Armenian diplomat: Azerbaijan’s actions come to manifest that genocidal ideology does not merely belong to history

Panorama, Armenia

Permanent Representative of Armenia to the UN Mher Margaryan delivered remarks at the UN General Assembly plenary meeting on the responsibility to protect and the prevention of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity on Monday, May 17.

“Addressing and countering hate speech remain crucial priorities in delivering on the genocide prevention agenda. Incitement to hatred and hate crimes, denial, justification or glorification of past crimes, along with instances of racial and ethnic profiling constitute the detectable early warning signs, which, if unaddressed, can lead to further violence and atrocities,” the Armenian diplomat said.

Margaryan stated Armenia, whose people have undergone through the horrors of Genocide in the early 20th century, will continue to support strong focus on the early action to prevent situations, which can result in atrocities.

“As the main sponsor of the UN General Assembly resolution instituting the International Day of the 9th December as the Day of Commemoration and Dignity of the Victims of the Crime of Genocide and of the Prevention of this Crime, Armenia is fully committed to strengthening this important platform, most notably, through thematic events aimed at fostering cooperation for prevention of atrocity crimes and the further development of national and international early warning mechanisms,” he said.

Margaryan underlined that Azerbaijan’s continued failure to release the numerous prisoners of war (POWs) and civilian hostages who are still being held in captivity, the ongoing provocations by way of incursions into the territory of Armenia, as well as the wide-spread state-led campaign of dehumanization of Armenians “come to manifest that the genocidal ideology does not merely belong to history.”

“This is a source of grave concern that needs to be properly identified and acknowledged to prevent further atrocities,” he said. 

Recognition of Armenian Genocide holds significant meaning for local community

The Narragansett Times, RI

The Armenian Martyrs’ Monument in Providence.

 

President Biden’s recognition comes 106 years after massacre

RHODE ISLAND — The acknowledgment was far overdue, but President Joe Biden’s long awaited recognition of the Armenian Genocide carries significant meaning for the local Armenian community. 

On April 24 — Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day — Biden became the first United States President to officially recognize the massacre of Armenians under the Ottoman Empire as genocide. 

The recognition comes 106 year later. 

For the Armenian National Committee of Rhode Island Co-Chair Stephen Mesrobian, the long awaited recognition brought on a tidal wave of emotions, as well as tears. 

“I started thinking about my grandmother, who survived a deportation march through the Syrian Desert, and managed to make her way, eventually, from what was Armenia, or the Ottoman Empire, to Damascus, Syria, to Marcé, France and then Providence, Rhode Island,” Mesrobian said. 

The atrocities that his grandmother endured, and the stories she carried with her for the rest of her life, are what inspired Mesrobian to become politically active as a teenager, and what’s pushed him to remain active in Armenian political activism ever since.

“One of the things that always drove me was that, basically, the Republic of Turkey was saying my grandmother lied about what happened to her, her story and the other million and a half martyrs that had survived the genocide,” Mesrobian said. “That there was no such thing to attempt to wipe out the nation. That the killings were just something that happened during the course of war — which they weren’t.”

His grandmother was haunted by the loss of her young son, who was taken by Turkish soldiers and thrown in a lake to drown. Although he’d managed to make it back to shore as Mesrobian’s grandmother watched, horrified, they threw him back in and stoned him until he drowned in front of her.

“She carried that story for the rest of her life,” Mesrobian said. “And when it was passed on to me, I thought, ‘They’re saying she’s lying about that. That it didn’t happen.’”

For decades, presidential hopefuls have pledged to finally recognize the Armenian Genocide, only to walk back that promise once in office, out of fears of alienating Turkey. Although other nations and leaders have recognized the mass killings as genocide — including Germany, Canada, Russia and even the Pope — Turkey has long maintained the stance that the killings do not meet the definition of a genocide. 

According to Turkey, Biden’s recognition that “one and a half million Armenians were deported, massacred, or marched to their deaths in a campaign of extermination,” is a misrepresentation of history. 

While Turkey continues to contest and debate the number of Armenians killed during WWI between 1914 and 1923, Mesrobian views the denial as an attempt to avoid paying reparations or giving back lands. 

“They’re denying the crime of genocide because they don’t want to have to pay the penalty for having committed it,” Mesrobian said. “What’s terrible is that the United States, for geo-political reasons, was enabling that. They wouldn’t call it a genocide because they didn’t want to anger Turkey, and that angering Turkey wasn’t worth the price of telling the truth.” 

At last, having a president recognize the Armenian Genocide brings a sense of relief and satisfaction to many Rhode Islanders. 

Because of mass, forced deportations, Armenians “were scattered like seeds in the wind,” according to Mesrobian, and are now found all over the world — including right here in Rhode Island. 

