Cilicia of the Armenians, on the
occasion of his recent visit to Kuwait to inaugurate a new cathedral
and a prelacy for the Armenian community.
The Ambassador held a luncheon in honour of His Holiness Aram I, which
was attended by a number of ambassadors, dignitaries and religious
men.
The Catholicos commended Bahrain's support for the values of
coexistence and dialogue among civilizations, cultures, religions and
creeds.
He also praised the role of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa
in instilling these values through his vision and keenness on hosting
conferences and forums and inviting to them senior scholars, religious
figures and intellectuals of different faiths.
Shaikh Khalifa extended thanks to Aram I the Catholicos for accepting
the invitation, saying that his response indicates the existence of a
spirit of co-existence between followers of divine religions and the
others and proves that there are thoughtful wise people in this world.

Entertainment: Two decades in, Portland native Andrea Martin has never been busier

Press Herald


Forty-plus years into a successful and critically acclaimed acting career, Martin is enjoying plumb roles on 2 TV comedies.

Sports: The Death of a Dream: Tracing the History of FC Yerazank

The Set Pieces

The hill of Tsitsernakaberd sits about two miles from Freedom Square and marks the point where the bustling hub of Yerevan gives way to the serenity of the city’s outskirts. If the traffic is kind it’s no more than 15 minutes by road from the Opera Theatre, the cultural epicentre of this ancient metropolis at the meeting point of two continents. The surroundings, though, could scarcely feel more disparate.

In the first week of March 2017, Tsitsernakaberd is carpeted with snow, and when it catches the early spring sun it glistens. Over to the east, Mother Armenia watches over Yerevan, sword in hand, from her plinth at Victory Park, whilst a little more centrally the national stadium strikes its ungainly pose dug out of the Hrazdan gorge just near the river. It was here that, in October 1973, 70,000 people watched FC Ararat, a provincial football club from tiny Armenia, defeat Zenit Leningrad 3-2 to be crowned champions of the Soviet Union. This is a proud place.

The Armenian national consciousness is forged from much suffering. At the top of Tsitsernakaberd is the country’s official monument to the dead of the 1915 Armenian genocide, that murderous crusade inflicted by a decaying Ottoman Empire upon 1.5million ethnic Armenian victims. Here, high above the city, the sound of the snow crunching under foot conjures a heart-breaking remembrance of men, women and children led from freezing Yerevan on death marches towards the Syrian desert.

Embed from Getty Images

Between the Hrazdan Stadium and the Tsitsernakaberd monument there is a small sports complex; three artificial pitches with a few modest stands erected to accommodate a handful of spectators. Like at the Hrazdan, the seating is decked out in the red, blue and amber of the Armenian flag, and despite the small stature of the place these are good facilities, especially on a day like today when the cold conditions would have made a grass pitch unplayable.

It’s on these pitches that FC Pyunik, the once-dominant Armenian Premier League club whom between 2001-2010 won ten consecutive top-flight titles, school their next generation. Whilst clubs the in the rest of Armenia are taking more and more to sourcing players from overseas, Pyunik have defiantly stuck to a policy of homegrown-only, even if this has meant a recent downturn in the league fortunes of the formerly perennial champions.

The Pyunik School on a frozen Saturday marks the end point of a long personal journey. I first began trying to trace the founder of FC Yerazank several months earlier, via a protracted series of hopeful emails and calls placed to a vast Armenian diaspora stretching from Gyumri, near the Turkish-Armenian border, to New York. Only two days before arriving in Yerevan had I been able to finally establish his name and where in the world he was.

Yerazank transliterates as Dream Team. In the 1980s, the club had held their own in the senior leagues of Soviet Azerbaijan despite being made up exclusively of teenage boys. When war broke out between the Azeri and Armenian regimes in 1988, Yerazank, an otherwise unremarkable club from the city of Stepanakert, found themselves at the centre.

The conflict lasted six years. The sides fought for territorial sovereignty of Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region in western Azerbaijan which, despite its historically Armenian population, had been placed under the jurisdiction of Baku by the early Soviet law-makers in the 1920s. As the USSR entered its final stages in the late 80s, Karabakh made a play for independence, and the subsequent Azeri resistance plunged the region into war.

I almost lose my footing as I make my way down the icy steps that lead from the Tsitsernakaberd Highway to the cabin that houses the Pyunik offices. I am 45 minutes late.

At the bottom, just at the far end of the car park, a blue-tracksuited man stands with his back to me, taking in whatever game is underway on one of the complex’s three synthetic pitches. He turns as I approach and watches me across the forecourt. As I come close he extends his hand and his lined face fixes me with a smile. “Eduard Bagdasaryan,” he says, softly.  Six days and 4,800km from south Yorkshire, this is the man I’ve been looking for.

