Author: Babajanian Karo

`Introductory Books on the Armenian Genocide’: Politics, Prose and Poetry

Saturday, March 3rd, 2012

By Alan Whitehorn

As we approach the 100th memorial year of the 1915 state-sponsored
mass slaughter of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, Armenians all over
the world will be reflecting in an ever more somber fashion about the
deadly fate of so many ancestors. As Armenians continue to seek to
fully understand the causes for the horrific crime of genocide,
non-Armenians will also become more aware of the Genocide. With far
less background on the history and the region, many will inevitably
ask their Armenian friends and colleagues: `Which are the most helpful
introductory books on the Armenian Genocide?’. This is not always an
easy question to answer, but as we approach 2015, it becomes an
increasingly pressing and germane question. This is not only so for
non-Armenians, but even for a younger generation of diaspora
Armenians. Five quite different books come to mind as suggestions:

Facing History, Crimes Against Humanity and Civilization: The Genocide
of the Armenians (Brookline, Massachusetts, 2004, ISBN: 0-9754125-0-7;
198 pages) (Also available in electronic format from
).
Facing History, based in Brookline Massachusetts, is the pre-eminent
educational organization preparing high school instructors on how to
teach about difficult topics such as the Holocaust, genocide, racism
and intolerance and how to foster human rights and democracy.
The book’s title reminds us of the birth in May 1915 of the
international legal concept of `crimes against humanity’. The
important new term was used to describe the Young Turk deportations
and massacres of Armenians. This book is used extensively in both
Facing History teacher workshops and by high school classes on
genocide in Canada and the United States. The book explores the
psychological and historical factors that gave rise to genocide and
its devastating consequences. The book is quite effective and well
tested in the classroom. It is broken up into 47 smaller manageable
sections, with good use of pictures, maps, posters, background
information boxes and, at the end of each chapter, thoughtful
discussion questions.
The topic of genocide is an extremely difficult emotional and
intellectual journey to travel in a single volume; hence the
attraction of breaking down the complex subject matter into more
manageable steps. While intended for a senior high school audience,
this is a well-crafted and balanced volume that would be an excellent
introduction for any adult. I continue to use the book with high
school classes. Particularly useful for teachers, an electronic
version can also be downloaded from the Facing History website:

Peter Balakian, The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and
America’s Response (New York, Harper Collins, 2003, ISBN:
0-06-019840-0; 475 pages).
Peter Balakian is a well-known Armenian-American poet, academic and
political history author. Known primarily for three books on the
Armenian Genocide (Black Dog of Fate (1997), The Burning Tigris (2003)
and Armenian Golgotha (2009), the latter by his great uncle Grigoris
Balakian), Peter is a high-profile public figure who speaks eloquently
on the Genocide.
Reflecting his literary training, the writing in The Burning Tigris is
poignant and profoundly moving. Many American readers have been
influenced by this volume. Balakian divides the book into four major
sections, commencing with the 1890s Hamidian Massacres and subsequent
American humanitarian relief efforts. The next section describes the
Young Turks violent revolutionary seizure of power and the impact of
World War I which hastened the draconian sense of urgency, growing
state secrecy and centralized coercive planning for genocide. The
heroic efforts of international witnesses such as American Ambassador
Henry Morgenthau, other diplomatic staff and missionaries are
described in the next section. The final portion notes the seemingly
doomed efforts of Woodrow Wilson for a more just post-war world and
the precedent-setting, but largely ineffective Ottoman Courts-Martial
in Constantinople. The epilogue deals with the problem of continued
Turkish government genocide denial and American complicity in this.
The book is accompanied by a substantial collection of heart-wrenching
black and white photographs.
While other more detailed scholarly works by Vahakn Dadrian, Richard
Hovannisian and Taner Akcam are available on the Armenian Genocide,
The Burning Tigris offers a very readable narrative and can serve as
an effective introductory volume for non-Armenian readers. It is
readily available at many bookstores.

