Commentary: Karabagh Marching Towards Democracy

COMMENTARY: KARABAGH MARCHING TOWARDS DEMOCRACY
By Edmond Y. Azadian

July 25, 2012 2:36 pm

Whether the international community recognizes it or not, Karabagh is
marching towards democracy and self-determination. The international
community has another agenda, which certainly does not include
the security and the well being of the population in that trapped
enclave. It is up to that population to determine its future and to
guarantee its rights and prosperity.

It seems to be perfectly acceptable to that very same international
community the transfer of power from father to son in Azerbaijan,
in a dynastic set-up, thumbing their noses at international law or
democratic norms, as long as they can have access to the rich energy
reserves.

Karabagh was an autonomous oblast, even during the Soviet period,
and it was allowed to elect its own rulers.

In the wake of the collapse of the Soviet empire, Karabagh exercised
the same procedures prescribed in the Soviet Constitution to secede
from the Union as did Azerbaijan, a process that does not impinge on
Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, contrary to what the latter is
arguing in various world bodies.

As the negotiations have been continuing for two decades, Karabagh’s
people did not have to wait for the outcome of those negotiations
to elect their leaders and to develop the infrastructures of their
government.

Besides, when the time comes to involve Karabagh in the negotiating
process, certainly these elected representatives should be invited to
participate in those negotiations on behalf of the people of Karabagh.

The people of Karabagh elected their president on July 19 through
a democratic process. The participation of voters was significant:
73.4 percent of the eligible voters cast their ballots. Incumbent
President Bako Sahakian garnered 60 percent of those votes, while
his top challenger Vitali Balassanian received 32.5 percent of the
votes and Arakady Soghomonian came in third.

Dozens of international observers characterized the elections as free
and fair, despite some irregularities which ultimately did not impact
the outcome of the elections.

Of course, opinions are divided on these elections and their outcome;
Armenians in Karabagh and Armenia believe that the elections have
resulted in a new political situation, which places Karabagh on an
irreversible course of democracy, while the Organization for Security
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group representatives and Armenia’s
neighbors have other opinions. Armenia’s Foreign Minister Eduard
Nalbandian, after congratulating the people of Karabagh, commented:
“The international community will certainly be interested in dealing
to deal with authority elected by the people of Karabagh, especially
in view of the fact that the Minsk Group’s agenda has mandated such
a prospect.”

Continuing his comments he said, “the people of Karabagh once
more proved their determination to achieve their destiny through a
democratic process.”

Even a few US congressmen hailed the process and the outcome at these
elections, including Howard Berman, Adam Schiff, Frank Pallone and
Ed Royce.

The latter commented that the “electoral process is working in
Karabagh. The voting proved that democracy is active there.”

It would have been too good to be true had the Minsk Group
representatives given the same positive assessment. Instead, they
issued statements underlining that no country recognizes Karabagh’s
independence and that these elections do not have any bearing on
the ongoing negotiations, nor on their outcome. However, there is a
positive element in their statement that “the co-chairs of the Minsk
Group accept the need for the de facto authorities to regulate the
life of the people through these democratic processes.”

Once again mischief comes from Armenia’s only fellow Christian nation
in the Caucasus, Georgia. Indeed, Georgia’s Foreign Ministry issued a
statement on the site of Gruzia online that it does not recognize the
“so-called presidential elections” in Karabagh.

Had the Georgian authorities been satisfied with that statement,
no sinister intention would have been inferred, because observers
know that is a position of principle for Georgia, as Tbilisi has lost
two regions, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Nor has Tbilisi recognized
Kosovo’s independence, despite the decision of the International
Court of Justice on July 22, 2010 that Kosovo’s independence does
not violate international law.

By the same token, the Tbilisi government has not recognized the
independence of South Sudan. But the Georgian authorities have
gone further to betray their perennial animosity towards Armenia
by stating: “The Georgian Foreign Ministry unequivocally supports
Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and does not recognize the so-called
‘presidential elections’ in Karabagh.”

Every time, the authorities in Yerevan come out with statements that
relations between Armenia and Georgia are improving, the leadership in
Tbilisi manages to torpedo those positive statements by corresponding
acts of enmity.

The people of Karabagh have beaten their oppressors in a war forced
upon them. They maintain their vigilance and combat readiness for
any eventual danger while they build a democratic society which could
never have existed under Azeri rule.