The Ocean State is home to about 15,000 Armenian-Americans, according to Mesrobian, as well as three Armenian Churches and one of the world’s largest monuments to the Armenian Genocide. The local Armenian community includes many prominent Rhode Islanders — including former City of Warwick Mayor Scott Avedisian, former Lt. Gov. Aram Garabedian and Alex and Ani Founder Carolyn Rafaelian.

Rhode Island also boasts one of the nations strongest federal delegations when it comes to support for Armenian political activism issues. 

Sen. Jack Reed came out in strong support of the president’s recognition last week, commending him for “affirming this historical truth.” 

“This official recognition of the Armenian Genocide at the highest levels of American government is long overdue and a victory for truth and justice,” Reed said. “Rather than be a bystander to the denial of genocide, President Biden’s official action today helps restore America’s moral credibility.”

“To prevent future acts of genocide, we must recognize past atrocities, educate the public and uphold human rights,” he continued. “We must stand up for persecuted people everywhere and recognize atrocities as they actually happened to ensure they don’t happen again. Finally acknowledging the facts can hasten the healing process. And it brings the United States in line with other nations such as Canada, France and Germany that have already recognized the Armenian Genocide.”

Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse called the acknowledgment “long overdue,” and stated that “papering over unpleasant truths is rarely good.” 

Similarly, Congressman Jim Langevin lamented words of thanks to the president, and expressed that he’s “proud to fight for the Armenian-American community today and every day.”

Congressman David Cicilline specifically recognized Rhode Island as being “home to a vibrant Armenian community.”

“A lot of folks here and across America are grateful President Biden officially recognized the Armenian Genocide today,” Cicilline tweeted. “It shouldn’t have taken America 106 years to do so. But once again, he is leading where others failed.” 

Here in Rhode Island, statements were also made from Gov. Dan McKee, Secretary of State Nellie M. Gorbea and House Majority Whip Katherine Kazarian (Dist. 63 – East Providence) — who is Armenian herself and has introduced resolutions to have Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day recognized year after year. 

“Even a hundred years later, accountability matters,” Kazarian shared in a post to social media. 

Finally having recognition is an emotional thing, according to Mesrobian, and it does carry significant meaning — but they are still just words on a page. 

“What President Biden did is a step in the right direction, but it needs to be backed up or it’s not going to matter in 20 years, because we’re going to be gone,” he said, referencing mounting tensions in the Middle East, and recent bombings that continue to threaten Armenia’s boarders. 

“Unfortunately, it doesn’t seem like the human race has learned a lot in its thousands of years of existence, because we’re still terrible to each other,” he added. “So whenever things like this are happening, we’ve got to stop racism and stop persecution — whether it’s religious or ethnic.” 

One of the most important things we can do, according to Mesrobian, is educate ourselves on the Armenian Genocide, and the ongoing issue. While Rhode Island has a rich, vibrant and active Armenian community, too many people are still unaware that a genocide took place.

The National Armenian Committee of Rhode Island is currently working with the Rhode Island Department of Education to form a Holocaust and Genocide Memorial Education Commission, which will help implement curriculum for secondary students so that more school children will know this history.

In the president’s recent words, remembrance of such human rights atrocities helps “recommit ourselves to preventing such an atrocity from ever again occurring.”

https://www.ricentral.com/narragansett_times/recognition-of-armenian-genocide-holds-significant-meaning-for-local-community/article_3dbd661c-b2c9-11eb-8dbd-efbf562131c2.html

Armenian Ombudsman urges not to spread panic-creating reports over border situation

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YEREVAN, MAY 12, ARMENPRESS. The situation over the Armenian borders in Syunik province is under the spotlight of the Human Rights Defender, the Ombudsman’s Office said in a statement.

“The Ombudsman notes that the issues relating to borders understandably have a high public interest and sensitivity, and the public in its turn has a right to get complete, clear and reliable information about the situation on time.

Therefore, the competent authorities should make all efforts to spread as broadly as possible the official information in the media field, thus by ruling out the spread of disinformation.

In line with this, the Office of the Ombudsman has also detected disinformation which creates panic and tension concerning the borders of Armenia. The Ombudsman urges the media outlets and social network users to refrain from spreading such reports.

Both the Ombudsman personally and his staff are in touch with the community and state administration bodies, and necessary actions are also being taken within the jurisdictions of the Ombudsman”, the statement says.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Armenia After The Parliamentary Elections – Analysis

Eurasia Review
May 6 2021

By Emil Avdaliani

On June 20, snap parliamentary elections will be held in Armenia. The move will ease tensions in the country but will fail to end political divisions and solve structural troubles such as poor economic situation, weak judiciary, and the fragile army.