In some sense, the young footballers turned soldiers of Yerazank were not much different to their compatriots who followed them to the frontline to fight the Karabakh war. Bagdasaryan, once of FC Ararat but forced by injury into early retirement, had founded the club in 1982, with the ambition, he says, of leading them to the Soviet Top League. When he first brought these players together, they were nine and ten years old. By 1987, they had reached the second division of the Azerbaijan league system, finishing 11th in their first season.

When war broke out the following year, Yerazank were re-assigned to the Armenian championship, where they competed in the top-flight. They finished sufficiently high to gain admission to the first season of the independent Armenian top-flight when the football federation seceded from the collapsing USSR. By now the players were 15 and 16 years old, and not only thrust into the throes of top level, professional football, but also now carrying the flag for their homeland, which they had been forced to flee due to the fighting.

“The team had all the potential, but the war interrupted that,” says Bagdasaryan, taking a seat and placing a large brown satchel on the table between us. “There were so many difficulties in running a football club during war time. There were times when the whole team would be staying together at a relative’s house, cooking and living on top of each other, or we would be all staying in someone’s house close to the stadium. People would say to me ‘Why don’t you ask for funding for all this stuff?’, but the country was in a war. How could I have asked for money for football?”

Armenia, like Azerbaijan, was battered by the war. Somewhere between 25,000-35,000 lives were wasted and more than a million people displaced. It coincided with the country’s awkward transition from a stale but relatively stable communism, into the unpredictable waters of post-Soviet market economics. By some measures, the republic is still recovering from the trauma. The war also came at the same time as a devastating earthquake, which hit near the northern town of Spitak on December 7th 1988. Estimates put the death toll as high as 50,000. Armenia was rocked harder than at any time since the Genocide, and the sinews stiffened anew.

When the call to arms came in 1988, most went willingly. The players of Yerazank were assigned to regiments across the region, and the club ceased football activities. Bagdasaryan’s application to join the armed forces, however, was denied. “I had five children, and when I went to sign up they said to me ‘no’. So I became a conditioning coach for the boys who did go to fight”.

The assignment was a good fit. Bagdasaryan had been a father-like figure in his career as a football coach, so it made sense that his skills would best be put to use in whipping Karabakh’s young soldiers into shape when war broke out. Yerazank quickly became a microcosm of the conflict at large. The players – young and enthusiastic – had built the club from nothing, and against long odds had flourished in a testing competitive environment. Now their achievements became hostage to the vagaries of war; sporting camaraderie re-purposed for conflict, success on the football pitch downgraded and reprioritised. The Karabakh war hurt Armenia all over. Yerazank took its share of the blows.

Loris Grigoryan and Ashot Adamyan were 18 and 19 years old respectively when they lost their lives on the front line. They had been with Yerazank from the start, helping the club from the amateur ranks into the senior leagues. Adamyan, with his classically thick Armenian brow and heavy dark eyes, was a lithe defender, whilst the boyishly handsome Grigoryan led the Yerazank line. As athletes, they embodied everything the club stood for; as young men, they were its ambassadors.

“I had a call from Loris’s father on the final day of the battle of Shushi” says Bagdasaryan, pulling a large book from his satchel and leafing through it with quiet intent. “He asked me to try and persuade his son not to go to the battle. We had already won at Shushi by then and he wanted him to stay away. So I said to him ‘If it was you, would you stay away? Or would you go to fight?’ To that, he had no answer”. Grigoryan was killed at Shushi on May 9th 1992. Later that day, the last Azeri forces were expelled from the city.

The coach stops flicking through pages and pushes the open book across the table. At the top, etched neatly in red biro, is the word Yerazank in Cyrillic script, and beneath it are two black and white photos, each with a thin black border. Both Grigoryan and Adamyan look business-like, dressed smartly in suits and ties, gazing just beyond the camera into some imagined future. Each picture carries a footnote; Loris Grigoryan 1973-1992, Ashot Adamyan 1972-1992.

It’s the anecdotes, the flashes of character as told through a haze of time and half-remembered conversations, which bring home the sadness of what happened in this part of the Caucasus towards the end of the last century. Yes, the war was the great common denominator in Karabakh. But everyone experienced it differently.

The FC Yerazank squad would regularly fly between Stepanakert and Yerevan on a group ticket with 22 paid-up seats. Grigoryan used to question Bagdasaryan why, when the plane departed with empty seats, he never sold the spares on to the black market, instead letting people who needed to travel take up the extra places for free. The club, after all, could use the money. It was the most minor disagreement, the old-headed coach versus the sharp-eyed youth pepped by Armenia’s barter economy. Thirty years later, it brings the black and white thumbnail of Grigoryan to life. His death suddenly feels immediate.