The people of Karabagh have expressed their will through the recent
presidential elections and they are marching towards democracy
in unison.

http://www.mirrorspectator.com/2012/07/25/commentary-karabagh-marching-towards-democracy/

The Peaceful Resident Tell The Details Of The Firing Incident By The

THE PEACEFUL RESIDENT TELL THE DETAILS OF THE FIRING INCIDENT BY THE AZERBAIJANI SIDE

ARMENPRESS
25 July, 2012
YEREVAN

Yerevan, July 25, ARMENPRESS: The health state of the Tavush region
resident Vachik Melkumyan is relatively good. The latter was wounded
in the Armenian-Azerbaijani contact line.

As “Armenpress” reports Vachik Melkumyan stated this in the meeting
with the journalists and represented all the details of the incident:
“It was 5 in the morning. I went to spray the garden, to cultivate
the beds, and that time the sniper fired at my direction and now I
am wounded” the resident recalled.

The latter also mentioned that a few minutes after being injured,
trying not to lose control he was able to call his relative and move
about 100 meters before the aid arrival. “The Armenian position
holders helped me, that time the Azerbaijani side twice fired at
their direction”, stated Vachik Melkumyan.

Karabakh war participant Melkumyan now feels good, but in the interview
with the journalists he noted that he was subjected to surgery and
now gets postoperative treatment.

Rep. Jim Costa Says U.S. Stands With Artsakh People

REP. JIM COSTA SAYS U.S. STANDS WITH ARTSAKH PEOPLE

PanARMENIAN.Net
July 25, 2012 – 21:52 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Rep. Jim Costa, who represents much of California’s
Central Valley, issued a statement on recent presidential elections
in Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic.

He said: “The United States stands with the people of Nagorno Karabakh
because our citizens share so many of the same foundational ideals,
including a commitment to the values of freedom, human rights,
self-determination and democracy. With these most recent elections,
the people of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic have truly lived up to
the promise of democracy.”

Nagorno Karabakh held presidential elections on July 19. Bako Sahakyan,
gained 47 085 (66,7%) of the votes to win the presidential race. His
major rival Vitaly Balasanyan garnered 22 966 (32,5%) of votes while
Arkady Soghomonyan received 594 (0,8%) of votes.

Russian State Duma’s Chairman Visits Armenia

RUSSIAN STATE DUMA’S CHAIRMAN VISITS ARMENIA

Vestnik Kavkaza
July 24 2012
Russia

Russia continues mediatory efforts for a peaceful settlement of the
Karabakh conflict and reaching an agreement acceptable for all parties,
the speaker of the Russian Duma, Sergey Naryshkin, said in Yerevan,
News.am reports.

Addressing representatives of science at the Armenian National Academy
of Sciences on Tuesday, he said Russia hopes for positive movement
in the peace process.

He reminded his listeners about the 20th anniversary of the
establishment of Armenian-Russian diplomatic relations this year.

Naryshkin noted Armenian-Russian relations are an example of
centuries-long fraternity.

The Russian official touched upon Armenia possibly joining the Customs
Union, saying the union between Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia is open
to all CIS states. According to him, Armenia may join the structure, if
there is political will. He pointed out ratification of the agreement
on free trade zone in CIS area as a first step.

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan on Tuesday received a delegation
led by Naryshkin.

Armenian President Appreciates Russian-Armenian Partnership

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT APPRECIATES RUSSIAN-ARMENIAN PARTNERSHIP

Vestnik Kavkaza
July 24 2012
Russia

Armenia’s relations with Russia are crucial for the country, Armenian
President Serzh Sargsyan said at a meeting with Russian parliamentary
speaker Sergey Naryshkin, RIA Novosti reports.

Armenia is interested in developing bilateral cooperation, the
president said.

Sargsyan expressed hope that Naryshkin’s visit will provide new
impetus to developing Armenian-Russian strategic relations.

.

Armenian, French Foreign Ministers Discuss Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Pr

ARMENIAN, FRENCH FOREIGN MINISTERS DISCUSS NAGORNO-KARABAKH PEACE PROCESS

Vestnik Kavkaza
July 24 2012
Russia

Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian has met his French
counterpart Laurent Fabius in France, NEWS.am reports.

Fabius noted that the two states have close friendly ties. The two
foreign ministers discussed development of bilateral cooperation,
international and regional issues.