The decision to hold elections followed months of protests when all the former presidents of Armenia, the current president Armen Sarkissian, leadership of the Armenian Church and large parts of the top leadership of the armed forces acted in concert to oppose the Pashinyan government. They all blame him for the country’s unexpected defeat in the war with Azerbaijan in 2020, as a result of which Yerevan had to cede most of the Azerbaijani territory it has occupied since the 1990s, including parts of the mostly Armenian populated Nagorno-Karabakh.

Pashinyan, a protagonist of the 2018 Velvet Revolution, enjoyed widespread popularity in the first two years of his rule. However, expectations for fundamental changes proved to be too high given Armenia’s weak state institutions, polarized political culture, and corruption. Additionally, those who appeared in the government with Pashinyan mostly came from Armenia’s civil society, which meant they had only limited policy development experience.

The year 2020 was associated with some tectonic upheavals in Armenia. The human toll and economic troubles from the pandemic coupled with the war with Azerbaijan, questioned Pashinyan’s competence. His position was undermined both at home and abroad. Still, no clear alternative to Pashinyan exists, which makes observers believe that a long-term solution to the country’s woes is not forthcoming.

According to the poll by the International Republican Institute, Pashinyan’s “My Step” faction remains the country’s most popular political party with 33% support. Second is “Prosperous Armenia,” the faction led by former President Kocharian. Both have 3%, while the former ruling Republican Party has only 1%. The figures show Pashinyan is still wanted, but political apathy is also on the surge when nearly 44% of Armenians do not support any party and 45% of the population disagrees with the general direction the country heading into. This suggests that in the longer run there is political vacuum, space for a new political force to emerge.

Elections will be competitive, but Pashinyan is likely to win. After all, despite all of his mistakes, Armenia’s military losses are a result of a slow degradation of Armenia’s military potential before his coming to power and the general change in the balance of power, namely, Azerbaijan’s rapid growth as a military power; the latter’s exponential military ties with Turkey, and Russia’s opportunistic behavior during the 2020 war.

New elections may well ease tensions, but the structural problems facing Armenian politics will remain. Deeper flaws, such as a lack of accountability, a lack of an independent judiciary, and a weak parliament, will negatively affect any new government. Additionally, Armenian politics remains highly polarized and personalized, which limits the room for real political changes in the fabric of the country’s management. Long-standing problems with corruption, unemployment, emigration and an ineffective economy will remain.

The parties participating in the Armenian elections are not debating foreign policy. If since 1991 the country’s foreign policy course was always discussed, these elections mark a break with this tradition. Following the war, without the presence of Russia in the country, Yerevan would be unable to defend itself, which gives the elections an external dimension. 

And here Russia’s position matters as it is in a fortunate position to favor both sides of the aisle. Russia does not need to fully support the overtly pro-Kremlin candidate, because in reality every plausible ruling entity in Armenia will become increasingly dependent on Moscow. Take, for example, “Bright Armenia” headed by Edmond Marukyan. The party is known for its moderately pro-European attitude. However, after the 44-day war – Marukyan called for the creation of a second Russian military base in the country. 

Thus, Russia is in a perfect position. With one masterful blow in November 2020, Moscow physically placed itself in the only territorial conflict in the South Caucasus, where it previously had no direct influence. With its peacekeepers in Karabakh, and Armenian army and the general public demoralized and confused after the 2020 fiasco, Russia is Armenia’s only hope. As argued above, this becomes increasingly clear for the entire political spectrum of Armenia’s political elite. 

Thus, the election results will not entail major changes in foreign policy. Nevertheless, the results will be of great importance for the Armenian-Russian relations and Armenia’s geopolitical maneuvering. The political parties are now itching in favor of closer ties with Russia, which could change the very fabric of bilateral relations. Russia can insist on deeper integration of Armenia into its favorite economic organization – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Better trading conditions for Russian companies could be sought and more modern Russian weapons could be supplied in return.

The plausible deeper amalgamation could set a scene for a new integration pattern between Russia and the neighbors in the former Soviet space. Deeper ties with Armenia would also mean that Russia could be able to play Armenia and Azerbaijan against each other. This Russian approach is not new, but this time its intensity will be much greater. In four years, Russia will have to officially extend its peacekeeping mission in Azerbaijan. However, the Russian military presence worries the political minds of Baku. The desire to annul the Russian peacekeeping agreement will grow, and the Kremlin will have to play a smart game. 

Some concessions from Baku may be effective, but other political and military messages may work. At times, Russia will indicate to Baku that in case of its peacekeepers’ withdrawal, a much better trained and equipped Armenian army, bristling with high-tech Russian weapons, would prepare for a military campaign. Other ways to persuade Azerbaijan to a prolonged Russian presence might not work. 