Taner Akcam, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of
Turkish Responsibility (New York, Metropolitan Books, 2006; ISBN:
13:978-09050-7932-6; 483 pages)
Taner Akcam is the leading Turkish scholar writing on the Armenian
Genocide. He is a remarkably brave academic who has pioneered in the
use of extensive Ottoman and German archival sources and offered
innovative themes. As a professor of History, he currently occupies
the Kaloosdian/Mugar Chair in Armenian Genocide Studies at Clark
University. Most recently, he has co-authored with Vahakn Dadrian the
pioneering volume Judgment at Istanbul: The Armenian Genocide Trials.
The title A Shameful Act is taken from a critical comment by Mustafa
Kemal Ataturk about the treatment of the Armenians during WW I.
Akcam’s book commences with the challenges facing the crumbling
Ottoman Empire and the bleak and bloody fate of its non-Muslim
population as the multinational Empire is radically transformed into a
nationalist Turkish Republic. The Empire’s loss of its Balkan lands
was a traumatic shock that unleashed a wave of desperate and angry
Muslim refugees. Under the conditions of war, the Armenian question
took on an urgent and dramatic turn.
Akcam’s focus is on the centralized decision-making of the
revolutionary Young Turk ruling elite and their draconian decision to
commit genocide. The documentary evidence offered is impressive, with
a great amount from Turkish primary sources. It is meticulous
scholarship updated from a book Akcam originally published in Turkish
in Ankara in 1999. Despite the enormous number of footnotes, this
English translation is well-written and is an important volume on the
Armenian Genocide. The Turkish language version has already had a
major impact in Turkey.
Given the focus on the Turkish political-military decision-making
elite and its genocidal decisions, there is at times less descriptive
account about the enormous suffering of the Armenians. That was not
the primary purpose of this volume. The goal was to document Turkish
malevolent intent, planning and responsibility. This volume achieves
that educational goal resoundingly.
That said, it does raise a question that often arises in books on
genocide. To understand why such terrible events occur, we must look
at the causes. Hence we need to analyze the perceptions, motives,
plans and deeds of the people who commit genocide. However, above all
we need to understand what the victims experienced and the enormous
impact of genocide, both in the past and ongoing. To understand the
cause of genocide we must study the perpetrators, but to really
comprehend what genocide involves, we must first and foremost listen
to the voices and words of the victims. As brave and pioneering as
Akcam is as a scholar, his volume seems more suited as a second, more
advanced book to read, not as an introductory account of the Armenian
Genocide. That said, this is probably the best book for a Turkish
audience to read.

Robert Melson, Revolution and Genocide: On the Origins of the Armenian
Genocide and the Holocaust (Chicago, University of Chicago Press,
1992; ISBN: 0-226-51990-2; 363 pages)
Robert Melson, a survivor of the Holocaust, is an illustrious,
pioneering genocide scholar. He was a distinguished professor of
political science and co-director of Jewish Studies Program at Purdue
University.
His book was an early major contribution to the literature on the
Armenian Genocide and is still highly cited in academic circles. It is
an impressive comparative volume which looks in depth at both the
Holocaust of World War II and the Armenian Genocide of World War I.
This is a remarkable volume with extensive documentation, a powerful
analytical framework, and a wonderfully effective writing style, that
is no doubt enhanced by his personal experiences as a child having
fled genocide.
The book is divided into three major historical sections. The first
explores the background and conditions in the pre-revolutionary ancien
regime of the Ottoman Empire and Imperial Germany. The second section
documents the violent revolutionary goals and ideology of the Young
Turk and Nazi parties. The concluding section compares the
similarities and differences between the Armenian Genocide and the
Holocaust and explores the ruthlessly ambitious and violent nature of
revolutionary genocidal regimes. Chapter #8 is often reprinted
justifiably in edited genocide collections. It is one of the best
comparative summaries in existence of the two genocides.
While the book is analytically comparative, the format proceeds with
one chapter on the desperate plight of Armenians, followed by one on
the deadly fate of so many Jews. Due to the strong analytical
framework employed, the reader is successfully pulled along in the
twinning of the case studies. The Holocaust is the most known genocide
and the comparison, both of similarities and differences, with the
Armenian Genocide is quite instructive, even for an advanced reader.
This is a book that I have often used as one of the core texts in my
university classes on genocide. Melson’s book was praised by my
students. If I were to strongly recommend only one book for Armenians
to read on the 1915 genocide, this would probably be the volume I
would select. Part of the reason for this is that I have found that
too often Armenians lack a sufficient theoretical understanding of the
common features and dynamics of genocide in general. And too
frequently they also display a woeful lack of sufficient knowledge of
other genocides. This is the book that can address such gaps and
deficiencies. It is also a powerfully effective volume for
non-Armenians to learn about the terrible sequence of events of 1915.

Peter Balakian, Black Dog of Fate: A Memoir (New York, Broadway, 1997,
ISBN: 0-7679-0254-8; 292 pages) (New York, Basic Books, 2009, 13:
978-0-465-91019-6; 357 pages)
Balakian’s Black Dog of Fate is an earlier and quite different volume
than his political history The Burning Tigris. Instead Black Dog of
Fate is more a personal odyssey in which he discovers insights into
his family history. It begins with Peter growing up seemingly as a
typical sports-devoted American teenager, but gradually layers of the
extended family history are pealed back to reveal the horrific
suffering of the Armenian people and the need of the survivors to bear
witness. The family autobiography increasingly travels back in time to
his family’s roots in the Ottoman Empire and the terrible turmoil of
1915. This personal memoir probes beneath the surface of a peaceful
ordinary life in New Jersey suburbia to reveal the almost hidden, but
powerful memories of genocide.
Vast numbers like one and a half million are exceedingly difficult to
comprehend and can be numbing for the outsider. But personal family
accounts can be profoundly moving and extremely effective in
communicating to the reader the emotional magnitude of the losses
involved in genocide. Black Dog of Fate had a major impact on many
non-Armenians and young Diaspora Armenians. It received a glowing New
York Times recommendation and was reprinted in an expanded anniversary
edition just over a decade later. It remains a classic introductory
paperback on the 1915 Genocide. For a young teenage reader, it is an
ideal book. For others, it can be a nostalgic and quite moving account
about an adolescent coming of age and acquiring adult insight into one
of the major genocides of the 20th century. It is a memoir about a
land of immigrants, with so many heart-wrenching stories of what their
ancestors have endured. We should learn and remember.