They touched upon cooperation programs, exchanged views on cooperation
within the framework of international organizations, the International
Francophony Organization.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was also an essential topic of talks.

Nalbandian thanked the constructive part of France as a co-chair of
the OSCE Minsk Group.

Turks Turn To Twitter As Erdogan Muzzles Traditional Media

TURKS TURN TO TWITTER AS ERDOGAN MUZZLES TRADITIONAL MEDIA

The Christian Science Monitor
July 23, 2012 Monday

With journalistic freedom diminishing in Turkey, Twitter has emerged
as a powerful work-around for independent reporters.

When Turkish journalist Serdar Akinan awoke last December to find
his Twitter feed abuzz with rumors of a “massacre” in the country’s
southeast, he naturally switched on the television. When he flicked
through the channels and found nothing but the usual grind of daily
news, he called his friends at the TV stations.

“They said it was true; they had pictures,” Akinan recalls. “But
their editors wouldn’t air them because they were waiting for an
explanation from the government.”

In the end, it was more than 12 hours before mainstream media reported
the news that Turkey’s military had killed 34 of its own civilians
in a botched airstrike near the Kurdish village of Uludere on the
Iraqi border. By the time the first reports aired – cautiously
sticking to government statements – Akinan, a newspaper columnist,
had flown to Uludere, and was tweeting images of the funerals to his
80,000 followers.

“It was viral, people started to retweet my pictures,” says Akinan.

“The conventional media was helpless, they couldn’t hide the photos
any more.”

With Turkey mulling further curbs on already limited press freedom,
Akinan’s story illustrates how Twitter is emerging as a powerful tool
to bypass – and discredit – the country’s muzzled news outlets.

“We have a real news alternative with social media,” says Ozgur Uckan,
a professor of economics at the communications faculty of Istanbul’s
Bilgi University. “Twitter particularly is having a big impact on
freedom of information.”

Turkey already has more journalists in prison than Iran and China,
mostly on dubious charges of “terrorism.” It is also ranked 148th
out of 179 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ 2011-2012 Press
Freedom Index. More curbs may be coming: This month lawmakers from the
ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) said they were considering
introducing changes to press laws that could restrict reports on
grounds of “disrupting public morality.”

Meanwhile, Turkey now ranks 11th in the world for Twitter usage,
according to Semiocast, a company specializing in digital analytics.

Uptake of social media is driven by Turkey’s increasingly tech-savvy
population. Around a quarter of the country’s cell phone users own a
smart phone, the second highest rate in Central and Eastern Europe,
according to market research company GfK.

Last year, frustrated by the media’s coverage of a controversial trial
in which several journalists were imprisoned, 20-year-old Engin Onder
and three friends started going to hearings themselves.

“We need a platform to receive unfiltered news,” says Mr. Onder,
a communications design student at Istanbul’s Bahcesehir University.

“What we heard in the courtroom wasn’t in the mainstream media,”
he says. “You see biased approaches, they manipulate the speeches
given in the courtroom.”

The group set up a twitter account, @140journos, specifically to
cover stories ignored in the media. Inspired by the role of Twitter in
exposing the silence of the traditional media, they are now designing
a smart phone application to allow users to become newsgatherers.

Media grows more timid

The surge in social media usage comes at a time when the mainstream
media is becoming increasingly unwilling to take on controversial
stories.

“It’s become normal to praise the government in the media, and
criticism has become unacceptable,” says Ece Temelkuran, a columnist
who earlier this year lost her job at the Haberturk newspaper after
she was stridently critical of the Uludere killings.

Since the AKP was elected in 2002, several formerly taboo topics
are now freely discussed, including issues relating to the restive
Kurdish minority, and the systematic massacres of Turkey’s Armenian
population in 1915.

Temelkuran and others, however, claim that there are new taboos,
including criticism of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

In recent months a string of prominent journalists have, like Ms.
Temelkuran, been fired after criticizing Mr. Erdogan or his government.

Most recently, in May, pro-government newspaper Yeni Safak fired
columnist Ali Akel after he wrote an article in which he also strongly
criticized the prime minister’s handling of the Uludere tragedy.

It was not always like this. In the early years of AKP, much of the
country’s media was strongly critical of the government.

Turkey’s news organizations have long been owned by a handful of
corporate empires with wide business interests. Most of these were
initially hostile to the AKP, whose Islamist origins placed it in
stark opposition to what was then a staunchly secular establishment.