Regardless of who wins the upcoming election, the structural troubles besetting Armenia will remain in place. A weak judiciary, military and the parliament will hinder the prospects for a quick solution to the traumas the country has been through since early 2020. The political landscape will remain viciously personalized, which would preclude potential cooperation between the parties to limit internal political pressure. Though Armenians nowadays think little about the country’s foreign policy, critical changes will take place – dependence on Russia will only grow because of the lack of options. Multi-vector policy attempts will cease to be made or will not bring any practical results.

This article was published by Caucasus Watch

Emil Avdaliani has worked for various international consulting companies and currently publishes articles focused on military and political developments across the former Soviet sphere.

 

Why Israel won’t follow Biden’s lead and recognize Armenian genocide

Times of Israel
April 27 2021

US President Joe Biden’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide on Saturday elicited a predictably angry response from Turkey. However, Turkey is in no position to meaningfully retaliate. Under pressure at home and abroad, Ankara is not about to back out of NATO or close down US bases on its territory.

But despite Turkey’s vulnerable state, Israel is not about to follow Biden’s lead, prioritizing strategic interests over moral declarations.

Armenians have long sought international recognition of the 1915-1917 killings by the Ottoman Empire, which reportedly left some 1.5 million of their people dead, as a genocide. Turkey — the Ottoman Empire’s successor state — strongly rejects the allegation that the massacres, imprisonment and forced deportation of Armenians from 1915 amounted to a genocide.

With the US decision, 30 countries – primarily in Europe and South America – now recognize the Armenian Genocide, according to the Armenian National Institute in Washington, DC.

To many observers, it was not a surprise that Biden took this step.

According to Samantha Power, who served as UN ambassador under former president Barack Obama, she expected her boss to recognize the genocide on its 100th anniversary in 2015. Though Pope Francis had just taken a step in that direction, referring to the slaughter of Armenians as “the first genocide of the 20th century,” Obama did not want to risk losing access to bases in Turkey with the war against the Islamic State terror group still ongoing. During a 100th-anniversary memorial mass at the Washington National Cathedral, Power tweeted Saturday, then-vice president Biden told Power that he would recognize the genocide if he were ever in the position to do so.

Khatchig Mouradian, a scholar on genocide at Columbia University and editor of The Armenian Review, said that the US had been advancing toward recognition for the past two decades, moving from questioning the veracity of the crime to acknowledging that it was indeed genocide.

“When US relations with Turkey hit a low point in 2019, the House and the Senate overwhelmingly voted for resolutions recognizing the Armenian genocide,” Mouradian pointed out. “It was only a matter of time before the executive branch followed suit. President Biden adhered to his campaign promise to finally deliver that recognition.”

Many believe that the often hostile relationship between Turkey and Israel under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan left Ankara without the support of pro-Israel groups in Washington. “This is the negative effect of the deteriorating Turkey-Israel relations on Turkish foreign policy,” said Hay Eytan Cohen Yanarocak, a Turkey scholar at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security and the Moshe Dayan Center in Tel Aviv.

The Turkish response

Turkey has always reacted furiously in its official rhetoric to accusations of genocide. It acknowledges that hundreds of thousands of Armenians died during World War I, but argues there were far fewer victims than most scholars claim, and denies any intention by Ottoman authorities to carry out a genocidal campaign against Armenians.

The Turkish position is rooted in historical pride, said Cohen. “Turkey under Erdogan is very proud of its Ottoman past. If the Armenian genocide is internationally recognized like the Jewish Holocaust, then it will be a huge stain on the perception of Turkish history.”

Many countries have refrained from recognizing the genocide out of fear of the Turkish response, which often involves recalling its ambassador for a period of time. That was Ankara’s reaction in 2011 when the French National Assembly passed a bill making it illegal to deny the Armenian Genocide. It also recalled its ambassador to the Vatican when Pope Francis used the word genocide during a 2015 mass marking the 100th anniversary of the slaughter, and its ambassador to Germany after the Bundestag passed a resolution calling the murder of Armenians a genocide in 2016.

Erdogan is unlikely to take that step against the US. “Ankara has tried to play down the importance of Biden’s genocide recognition in recent weeks, likely in an effort to avoid a major diplomatic confrontation,” Mouradian explained.

Turkey, which finds itself facing a dizzying array of challenges, doesn’t need to add a bitter diplomatic fight with the US to its list of troubles.

Turkey’s regional rivals Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and Israel joined together in the EastMed Gas Forum, and have conducted joint military exercises. Ankara also faces worsening ties with Europe. Erdogan, who has stoked Islamist sentiment, infuriated French and EU officials by stating that President Emmanuel Macron needs “mental treatment” for condemning the beheading of a French teacher who showed a picture of Prophet Muhammad.