We all need to better learn and understand. These five books can
provide a helpful introduction to this profoundly painful, but crucial
topic. If on April 24, each Armenian family would give a copy of one
of these books to a colleague, friend, public or school library, more
people would have a better chance to know and begin to understand how
1915 has defined so much of the Armenian nation.

Alan Whitehorn is author of a number of books on the Armenian
Genocide, including Just Poems: Reflections on the Armenian Genocide.

Syrian revolution and the future of the Armenian community
by Filor Nighoghosian

Published: Saturday March 03, 2012

A rare sight: an Armenian language protest sign in Qamishli opposes a
Syrian constitutional clause that restricts presidency to Muslims.
Provided by the author

Chicago – From the author: The purpose of this article is to establish
a general understanding of the situation in Syria and where the Syrian
Armenian community fits. It is an urgent call to reexamine the
dominant position of the Armenian community towards the Syrian crisis,
and is written out of a genuine concern for the future of the Armenian
community in Syria. I will provide a general background of the Syrian
revolution and its main actors, an understanding of the Syrian
Armenian community and its respective position towards the Syrian
revolution, and a discussion of the primary concerns of the Armenian
community.

The Syrian revolution: background and actors

The uprising in Syria was triggered after a number of children from
Deraa who, inspired by the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, scrawled
anti-regime graffiti on a wall and were tortured by government
security forces. Images and news of the tortures of children in Deraa
spread across Syria, and coupled with economic grievances, corruption,
and nepotism, the protests in Syria turned into a full-blown
revolution for freedom and dignity.

Local Coordination Committees emerged as primary actors in organizing
and planning protests and civil disobedience tactics in support of the
revolution on the ground. Another key group both politically and for
organizing regional protest activities is the Syrian Revolution
General Commission, headed up by Suheir Atassi.

The Syrian National Council is an umbrella organization that
encompasses many opposition blocs and serves as a political body
seeking to overthrow the Syrian regime and establish a civil
democratic state. It is supported by the LCC’s, the Assyrian
Democratic Organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, Kurdish parties, and
the Damascus Declaration signatories.

The National Coordinating Committee is another Syrian political
opposition body led by Haythem Manna. It holds a strong position
against foreign intervention, sectarianism, and violence.

The Free Syria Army is the collective name for army-defected militias
that emerged in the summer of 2011 as well as civilians who have
joined the popular armed struggle. They are not led by any central
authority or bound together by a particular ideology, and are in fact
quite diverse. There are other opposition groups within Syria,
however the ones mentioned are the key actors.

Minority Participation

While socially conservative Sunnis account for a huge number of
participants in the revolution, Alawis, Christians, ethnic minorities,
and seculars have also actively participated in all aspects of the
revolution. Although they have not participated as collective
communities, this has not stopped activists from participating in the
revolution. It is important to dispel the notion that that minorities
do not participate or that the opposition is monolithic.

Alawi and Christian activists have protested across the country.
Alawis such as Tawfiq Dunia, Nabras Fadel, and Sondos Sulaiman have
been serving as members of the Syrian National Council along with
dozens of Christians-most prominently George Sabra. Many Alawis and
Christians have been imprisoned and tortured. Some Alawis, such as
Khawla Dunia and Samar Yazbeck, have served as revolutionary writers.
The prominent Alawi actress Fadwa Suleiman, who has been leading
rallies in Homs, has been received as a revolutionary hero by Syrian
protesters.

In December 2011, Father Paolo Dall’Ogli, a Jesuit priest who founded
Mar Musa monastery, was expelled from Syria by the government for
speaking against totalitarianism and for reconciliation in Syria.
Revolutionists from all backgrounds hailed him as a hero. In the heart
of protests in Hama, a city vilified by the regime as a hotbed for
Islamic extremism, protesters raised a wooden cross with the words
“Thank you Father Paolo” written on it. The expulsion of Father Paolo,
along with the government’s new constitution maintaining the
requirement that the President be a Muslim, reminded the Christian
community that the government is not necessarily out to protect them.