But as Erdogan has cemented his grip on power, he has become less
tolerant of criticism, and Turkey’s media barons now antagonize him
at their peril.

In 2009, the AKP appeared to make an example of the largest media
empire, the Dogan group, by hitting its parent company with a $3.8
billion tax fine. Many regarded the fine as a retribution for the
Dogan media’s relentless coverage of a corruption scandal allegedly
involving members of the AKP.

“It’s very easy to control the media now. The government either buys
them or threatens them,” says Akinan.

Many following Turkish tweets

As the Uludere tragedy coverage showed, Twitter has already developed
into a powerful tool for disseminating news. Turkish journalists’
Twitter followings often dwarf those of their foreign counterparts,
even in countries where usage far outstrips Turkey’s.

Temelkuran has more than 300,000 followers, outstripping almost all
the most prominent TV and print journalists in the UK, which has
nearly four times as many Twitter users as Turkey.

“It’s crazy,” says Akinan, who now has more than 100,000 followers.

“It’s not like I’m a celebrity or a beautiful woman posting pictures
of myself. I’m a journalist.”

Professor Uckan says that whilst Turks may not trust their newspapers
and television stations, they often do trust the reporters who work
for them.

“People don’t see the mainstream media as a source of real news,
but they respect a lot of journalists and follow them on Twitter,
hoping to get the news that they can’t publish in their newspapers.”

Turkey’s courts, who are notoriously aggressive in applying the
country’s restrictive freedom of expression laws, are waking up to
the trend.

In the most prominent case so far involving Twitter, the Turkish
pianist and composer Fazil Say was last month charged with “publicly
insulting religious values adopted by a part of the nation” for
comments he made on Twitter. He could face 18 months in prison if
convicted for publicly citing a verse by 11th century Persian poet
Omar Khayyam that ridiculed the Islamic notion of paradise.

Despite the growing restrictions, most people in the industry believe
the role of social media will continue to grow, particularly among
Turkey’s young population – half of which is under the age of 29.

“It’s changing people’s thinking,” Akinan believes. “The government
will keep controlling the national media, but social media is
uncontrollable, and is getting more powerful day by day.”

Citing the role of social media in last year’s Arab uprisings, Akinan
believes it could have a similar impact on Turkey’s Kurds.

“You won’t see Tahrir Square in Istanbul,” he says, “But you could
see it in Diyarbakir [the largest Kurdish city in Turkey’s southeast].”

Taxi Driver Carried Drugs In Armenia’s Capital

TAXI DRIVER CARRIED DRUGS IN ARMENIA’S CAPITAL

news.am
July 24, 2012 | 18:13

YEREVAN. – A taxi driver Suren A., was detained as Armenian police
has noticed how the latter threw a package on seeing police officers,
State Police Service informs Armenian News-NEWS.am. The substance in
the package resembled to cannabis. An examination is appointed and
an investigation is underway.

Besides, Armenia registered car accidents on Monday. VAZ vehicle
crashed with a bridge on Sevan-Chambarak road, as a result, the driver
and the passenger were hospitalized.

VAZ and GAZ vehicles crashed on Getap-Martuni road, as a result,
GAZ driver and VAZ passenger were hospitalized.

Opel vehicle ran over 58-year-old man on Tigranyan Street and took
him to hospital.

Volkswagen vehicle hit-and-run two women on Yerevan-Gyumri road, the
injured are hospitalized, while the driver later confessed himself
to police.

Grand Cherokee ran over a 5-year-old boy on Ararat-Vedi road and took
him to hospital.

Mercedes vehicle crashed with GAZelle in Gyumri, as a result,
two passengers were hospitalized. Investigations are underway for
all cases.

Now Embarking: An Artistic Interpretation Of The 1947 And 1949 Armen

NOW EMBARKING: AN ARTISTIC INTERPRETATION OF THE 1947 AND 1949 ARMENIAN REPATRIATION

July 24, 2012 11:05 am

Repatriates in Yerevan 1950-51 with the Antaramian American Nash
Ambassador (known as the car with the visor) By Hazel Antaramian-Hofman

I was born in 1960, in Yerevan, Armenia, yet spoke little Armenian
and what I did speak was Western Armenian. As a young child, I always
wondered why I came from such an exotic place when my father was
born in Kenosha, Wis., and my mother was from Lyon, France. Only
after years of hearing stories did I realize that I was the product
of two Armenian Diaspora post-World War II repatriate children, who
were compelled by their father and mother’s emotive sense of hayrenik
to leave one known cultural and ideological ground for another.