Bagdasaryan reaches inside the back cover and takes out a folded newspaper clipping. It is from the day that Grigoryan and Adamyan were killed. The headline, roughly translated, reads ‘the dream dies’. For the first time since he introduced himself to me out in the snow, the old coach goes silent.

In 1993, Yerazank returned to top-flight football, still playing in the Armenian league but now based in Yerevan. There was stability, for a while, until the corrupt mess in Armenian domestic football finally caught up with them.

The government in Stepanakert pulled funding for the club midway through the season in 2003, after the US-based financial backers began to exert pressure for the Nagorno-Karabakh republic to form its own independent league. Bagdasaryan suspects the real reason lies less with the concern for the formation of a Karabakh league, which never happened, and more in that the backers wanted to focus on their other major sponsorship interest, FC Ararat. Either way, Yerazank were on their own.

In 2004, the call came from the club’s management, Karabakh defence minister Samvel Babayan, that Karabakh native Bagdasaryan was to be removed from his position as coach in favour of an alternative of full Armenian heritage. Without their founder, the club limped on for another two years, before folding in 2006. Bagdasaryan, so he says, walked away with his head high and a wry smile, his club picked apart by men who didn’t understand the game and whom he was certain would to run it into the ground in his absence. So it proved.

“From then on, Yerazank stayed as a dream”, he says wistfully, closing his book and sliding it back into his satchel. It seems unintentional, but Bagdasaryan is a fine storyteller.

Today there is no cross-border competition between Armenia and the rogue state Nagorno-Karabakh. An appeal made at the start of the last decade by the football authorities in Azerbaijan made sure of that in FIFA statute, and Karabakh’s isolation has been entrenched ever since.

Bagdasaryan still works in football, coaching Pyunik’s young goalkeepers here at the academy, and it seems fitting that a man whose outstanding talents have always been in getting the best out of young players is working at a club where those players will get a decent crack at the first team.

But things are not like they were. Pyunik, for all their titles, will never be Yerazank. That dream has been put to bed.

Indian director Shekhar Kapur to helm Armenian Genocide tale ‘Three Apples Fell From Heaven’

Indian film director Shekhar Kapur will direct Three Apples Fell From Heaven, a film based on the Micheline Aharonian Marcom novel adapted by Motorcycle Diaries writer José Rivera, reports.

The film is set in 1915-1917 as Turks slaughtered Armenians, and revolves around a young female refugee taken in by Turkish neighbors after the death of her parents. Her childhood shattered, she now views the remains of her world through a Muslim veil, as several tragic characters circle around her.

While the Armenian genocide is a century old, there is an eerie parallel to the refugee crisis, beyond Kapur’s memory of his own family forced to flee Delhi as refugees during the partition of India. The filmmakers made available a clip of the young women Kapur has auditioned to play the lead role; they are refugees from Aleppo whose descendants fled there to escape the Armenian genocide and who’ve come back to escape the violence that has devastated Syria.

The clip is a sad reminder of how little the world has really reformed for refugees. This becomes the first film from a new social justice storytelling production company, Disruptive Narrative, which will launch at Cannes as part of Sunday’s Refugee Voices In Film day, presented by IEFTA, the UNHCR and Marché du Film. The company is founded by leading human rights lawyer, Jen Robinson, of Doughty St Chambers , and Syrian-Armenian actress/writer/producer, Sona Tatoyan.

Liisa Ansala: Further democratic consolidation needed in Yerevan also outside the polling stations

A 10 member electoral assessment team from the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe – headed by Liisa Ansala (Finland, ILDG) and including two representatives from the EU Committee of the Regions – concluded yesterday its mission to observe the elections to the Council of Elders of Yerevan which were held on Sunday in the Armenian capital. During this vote, held on the basis of the amended 2016 Electoral Code, Voter Authentication Devices (VADs) were in use for the second time, after the Parliamentary elections of 2 April, which allowed the Congress delegation to assess the implementation of both the new legal framework and the new electronic system to identify voters and prevent fraud.