Ethnic minority groups, specifically Assyrian Syriacs and Kurds, have
also played a significant role in the revolution, both serving in the
Syrian National Council as well as leading local coordinating
committees, mainly in Qamishli and Hasake.

Securing a future for Armenians in Syria

Armenians in Syria and in the Middle East in general tend to live in
isolated communities, detached from social and political life. They
overwhelmingly perceive themselves as temporary guests in the country,
as opposed to citizens who contract rights and obligations. This
mentality, which is largely to blame on the leadership of the
community, shapes their perceptions of the political realities of the
day, and compels them to support stable dictatorships in which they
can maintain these isolated and segregated communities.

This model for the Syrian Armenian community, however, is a faulty
one. It fails to conceive of Armenians as an integral part of the
fabric of Syria, while also failing to secure the future of the
community in the long term.

Approximately 60,000-80,000 Armenians currently live in Syria. They
are mainly centered in Aleppo, but also have large numbers in
Damascus, Latakia, Kessab, Der Zor, Qamishli, Raqqa, and other areas.

They maintain institutions such as schools, however under certain
limitations. Schools for example, are not allowed to teach Armenian
history. They are allowed to teach the Armenian language a certain
number of periods a week, but only because Armenians are recognized as
a religious community and not an ethnic community, thus the language
is allowed only on the basis of it being the liturgical language of
the Armenian Church.

Paruir Sevak’s last interview
by Jack Aslanian

Published: Saturday March 03, 2012

Paruir Sevak. Via Noev-Kovcheg.ru

Paruir Sevak published in English translation

Oakland, Calif. – On June 14, 1971, the Czech journalist Jiri Skoumal,
husband of the well-known translator from Armenian Ludmila Motalova,
headed for the village of Chanakhchi [Sevak’s birthplace and home, now
called Zangakatun – Trans.] to meet Sevak and record him and, in
addition, to deliver to the poet the Czech version of his “The
Irrepressible Bell Tower.” It was impossible to imagine that three
days after that conversation Sevak would no longer be alive.
The notes of that interview have been preserved, which we present
without change.

Q – What are you occupied with now, Paruir?
PS – Well, first of all, it is two years since I delivered the
manuscript of a book. It’ll be published soon. I was occupied with
that publication sponsored by the government. And second, now that I’m
working in the Academy [National Academy of Sciences], Institute of
Literature, I’m working on a book, Sayat Nova and the Armenian Middle
Ages. I’ll probably finish by year-end. For now those are my most
pressing projects. I have many ideas and plans – something for the
future. After which I must occupy myself with the translation of
Grikor Naregatzi’s [10th century, sanctified poet, theologian,
philosopher] Book of Lamentations (poem) – also under the auspices of
the Academy. That won’t be a poetic translation but a scholarly
interpretation. Which, I should by the way add, has been one of my
dreams – for years, for my entire life. As soon as I finish Sayat Nova
and the Armenian Middle Ages, I will move on to that project.

Q – Are you not going to translate Frik [13th century Armenian poet]?
PS – Indeed; before Naregatzi, one of my ideas was to translate Frik.
But because Naregatzi is in the works now, after Naregatzi I’ll move
on … my next scholarly project will be Frik.

Q – Paruir, what do you consider essential for a writer?
PS – First and foremost, independent thinking, free thinking, and
avoiding telling half truths. Without that, even if God has given one
great talent, there won’t be anything at all.

Q – They say that adverse experience is very useful to a writer …
PS – Bad experience …? Without doubt; and whoever has said that has
been absolutely right. But unfortunately, it is possible to have a bad
trial, and benefiting from that experience still go on doing bad work.
[“Experience” and “trial” are homonymous in Armenian. Trans.] That too
exists. So that, if you do not fail on a bad trial, do not feel that
you’ve erred, you may work badly all your life. And, thank God, there
are so many writers who pursued bad trials to the very end.

Q – Do you have an idea which you’re, perhaps, afraid of realizing?
PS – Many, many. I have many such ideas. First and foremost, I am
unable to realize [them] because I fear my own abilities. Yet, because
I’m soon turning fifty, if I am unable to act now I’ll never be able
to act. Probably, all that I’ve thought of, all that I’ve postponed
over years, I shall strive to accomplish henceforth.

Q – Paruir, in your opinion what are the main traits of contemporary
Armenian literature?
PS – First and foremost, our fresh literary thinking – something that
was rare some ten years ago. I consider that the most important.

Q – Someone has told me, or I’ve read somewhere, that mankind must be
prepared for a cosmic age. What do you think about that?
PS – In my opinion the issues of a cosmic age and of literature are
entirely different. It is possible to fly to the moon and return, yet
remain the same man. Therefore, it is necessary to prepare man not for
flights away from the earth, but to do something so that he can take
those flights on earth, if just from one country to another.