The post-WWII repatriation movements uprooted many Armenians from
all over the world: France, Lebanon, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, Syria,
Bulgaria, Romania, Palestine, the United States, even some from
Sudan, Iran, Iraq, India, Uruguay, Argentina and China. It was an
orchestrated campaign to repopulate what fraction that remained of
a vast land well-documented as the ancestral home of Armenians from
the time of Darius the Great. But the repatriates were headed not
to the romanticized, vast ancient land of their forebears, but to a
“sovietized” Armenia under Stalin. It was a migratory event complete
with personal and spiritual dispossession and cultural disparity.

The Republic of Armenia was in a state of extreme poverty after
World War II. By November 1945, Stalin authorized the return of
Armenians to Soviet Armenia with the incentive of bringing in new
life in the construction, vitalization and economic development to
a destitute Soviet Republic. Armenian nationalistic organizations,
political parties and religious leadership organized efforts of the
repatriation. The Armenian Repatriation Committee stressed the need
to nationally support the country of Armenia while downplaying the
reality that Armenia was now a Soviet-dominated country.

The basic repatriation story is riddled with individual twists and
turns, but in most cases, there was a common thread: more often,
a nationalistic, or at times, a socialist-leaning decision was made
by a patriarch or a matriarch, who uprooted their family in response
to an emotional global appeal encouraged by Soviet propaganda. The
call to Armenians worldwide was a maneuver to attract young people
of child-bearing ages; to secure skilled workers and professionals
from developed countries; and to obtain new technologies and products.

Encouraged by promises of free housing, land to build upon and job
opportunities, those who left the Diaspora made their life-altering
move with false hope. Upon their arrival, they witnessed unimaginable
social and economic conditions, with no opportunity to leave the
Soviet bloc Armenia or regain their confiscated citizenship papers.

The collective social memory of many hayrenadartsner was one of
betrayal and deceit under the guise of a patriotic call. Those who
survived the times would later tell stories concerning backward social
economics, disease, discrimination, psychological anxiety and physical
brutality encountered under the Soviet system. Zabel (Chookaszian)
Melconian, a 23-year-old New York native left the United States
in 1947, to support her father’s decision to move to Armenia. After
experiencing abysmal living conditions, she recalls trying to warn her
relatives in America not to come to Armenia by sending them cryptic
messages in outbound letters, which were routinely censored.

Scholarly articles, lectures and testimonial documentation have
only begun to shed light on this period in Armenian history. Crosby
Phillian, a native New Yorker, who left the United States in 1949,
at the age of 16, says that “survival” was the sole mantra of many
repatriates who when living in Armenia had to sell their personal
belongings on the black market for a few rubles in order to eat for
the week. The sale of goods on the black market became a ritual
every Sunday. Anxiety-ridden akhbars were at the mercy of those
who had some money and knew how to work the system. Phillian, who
currently lives in France, also notes that the unwritten law in the
Soviet Union at the time seemed to be standing in long lines to buy
basic food items, such as bread, meat or cheese. Bursting crowds,
arguments and physical fights were not unusual occurrences in these
lines. There was even an occasional death. Phillian remembers when a
man who was trying to simply buy some cheese was killed by a woman’s
shoe heel striking his head.

My own personal memory of life as a child in Armenia is limited and
untainted by the social conditions experienced by my elders. Later in
my life, when I listened to family stories, I knew that there was a
painful difference in the cultural experiences of my parents between
the times they grew up as youth outside of Armenia and later as they
matured during their formative years in Armenia. Upon reflection,
I can only imagine the culture shock witnessed by those who grew up
in the late 1940s in the United States, where the sounds of Count
Basie, Benny Goodman and Frank Sinatra were popular, and the faces of
Cary Grant, Humphrey Bogart, Lana Turner and Loretta Young dominated
the silver screen. To understand and to retell the story, I turned
to ethnographic research and to my art. In 2010, I began personal
interviews and the collection of family photographs, memoirs and travel
papers. Based on these sources along with historical documentation,
my interest was to capture this multi-faceted story through paintings,
drawings and installation art, as an expression and interpretation
of social experiences. When author and family friend Tom Mooradian
visited Fresno in the Fall of 2009 (and then later in 2011), during
the promotion tours of his memoir, Repatriate: Love, Basketball
and the KGB, I found that we shared each other’s understanding that
there were more personal histories that needed to be documented. But
as I indicated to Tom, my goal was not to write people’s individual
biographies, but to use imagery and text to narrate the story of the
late 1940s repatriation within the manifold of twentieth-century
Armenian history. Not only would I better understand my own early
personal story, but I would be able to collect oral history to
artistically interpret the culture shock, loss of freedom and the
ideological turmoil that shaped the historical time of the akhbars.