Refugees have also been an ongoing sticking point, with Erdogan threatening to let refugees across the border into Greece if the EU does not keep its end of a 2016 refugee deal. EU leaders have also criticized Turkey for human rights abuses.

At the same time, Turkey faces dire economic challenges. The Turkish lira had been in decline while inflation rose even before the COVID-19 pandemic. These problems took on new dimensions once the virus hit: food prices skyrocketed as the lira lost 30 percent against the dollar.

Erdogan has managed to reverse some of these trends, but the government will have to continue to invest significant sums into health care and social services to deal with the coronavirus and its aftereffects. Sustained economic growth was the key to Erdogan’s popularity among the Turkish working class as prime minister, and he faces a long road back to prosperity.

Even worse for Erdogan, the US is now governed by Biden, who has had an acrimonious relationship with the Turkish leader for years. Understanding that he is in a bind, Erdogan has been trying to forge more constructive relations with its neighbors and with regional and world powers.

“Erdogan is trying to mend the fences with Joe Biden,” Cohen said. “In order to do that, he launched a new rapprochement not only with the United States, but also with the United States’ allies, meaning Israel and the European Union.”

This desire limits the severity of the Turkish response.

“Because of Turkey’s current weakness in terms of its troubled relations with many other international actors, its ability to react is limited,” said Gallia Lindenstrauss, a senior research fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. “And if it does take drastic action – like preventing access to the base at Incirlik or threatening to leave NATO – this is a double-edged sword and will ultimately cause more damage to themselves.”

So far, the Turkish response has been limited to harshly worded tweets. “We reject and denounce in the strongest possible terms the statement of the US regarding the events of 1915 made under the pressure of radical Armenian circles and anti-Turkey groups on 24 April,” tweeted Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The US decision “will never be accepted in the conscience of the Turkish people, and will open a deep wound that undermines our mutual trust and friendship,” the statement continued.

“We have nothing to learn from anybody on our own past,” tweeted Foreign minister Mevlut Causoglu. “Political opportunism is the greatest betrayal to peace and justice. We entirely reject this statement based solely on populism.”

The Turkish response is also tied to Turkish domestic politics, said Cohen.

Erdogan’s ruling AK Party forged an electoral alliance in 2019 with the ultranationalist National Movement Party (MHP in Turkish), which sealed his victory in the presidential election. AKP popularity has been in decline in recent years over serious economic challenges, fraying ties with the US and Europe, and the COVID-19 pandemic. The MHP wants to ban Kurdish parties, but Erdogan relies on Kurdish support to stay in power. He cannot risk losing the MHP either, and the party expects a strong rhetorical response at the very least to accusations that the modern Turkish state is rooted in a genocide.

“Erdogan cannot accept such a statement,” Cohen stressed.

Still, argued Cohen, in the short term there would be no further deterioration in US-Turkey ties. That is, unless Armenian-Americans pursue Turkey in American courts in light of the genocide recognition, demanding compensation for crimes committed against their ancestors.

“Turkey will not retaliate immediately,” he said. “But in case the recognition has concrete ramifications against Turkey, then Ankara will have to do something to show its constituency that it is fighting back.”

“US Federal acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide may… have direct implications on US foreign policy as well as on US courts that have in the past dismissed lawsuits seeking reparations for the crime based, in part, on the lack of Federal affirmation,” Mouradian noted. “That argument will now be off the table.”

If Turkey finds itself in that situation, it could reopen its playbook from 1975, when it shut down US military bases in the country. The drastic measure was taken in retaliation for an American arms embargo implemented after Turkey intervened militarily in Cyprus.

For Armenians around the world, US recognition constitutes an important step toward justice, Mouradian said. But Israel still has not recognized the genocide, and is not likely to in the foreseeable future.

The Foreign Ministry on Saturday said it recognized the “terrible suffering and tragedy of the Armenian people,” but stopped short of recognizing the massacres as a genocide.

“In these days in particular, we and the nations of the world have the responsibility to ensure that events like this do not again occur,” it said in a statement.

Many argue that Israel’s national security and economic interests should trump the moral imperative of recognizing the genocide of another nation, even for Israel with its intimate and inseparable bonds with the experience of the Holocaust.

“I think we should keep ourselves distant from this [genocide] debate,” argued Cohen. “From my perspective, recognition will not contribute to Israel’s national interest. On the contrary, it will create problems with Azerbaijan and Turkey.”

Israel’s refusal to recognize the genocide comes from its desire to protect ties with Turkey, which was a close strategic ally in the 1990s but has become a bitter regional rival under Erdogan. Still, Israel expects to rekindle the alliance at some point in the future.