On Election Day, four Congress’ teams visited some 100 polling stations in the different administrative districts of Yerevan(Kentron, Nork-Marash, Avan, Qanaqer-Zeyt’un, Nor-Nork’, Erebuni, Nubarashen, Malatia-Sebastia, Schengavit’, Davt’ashen, Achapnyak and Arabkir) where the VADs (which contained electronic copy of the voters’ lists and provided for the electronic registration, the printing of a voting pass and the scanning of the fingerprints) were functioning smoothly throughout the whole voting procedure. In addition to the VADs, web cameras were installed in all polling stations in order to prevent electoral fraud, notably multiple voting and family voting, and to ensure transparency during the opening of the polling stations and the counting of the ballots at the end of the E-Day. The amended Electoral Code provides also for the publication of the signed voters lists after the elections, since the accuracy of the voters’ lists and voter impersonation were among the long-standing challenges of the electoral management in Armenia.

In addition to the new technologies, the Congress observers were able to assess the quality of the election administration at the level of the Precinct Election Commissions (PECs) whose members, including the IT specialists in charge of processing the VADs, all received training by the Central Election Commission which was overall positively evaluated. In general, the Election Day was calm and orderly in Yerevan, with the exception of some incidents which were reported to the Congress’ members and include also allegations of vote-buying and double-voting.

“The amended Electoral Code and the new technical measures have certainly improved the situation inside the polling stations. However, there is further democratic consolidation needed also outside. As it was the case during the 2 April Parliamentary elections, also during the Yerevan elections our delegation heard allegations of vote-buying and bribes as a systemic problem in Armenia. In addition, there is the issue of pressure on public service employees and misuse of administrative resources. In the majority of places visited by our observers on Sunday there were groups of people loitering around outside the polling stations creating an overall atmosphere of controlled voting. This is also relevant with regard to the busses bringing groups of voters to polling stations which we have observed. All these issues need to be taken seriously by the authorities in order to increase the trust in elections and in the administration in general”, stated Congress’ Vice-President Liisa Ansala.

“The fact that on Sunday only some 40 percent of the voters participated in the Yerevan elections is an alarming sign and shows the high level of political apathy and mistrust in the political system. The improved electoral framework and the new technologies to prevent fraud on E-Day are very welcome by the Congress and have increased transparency. Nonetheless, much more needs to be done to address the root cause of apathy and frustration about politics in Armenia”, Liisa Ansala concluded.

Further to the electoral assessment mission of the Congress, a report will be prepared and discussed at the next meeting of the Monitoring Committee on 27 June 2017 in Kharkiv (Ukraine).

Pro-active advocacy prevents new genocide denial ads and billboards

Sixteen national organizations joined an Armenian National Committee of America Eastern Region (ANCA-ER) initiative earlier this year to prevent genocide denial ads from appearing in American newspapers, billboards and other media. Unlike 2016 and previous years, no major media carried genocide denial advertising in April 2017.

“We are thankful to our coalition partners who are principled in the matter of inadmissibility of genocide denial in any form,” said ANCA-ER Chairman Steve Mesrobian. “Genocide denial is not ‘provocative’ or ‘scholarly debate,’ but deeply offensive hate speech and we are glad to see such positive results from our ongoing anti-defamation activities. We are committed in ensuring that the memory of all the innocent victims of the Armenian Genocide, the Holocaust, and all other genocides are properly commemorated and remembered.”

A coalition of sixteen national anti-genocide and human rights organizations joined the ANCA-ER in efforts directed at major newspapers and advertising companies in the US.  The initiative sought to heighten awareness of attempts to place genocide denial advertising and to urge these companies not to accept such ads.

In April 2016, the ANCA-ER led a successful grassroots mobilization in Illinois, New York, Massachusetts, and other areas to force media giants like ClearChannel to immediately bring down genocide denial billboards and issue an apology.  After the appearance of similar advertising in The Wall Street JournalThe Chicago Tribune, and The Philadelphia Inquirer in late April 2016, the ANCA-ER assembled a coalition of 14 anti-genocide and human rights groups which called upon the newspapers to formally review their advertising polices to prevent the placement of genocide denial ads in the future.

Earlier this year the ANCA-ER, together with its coalition partners, proactively reached out to media outlets across the US to remind them not to accept such advertising.

PACE Bureau declares ‘no confidence’ in Pedro Agramunt as President

The Bureau of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), meeting in Strasbourg today, resolved that it has no confidence in Pedro Agramunt as President of the Assembly.

It further resolved that Mr Agramunt is not authorised to undertake any official visits, attend any meetings or make any public statements on behalf of the Assembly in his capacity as President.

“The President chose not to attend the Bureau today, and has not presented a letter of resignation. As a result, and in the context of the current Rules of Procedure under which the President cannot be compelled to resign, the Bureau felt it necessary to take these steps,” said Sir Roger Gale (United Kingdom, EC), Senior Vice-President of the Assembly, after chairing the Bureau meeting.

“The standards and principles of the Parliamentary Assembly are more important than any individual member, and the integrity of our Assembly must be upheld,” he added.