Q – Soon the Czech reader will encounter your book. Would you like to
say something to him?
PS – First of all I would like very much for your readers to know how
much an entire nation, Armenians, likes and feels indebted to Ludmilla
Motalova, because of whom Armenian literature today resounds in
Czechoslovakia. Coming to Czechoslovakia and in general the Czech and
Slovak people, with all my heart, as brother can wish to brother, I
wish them good fortune, happiness, and the best future.

Translator’s Note: This had been a faithful translation of an Armenian
text at Hovik Charkchyan’s Blog
(accessed in January 2012). The blogger’s sources or the circumstances
under which the text of the interview found its way into the blog are
unknown to the translator. The translator has no financial or
commercial interest in the act of translation of this piece or in its
dissemination and publication. Although the translator retains
copyright to this English translation, use is allowed provided that
credit is given to the translator.

By way of disclosure: Paruir Sevak: Selected Poems Translated by Jack
Aslanian was published in Yerevan in January 2011 pursuant to a
written consent given to the translator by both of Sevak’s sons (and
the translator has earmarked the proceeds from the sales of those
translations to be disbursed as charitable donations to undertakings
that benefit Armenian literature and literary personae). The
translation of the blog is made without commentary. Except that, for
those who are not insiders, or are xenophone and unfamiliar with
Armenian culture, brief explicatory notes are presented within
brackets ([]).

MUSIQUE
Jack Koja : la musique arménienne pour partage

Jack Koja. Un nom qui est synonyme de musique et d’ambiance
franco-arménienne que tout Valence (Drôme) et sa région connait. Avec
également le groupe de Jack Koja qui animait les fêtes arméniennes et
franco-arméniennes à Valence et ailleurs durant de longues années.
Jack Koja (Kojakian) qui était présent récemment dans une
manifestation arménienne pour mettre l’ambiance avec sa clarinette en
continuant à faire plaisir à ses nombreux fans ou amis. Jouant avec
dextérité du saxo mais également de la clarinette et du doudouk, Jack
Koja anime et met l’ambiance dans les repas dansants, soirées privées,
soirées franco-arméniennes ou autres moments de fête, seul ou en
compagnie de son fils Fabrice Koja, un véritable professionnel en tant
que D.J., organiste et technicien son et lumière de très haute
qualité. Unis par la même passion pour la musique, Jack et Fabrice
Koja, père et fils, aiment « mettre l’ambiance, par la musique et la
lumière ». A Valence, mais également à Nimes -où est installé Fabrice
Koja- Aix-en-Provence, Marseille et Nice, Jack Koja continue sa
passion : la musique pour partage.

Contact : Jack Koja : 06 62 06 42 65, Fabrice Koja (KLS Animation
musicale) au 06 03 20 44 93. Site internet :

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 4 mars 2012,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

DIPLOMATIE ARMENIENNE
Il y a 20 ans, l’Arménie était admise à l’ONU

Le 2 mars, à l’occasion du 20e anniversaire de l’intégration de
l’Arménie à l’ONU, le chef de la diplomatie arménienne Edouard
Nalbandian a diffusé un communiqué de presse. « C’est un jour
historique pour le peuple arménien » écrit-il et continue « l’Arménie
indépendante dirigée par les valeurs humanistes et des idées de paix a
intégré il y a vingt ans la famille de l’Organisation des nations
unies. L’Arménie a accepté avec honneur les règles et les devoirs de
l’ONU qui sont proches de nos valeurs. Durant les deux dernières
décennies, la volonté de l’Arménie fut de poursuivre les objectifs de
l’ONU avec la paix internationale, le maintien de la sécurité, le
règlement des différends sur la base des droit des peuples (…)
l’Arménie continuera à apporter sa participation active aux objectifs
et actions internationales de l’ONU ».

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 4 mars 2012,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

TURKEY’S SYRIACS LAY OUT VISION FOR NEW CONSTITUTION

Journal of Turkish Weekly
March 2 2012

In an unprecedented move, the political and community representatives
of the Syriac Christians visited parliament this week to express
their demands for a new civil constitution.

The delegation, consisting of representatives of the European Syriac
Union (ESU), Federation of Syriac Associations in Turkey, Mezo-Der
and the Federation of Syriac People in Germany (HSA), outlined the
problems and concerns facing the ancient Syriac community to the
Constitutional Conciliation Committee on Monday (February 27th).

“As Syriac community representatives, we emphasised that in the new
constitution there should be no reference to an ideological definition
of citizenship, but rather all people subject to the country by the
bonds of the constitution should be considered as citizens of the
Turkish Republic,” Tuma Celik, the representative of Turkey within
the ESU, told SES Turkiye.

Unlike the Greek Orthodox, Armenians and Jews — the official minority
groups according to the Treaty of Lausanne — Turkey’s remaining
25,000 strong Syriac community is not a recognised minority.