Azerbaijan is a major purchaser of Israeli weapons. According to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (Sipri), over the past five years, Israel has been the top supplier of arms to Azerbaijan, with sales of more than $740 million, putting it ahead of Russia. It is also widely believed that Azerbaijan’s location on Iran’s border gives Israeli intelligence services easier access into the Islamic Republic.

“There should be better ways to nurture important relations than through commiserating over genocide denial,” argued Mouradian.

Another obstacle to Israeli recognition is the conviction among Jews that the Holocaust, or Shoah, was a unique event in history. “It’s hard for them to accept use of same term,” Lindenstrauss posited. “It’s easier to accept a term like tragedy.”

“This should not be a zero-sum competition over victimhood and memory,” Mouradian said.

CA Gov. Gavin Newsom acknowledges Armenian Genocide

Daily Californian
April 27 2021
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Gage Skidmore/Courtesy
On Saturday, California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued a proclamation that declared April 24 a Day of Remembrance for the Armenian Genocide. Photo by Gage Skidmore under CC BY SA 2.0 .
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California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued a proclamation Saturday that declared April 24 a Day of Remembrance for the Armenian Genocide.

In the proclamation, Newsom acknowledged how the Ottoman Empire began actively deporting and murdering Armenian people in 1915, constituting the first genocide of the 20th century. Those who were able to escape were forced to relocate to other parts of the world, Newsom added.

“Armenians bravely forged ahead in the face of unimaginable tragedy,” Newsom said in the proclamation. “Thousands made their homes in California, and we are greater for their contributions.”

Newsom’s proclamation came after President Joe Biden issued a statement recognizing the Armenian Genocide on the same day. Biden is the first U.S. president to do so, whereas former presidents have been reluctant to disrupt relations with Turkey.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has called on Biden to reverse his recognition of the Armenian Genocide. Erdoğan has not made any public comments on Newsom’s proclamation.

“Today and every day, let us recommit ourselves to making certain that we never forget the Armenian Genocide and that we always speak out against hatred and atrocities anywhere they occur,” Newsom said in the proclamation.

Armenian genocide: A question of nomenclature

India, May 1 2021
Sunday, | Makhan Saikia

For Turkey, the massacre of Armenians is an unfounded slander and the current American pronouncement is emerging simply from the country’s internal political calculations. However, it’s high time Turkey came up with a credible answer to explain the organised killing of Armenians during the Ottoman Empire

On April 24, the Armenian genocide completed its 106th anniversary. As the parties involved in the conflict are restless, the mud-slinging game is on. Joe Biden is the first American President to recognise the Armenian killing as genocide. And this has sparked a new war of words between Washington and Ankara. The diplomatic spat between the two countries have now involved senior functionaries in the administration of both the countries.

Although Biden’s historic recognition is not laced with any economic sanction or diplomatic isolation, his explosive statement will certainly rock the already tense relations between the two nations. In fact, President Biden called up his Turkish counterpart the day before he made the announcement. Earlier American Presidents did not take the risk of infuriating Turkey, a key NATO ally and a strategically critical country, straddling West Asia and Europe.

Though the US’ new position is symbolic, it equates the Armenian massacre with the genocide under Hitler, and the Cambodian genocide by the Khmer Rouge under Pol Pot from 1975-79 and finally the Rawandan genocide against the Tutsis in April 1994.

Elated at President Biden’s declaration, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has reacted by saying that is a “…powerful step on the way to acknowledging the truth, historical justice and an invaluable support for the descendants of the victims of Armenian genocide”.

However, moments after the release of Biden’s statement on Armenian genocide, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said, “The words cannot change or rewrite history. We have nothing to learn from anybody on our own past. Political opportunism is the greatest betrayal to peace and justice. We entirely reject this statement based solely on populism.”

This hints at Turkey’s sharp denial of the Armenian genocide. For Turkey, this massacre is an unfounded slander and the current American pronouncement is emerging simply from the country’s internal political calculations.

Thus, the Turkey’s Government says there was no policy of extermination to deal with the Armenian subjects under the Ottoman Empire. Key officials of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan claim that the current American stand on the Armenian genocide is simply to malign the global image of Turkey. The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs says the demographic studies show that fewer than 1.5 million Armenians lived in the entire Ottoman Empire before the First World War. Hence, there is no question of the death of 1.5 million Armenians only in Eastern Anatolia. Again, alongside the loss of the Armenians, more than 2.5 million Muslims died in the Anatolian region in the same period, they claim. Finally, the Ministry says, “Documents of the time list intercommunal violence, forced migration of all ethnic group, disease and starvation as causes of death.” Therefore, Turkey officially does not recognise the killings as genocide.