In December 2011, I traveled to Paris, France, to make contact with
old family friends who had repatriated in 1947 and left Armenia in
1966. Stories about the post-war departures from France to Armenia
were convoluted, depressing and at times surreal. Over six decades
have passed since a bizarre stand-off at the Marseilles port just days
before the Russian repatriation ship set sail on December 24, 1947.

Stranded aboard the Pobeda, 300 French-Armenians awaited their travel
plans. They were denied permission by French authorities to sail from
Marseilles and subsequently told to disembark. The ship eventually
set sail with 1,122 Armenians, without the 300 French-Armenians who
the French considered part of their citizenry. Twelve-years old at
the time, Virginia (Hekimian) Antaramian, who was born in France
to foreign born parents, recalls several sketchy events of that
day. She remembers being surreptitiously guided to the ship by her
communist Uncle Hagop Chiljian like many other French-born children
of French-Armenians, then waiting in hiding onboard expecting to be
joined later by her parents. For the French, who lost many citizens
in the war, it was a matter of safeguarding their young populace.

Virginia heard about other children who were placed in a similar
situation. They were covertly taken to the main ship in small boats
in the middle of the night to get on board without knowledge of the
French authorities, or were carted in large crate boxes to the Pobeda.

Ultimately, those who were not originally given permission to sail
from Marseilles were allowed to leave France.

In March 2012, I took my second journey to collect stories and
photographs for my project. I went to Yerevan to visit an old family
acquaintance and her family. She was not part of the repatriation,
but during her younger years she had befriended many Armenians who
came from America and France. As we gathered for our evening meals,
neighbors or workplace friends, people who either remembered stories
of repatriates or were themselves children of repatriates but never
had an opportunity to leave the country, came to tell stories. The most
interesting stories shared were those of the unrecognized contributions
in technology and specialty trades that Armenians from the diaspora
made to Armenian society. All in all, the cosmopolitanism of Yerevan
was born from those Armenians who came from the outside.

I have just begun my artistic journey of the postwar Armenian
repatriation. From my visits thus far I have collected over 45 black
and white photographic images of repatriate children and families
taken in Armenia from 1947 to 1966. The photographs collected are
to be complied in a database for my artistic interpretation as well
as archival documentation. In a melange of drawings, paintings and
installation art scheduled for exhibition in Spring/Summer 2013, the
imagery will be used to interpret the cultural, social and economic
situations of that period. I am also documenting short stories that
narrate the circumstances and emotions of the people who experienced
the events during this particular episode in Armenian history.

Clearly, it is another facet of the social aftermath of the Armenian
Genocide.

(Hazel Antaramian-Hofman is interested in collecting more
photographs and interviewing more people for their stories. If
readers are repatriates or know of others, they can contact her at
[email protected], with “repatriate project” in the subject
line.)

http://www.mirrorspectator.com/2012/07/24/now-embarking-an-artistic-interpretation-of-the-1947-and-1949-armenian-repatriation/

Number Of Karabakh Students Studying Abroad Increases Year By Year

NUMBER OF KARABAKH STUDENTS STUDYING ABROAD INCREASES YEAR BY YEAR

tert.am
24.07.12

Karabakh President Bako Sahakayan received on 24 July a group of
Armenian students studying abroad with the assistance of the “Luys”
fund.

Central Information Department of the Office of the Artsakh Republic
President reported that President Sahakyan noted with satisfaction
that our compatriots who have studied in leading foreign universities
already work in different departments and organizations of the
republic.

According to Bako Sahakyan the number of Artsakh students studying
abroad increases year by year and the country will continue to assist
them in this process.

The Karabakh president also discussed with the students issues related
to the domestic and foreign policies of Artsakh.

Karabakh education and science minister Vladik Khachatryan was present
at the meeting.