“The main problem encountered by the Syriacs of Turkey is the
recognition problem,” Celik said. By being considered “normal citizens”
without special recognition as a non-Muslim minority, the Syriacs
have had obstacles placed before them in such areas as education in
their mother tongue, he explained.

Sabo Boyaci, a leading figure of the Syriac community and editor of
suryaniler.com, agrees with him, and said that the Syriacs in Turkey
have not benefited from equal citizenship rights.

The last school of the Syriac community in Turkey was closed in 1938.

One of the oldest languages of the Middle East, the Syriac’s language
Aramaic is currently under UNESCO’s list of World Languages in Danger.

“Only 10% of Turkey’s Syriacs can speak in Aramaic while less than 1%
can write it,” Boyaci told SES Turkiye.

Evgil Turker, the head of the Federation of Turkish Syriac
Associations, also said that unlike the other non-Muslim groups living
in Turkey, the Syriac people have no hospitals, which constitutes
discrimination against the community.

“Christian Greeks and Armenians have their own schools and hospitals.

We don’t have any school or hospital which can serve our people living
in Turkey,” Turker told SES Turkiye.

Concerning the key issue of foundations and property, the community
demands the return of their foundation lands as well as lands belonging
to churches and individuals that were expropriated or occupied when
Syriac people were forced to flee abroad or migrate within Turkey.

Since World War I, there has been a steady population decline in the
Syriac’s homeland around Mardin – which now stands around 3,000 —
as a result of state policies, discrimination, economic factors and
the conflict with the PKK in the 1980s and 1990s.

“Only 10% of the foundations’ properties that had been sold to third
parties could be returned to our community,” Boyaci said. “The Syriac
people face significant cadastral problems in southeastern Anatolia
because when they emigrated from their homeland the lands they left
behind were used by others.”

Similar to Turkey’s Armenian and Greek minorities, in January the
Syriac community applied for compensation and the return of some
estates owned by the minority foundations. The move came following
the ratification by parliament of a new Foundations Law last year.

“Those lands had been ours for thousands of years, but when Syriac
people emigrated due to a number of reasons, these lands were
expropriated. There is wide media coverage for Mor Gabriel monastery,
however, we have plenty of similar cases waiting for a definitive
solution,” Turker said.

Community representatives say there is a need for specific regulations
to resolve such problems, and that the foundations’ estates should
be covered by constitutional guarantee.

Community members argue that steps need to be taken to rectify all
long-standing problems of the Syriacs and that a new constitution
would be a good opportunity to address their demands. They also
presented to the Commission a written list of constitutional demands.

“Our main expectation is that the deficiencies of the past are not
to be repeated again,” Celik said, adding that the Syriac community
should be recognised in the new constitution and related laws.

SYRIA’S CHRISTIANS: CAUGHT BETWEEN SUPPORTING ASSAD AND FEARS OF AN ISLAMIST TAKEOVER

International Business Times

March 2 2012

By Palash R. Ghosh: Subscribe to Palash’s RSS feed

While President Bashar al-Assad has appeared to have declared war on
his own people through a brutal crackdown that has claimed the lives
of at least 7,000 people since last March, it is perhaps surprising to
realize that Syria has long been a diverse society in which minorities
and women have enjoyed certain freedoms and rights that are unknown
in most other Arab nations.

Aside from the dominant Sunni Muslim, Syria’s population also boasts
communities of Christians, Kurds, Armenians, Druze and Greeks.

Assad is himself a minority belong to the Alawites, who are Shia
Muslims.

International Business Times spoke to an expert on the Middle East
to explore Syria’s demographic issues, particularly its Christian
population.

H.L. Murre-van den Berg is a professor at the Institute for Religious
Studies at Leiden University in the Netherlands.

IB TIMES: How large is Syria’s Christian community?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: It is generally estimated at about 8 to 10 percent
of the population — usually these numbers given by government
officials are on the high side.

On the other hand, the number of Christians in Syria recently went
up because of substantial numbers of Iraqi Christian refugees –
the UN up to 80,000 crossed into Syria from Iraq.

In addition, in contrast to Egypt, the Syrian Christian community is
very diverse – including Armenians, Assyrians, and Syriac-Orthodox,
among others — with many of them arriving as migrants during the
twentieth century.

IB TIMES: According to Syria’s constitution, the President of
the country must always be Muslim – despite this, is it true that
Christians have enjoyed freedom and rights in Syria?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: Yes, in general this is true – hey have enjoyed
some freedom and rights, although limited by the general limitations to
freedom of speech imposed on everyone in Syria (especially concerning
political issues), and by the limits to conversion from Islam to
Christianity.

But other than that, Christians in Syria, especially when compared to
Iraq and even Turkey, have enjoyed considerable freedom, with respect
to such things as building churches and monasteries in many places,
establishing schools and other institutions, and in openly showing
their Christian identities (through dress, etc.).