For a fact, the killing of more than 1.5 million Armenians and other Christian minorities between 1915 and 1917 by the Young Turk administration in Anatolian Peninsula is widely labelled as “genocide”. These Armenian Ottomans were killed while they were being deported from Anatolia to the Syrian desert in the peak of the First World War. The Young Turks also known as Jon Turkler (in Turkish language) were the proponents of a political reform movement that took place in the early 20th century. The Young Turks wanted to replace the absolute monarch in the Ottoman Empire in those days.

The principal aim of this movement was to establish a constitutional form of government. They led a movement known as Young Turk Revolution against the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II in 1908 which culminated in the foundation of a constitutional government in Turkey. And by January 1913, the most militant members of the Young Turks like Talat Pasa and Enver Pasa took over the regime from their liberal colleagues in a coup d’état. It must be noted here that these young revolutionaries belonged to a small group called Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), an organisation belonging to the greater Young Turks Revolution. And only during the rule of these radicals, the mass killing of the Armenians took place during the First World War.

The history, legacy and tragedy around this mass murder is shrouded in controversies and contested narratives. However historical records of the later part of the 19th century show that even Sultan Abdul Hamid advocated pan-Islamic ideals for his empire. The year 1894 witnessed brutal killing of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. The same year, rising agitations by the Armenians demanded political reform which forced the Sultan to use brutal forces to normalise the law and order situation. Contemporary historical records indicate the massacre of 80,000 to 300,000 Armenians and 25,000 Assyrians in a period of three years. Subsequently, the New York Times referred to the mass killings under Sultan Hamid as “Armenian Holocaust” in the year 1895 and popularly termed it as “Hamidian massacre”.

Therefore, it is not the only regime during the First World War but also the earlier that Sultans carried out atrocities against the Armenians and other smaller ethnic and religious groups in the Ottoman Empire.

One can possibly read what was there in the mind of Talat Pasa when he once said: “What on earth do you want? The question is settled. There are no more Armenians.”

An attempt to create a pan-Islamic and a pan-Turkic State finally led to the killing of all these Armenians. It was the hatred towards the Christians when the Ottoman Empire suffered a humiliating defeat in the historic Balkan War between 1912 and 1913. The young Turkish rulers were always suspicious of the Christian Armenians. The hardliners of the CUP strongly felt that the Armenians were collaborating with the foreign powers to harm the Ottoman Empire. After the humiliating defeat in the First Balkan War, when the Empire lost almost all their possession in Europe, the European leaders imposed a major set of reforms over the Ottomans, asking them to allow the supervision of the inspectors in eastern part of it. This directly resulted into a pure misconception among the Ottoman rulers thinking that only the Armenians were there behind this conspiracy. Thus, a sense of insecurity grew in the ruling elite that the Armenians could be working towards undermining the sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire. And all these above reasons and probably a growing movement of self-assertion among the Armenians led to the extermination of them by the Young Turk regime.

It is hard to access the exact number of Armenians lived in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War. But the Encyclopedia Britannica sources quote that there were around 2.5 million Armenians in the beginning of the 20th century in the Ottoman Empire. But today the modern Turkey has an estimated population of 70,000 of them only. The Armenians initially lived in the six provinces in the Eastern Anatolia, what is today known as Eastern Turkey.

However, these Christian Armenians never used to dominate one single area or zone. They also shared various parts of Eastern Anatolia with the Kurds population in those days. Records in Ancient history and in Middle Ages clearly say these areas were controlled by successive Armenian dynasties for long time although they used to face incursions from outsiders.

Unfortunately, by the 11th century, invasions and large migrations of Turkic population flooded the area, gradually overpowering the local Armenians. But then the worst was yet to come. By the 16th and 17th centuries, the Eastern Anatolia was incorporated into the great Ottoman Empire by the Turks, but the distinctive identity of the Armenians had remained intact. Another interesting fact was that the Armenians could always find a broader community connect with the other Armenians living beyond the Ottoman Empire in the neighbouring Russia.

For centuries, the multi-faith Ottoman Empire adopted a unique administrative mechanism called “Millet System” for its minorities. Under this system, the minorities, including the Armenians, enjoyed a considerable degree of self-governance to run their affairs. However, gradually, the Millet System declined. By the beginning of the 19th century, the rulers of the Ottoman Empire initiated a slew of administrative reforms to modernise its society and polity. On the way to modernise and secularise its institutions, the relationship between the Empire and its minorities changed.

These changes led to centralisation of power in the Ottoman state and as a result tensions rose between the majority Muslims and diverse group of minorities living within its territory.