However, over the last decade the social pressure to conform to Muslim
norms (again, mostly in dress) have increased, and in some workplaces
this has caused some trouble for Christians.

In general, Christians have migrated from Syria not so much because
of violence or governmental restrictions, but rather to seek better
opportunities for education and work elsewhere in combination with
these increasing social pressures.

Indeed, Syria has low-quality state education, very expensive private
education, and a malfunctioning economy — many reasons for the
well-educated Christians to leave and thus contribute to the slowly
declining relative (not absolute) numbers of Christians.

IB TIMES: Syrian Christians have appeared to support Bashar al-Assad
during this ongoing crisis — why do they support him?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: Because most Christians think Bashar is their
best bet in securing relative peace and stability – i.e., anything
else is frightening — and because upheaval in itself that tends to
harm minorities the most; but, of course, mostly because Christians
fear a radical Islamist government will take over once al-Assad
is gone. A radical government that will not only further restrict
social possibilities for Christians but might even allow extremists
to actually attack Christians.

To what extent these fears are based on reality is uncertain, but
really very few people know what kind of government will take over –
however, it is likely that the next government will be more Islamist
than the Assad regime. Whether it will actually persecute Christians
is rather unlikely.

And also note that in neighboring Turkey, the ruling Islamist Justice
and Development Party (AK) in some ways deals better with Turkey’s
own Christian minorities than many of its secular predecessors.

IB TIMES: Assad and his regime are themselves minorities in Syria — as
Shia Alawites. Has he maintained control by allying himself with other
minority groups in the country against the dominant Sunni Muslims?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: Yes – Christians certainly belong to the wider
power base of Bashar, who especially worked to consolidate his support
through the leaders of these churches.

IB TIMES: Despite the brutality of the current crackdown, is it true
that minorities and women in Syria enjoyed a level of freedom unknown
in most other Arab nations?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: Yes, that is true.

IB TIMES: If Assad’s regime collapses, do you expect Syria’s Christians
to flee?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: Perhaps, though it is difficult to see where they
would go. I suppose most would first wait and see what comes next.

IB TIMES: When Saddam fell in Iraq, did Iraqi Christians flee to
Syria? If so, how many?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: No, they did not flee immediately, it was only
after radicals started to target Christians by bombing churches
(especially after August 2005) and kidnapping Christians, including
clergy members.

Of course, a major difference so far is that Iraq was occupied by
foreign forces which the Christians were seen (mostly incorrectly)
as supporting.

To put it another way, targeting Christians in Iraq is/was a way to
target the occupiers — which was probably one of the reasons why
the official state response was rather slow.

In addition, the American takeover had paralyzed many government
structures by removing all those associated with the earlier regime,
making it very hard to adequately respond to the violence.

I think the conclusion should be that the west should be very careful
when it considers ousting Bashar al-Assad — a western occupation may
harm rather than protect Christians and the other minorities in Syria.

IB TIMES: Did Assad and his government welcome the Syrian Christian
refugees with open arms?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: No, Syria did not welcome them with open arms,
but mostly allowed them to stay.

However, little to no financial support was provided to them, for
example, their children were/are not allowed into state schools etc.

In fact, many live in dire poverty, and depend on gifts from local
Christians, the United Nations refugee agency and other non-government
organizations.

A somewhat similar situation exists in Jordan, again with little
state support for the refugees.

IB TIMES: Are there any Christians among the Syrian opposition? Or
are they overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim?

MURRE-VAN DEN BERG: I’m not aware of the exact numbers or percentages,
but clearly there are Christians involved in the opposition.

It’s very important to realize all the different sides of the
opposition.

For example, the Kurdish population has long criticized the Assad
regime and have joined the opposition, but in some ways they are
critical of the opposition as well.

Assyrian Democratic Organization (ADO), which represents the Assyrian
people, has a long history of opposition to the Damascus government
— many of its members have served prison sentences, or have fled to
the west.

Over the last few years, however, Assad allowed the organization to
meet openly under very strict supervision and with strong limits on
its political activities. The ADO group it represents sees itself as
not only religiously, but also ethnically and culturally different
from the majority population.

MP: FRANCE SUCCESSFULLY PASSES EXAM ON DEMOCRACY

Trend
March 1 2012
Azerbaijan

March 01–Repeal by the Constitutional Council of France of the
law criminalizing the denial of the so-called “Armenian genocide”
is the success of French democracy, French culture, deputy chairman
of the Parliamentary Security and Defense Committee Aydin Mirzazade
told Trend on Wednesday.

“Oddly enough, but a country with a thousand-year history of statehood,
the experience of democracy, had to re-take the exam on democracy
and statehood, which it successfully managed to pass,” the MP said.

The decision of the Constitutional Council of France returned to
France its legal, democratic and cultural identity, said Mr Mirzazade.