In the past, the recognition of this tragedy as genocide has always been shaped by geopolitical games. On record, the UK, Israel and Azerbaijan have flatly refused to recognise this killing as genocide as they have been the allies of Turkey.

Whereas Lebanon, Greece and France, having large populations of Armenian descent and traditionally hostile to Turkey, have largely claimed this horrendous killing as genocide.

The reality is that truth finally prevails. And to speak no one needs to think at all. It’s time for Turkey to come up with a credible answer. The global blame game and taking political stands for saving one’s skin neither help the descendants of the victims nor the international community. However, the very use of the term genocide by Biden at this hour can rightly be called a moral slap on Erdogan.

(The writer is an expert on international affairs)  



Turkey President Bangs Back On Biden’s Armenian Genocide Label, Threatens To Recognize Killings Of Native Americans As Genocide

Armenia may put veto on Azerbaijan’s participation in EAEU session – Vice PM

Aysor, Armenia
April 16 2021

Armenia’s Vice Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan speaking to reporters at the NA today said that in near future they will present their positions over Azerbaijan’s participation in the upcoming EAEU session.

Asked about possibility of putting veto by Armenia Grigoryan said, “Of course, it is possible. First, it is not a veto. It is issue of agreeing or not agreeing. The issue of agreeing is a formal process that will end in the upcoming days and which will also register the reasons of not agreeing,” Grigoryan said.

He also added that the issue of captives is being constructively discussed with Moscow and voiced hope that solutions will be found.

Portantino Administers Attorney Oath to First Karabian Fellow Anahit Sargsyan



Sen. Anthony Portantino administers the attorney oath to Anahit Sargsyan

SACRAMENTO—Senator Anthony J. Portantino (D – La Canada-Flintridge) administered the oath for the State Bar of California to Anahit Sargsyan, the first Walter and Laurel Karabian Fellow and former Legislative Assistant in his Capitol office.

“Anahit was an outstanding choice to be the inaugural Karabian Fellow,” commented Senator Portantino. “She served our Sacramento office and the 25th Senate District extremely well.  I also appreciated her dedication to and support of Artsakh.  I had the opportunity to meet her terrific family and the privilege of swearing her into the State Bar of California, where she will continue her stellar service as an attorney,” he added.

Sargsyan was selected as the first Walter and Laurel Karabian Fellow in 2016 and placed in Senator Portantino’s 2016 State Senate campaign. Shortly after, she was hired as a Legislative Assistant in his Capitol Office. During her time at State Senate, she had an opportunity to assist the Senator on a number of important projects, including securing state funding for the Armenian American Museum and the formation of the Senate Select Committee on California, Armenia, and Artsakh Mutual Trade, Art, and Cultural Exchange.

Initiated by the Armenian National Committee of America-Western Region, the Walter and Laurel Karabian Fellowship is a nine-month experience in California that offers young Armenian-Americans the opportunity to enhance their leadership and professional skills. The purpose of this fellowship will be to produce professionals in the public policy and political arena.

Sargsyan earned her Bachelor of Arts degree with honors from the University of California, Davis, where she studied History, with an emphasis in Western Civilization.  She received her Juris Doctorate from the University of California, Los Angeles School of Law in 2020 and is currently working as an associate at a California law firm’s Los Angeles office, focusing her practice on litigation, elections, state legislation, ethics and conflict of interest, and education matters.   While attending law school, Sargsyan worked as a judicial extern at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit and as a litigation fellow at a firm in Los Angeles. She also spent a summer interning at Republic of Artsakh’s Human Rights Defender’s Office in Shushi.

Inspired by her experience of advising Senator Portantino on education policy matters, Ms. Sargsyan developed a passion for teaching and mentorship. She worked as a Graduate Student Instructor for the Freedom of Communication course at UCLA and also served as a mentor for the UCLA Law Fellows Program and as Vice-President of UCLA Armenian Law Students Association.

“Working in environments that invest in your growth early in your career is crucial,” said Sargsyan. “I am so thankful to Senator Portantino for his mentorship and to the Karabian Fellowship for the invaluable experiences they have provided me. We have many opportunities to create pathways for Armenian students interested in politics and public service. Being introduced to Senator Portantino through Karabian Fellowship was the beginning of that path for me. I encourage all young professionals to seek out mentors and programs that inspire them,” she added.

Sargsyan moved to California from Yerevan, Armenia in 2010, where she also studied law at the Yerevan State University. She joined her family in Sacramento, relying on their support to overcome the challenges of being an immigrant and navigating the educational system in the U.S. Sargsyan maintains strong ties with the realities in Armenia. She remains active in the Armenian American community, supporting various advocacy efforts for the Armenian cause, including those programs that invest in extending access to high quality education for Armenian students.