He noted repealed law would return people to medieval times, when
someone was arrested or punished by a fine for what he thought
otherwise, and the adoption by such a state as France of this bill
was met with surprise in the world.

“It was a decision of a small part of France. In the National Assembly
the bill was approved by the paltry number of MPs, despite the fact
that the overwhelming majority of parliamentarians were simply not
present during consideration of the question. Opponents of the bill
had their say, turning to the Constitutional Council of France,”
Mr Mirzazade said.

The progressive international community, which, together with Turkey
and Azerbaijan, protested against the adoption of this law played
important role in this issue, the MP said.

“One of the most important results is that the latest decision of
the court of France became a slap in the face of Armenian nationalist
circles. The Armenian diaspora organizations are very strong in France,
and they hoped to spread around the world this anti-democratic decision
of France. The decision of the Constitutional Council showed that
it would never allow to oppose the racist mentality of a minority to
France’s national interests,” the MP stressed.

The Constitutional Court of France repealed a law criminalizing denial
of the so-called “Armenian genocide” on Tuesday.

The Council justified it by the fact that the law contradicts Article
33 of the Constitution of France and freedom of speech.

Following this decision, the French President Nicolas Sarkozy ordered
the government to prepare a new bill criminalizing denial of the
so-called “Armenian genocide”.

On Jan 23, after an eight-hour debate, the Senate adopted the bill
criminalizing denial of the so-called “Armenian genocide”. Some 127
senators voted in favor, while 86 voted against.

The bill demands a year’s imprisonment and a fine of 45,000 euro for
denying the so-called genocide.

Armenia and the Armenian lobby claim that the predecessor of the
Turkey — Ottoman Empire had committed the 1915 genocide against
the Armenians living in Anadolu, and achieved recognition of the
“Armenian Genocide” by the parliaments of several countries.

INCREASED TOURIST INTEREST FOR ARMENIA
Mihaela Lica Butler

Mar 02, 2012

Although the number of tourists from Turkey who visited Armenia
in 2011 decreased compared to 2010, the interest for this country
is rising in other countries, and in 2012 the country expects over
800,000 visitors, according to a press statement by Deputy Economy
Minister Ara Petrosyan last month.

To meet the demands, and to increase awareness, the country will
develop MICE tourism and plans to close more tourism agreements this
year. An agreement between Armenia and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
has already been signed this February, after Israeli Eshet Tours
company signed a deal with Armavia, Armenia’s national air carrier,
to represent the company in Israel. According to the news, Eshet Tours
will also sell tourist packages, including tours to Armenia, to promote
the country as a tourist destination to Israeli travelers and not only.

There are also ambitious projects to attract more tourists, including
building an exact replica of Noah’s Ark, with the exact biblical
dimensions, in Yerevan. Till the ark is built, Yerevan calls tourists
with other interesting activities, particularly this year when the
city is the 2012 World Book Capital.

Last year, Armenia got a superb accolade from The National Geographic
Traveler as one of the three leading countries in for adventure tourism
– a mention that could boost the flux of tourists in the country.

There should be a greater foreign interest for this destination,
especially considering that Armenia is a rather affordable destination,
compared to its neighbors. In many resorts the cost of accommodation
can be as low as US$ 13.00 per day – cheap for foreign visitors,
but not always cheap for locals, but the service is not international
standard. For class accommodation and service, prices are not that high
either. In Jermuk the average health spa price per day is US$ 50.00
and includes room, 3 meals a day, diagnosis and treatment. Similar
prices are available for accommodation in Nagorno Karabagh, and many
other resorts.

Sacred Khor Virap Monastery with Mount Ararat in the background

As far as tourist attractions are concerned, Armenia may not be
as exotic as other destinations, but it offers enough to satisfy
the most particular travelers. The country’s rich history, culture
and traditions are reflected in architecture, monuments, arts and
year-round festivals. There’s stunning nature all around – of note,
Dilijan is known as the “Armenian Switzerland.” And who can forget the
Khor Virap Monastery which offers superb views of the legendary Mount
Ararat, Armenia’s nationalist symbol, a major tourist drag in Turkey.

WRITERS’ UNION OF ARMENIA DID ELECT NEW MEMBERS FOR 3 YEARS – NEWSPAPER

news.am
March 02, 2012 | 09:45

YEREVAN. – The Writers’ Union of Armenia (WUA) has elected new members,
Haykakan Zhamanak daily writes.

“Around forty writers became Union members these days. As WUA Chairman
Levon Ananyan informed in our interview, the [Union’s] Charter
specifies that the election of new members must be organized once a
year. But such thing did not take place for already three years. ‘We
simply were mixed up,’ he argued. ‘I very much appreciate [the fact]
that the writers’ union [now] has ten young writers,’ he said,”
Haykakan Zhamanak daily writes.