Author: Babajanian Karo

100 LIVES INITIATIVE FOR THOSE WHO SAVED ARMENIAN LIVES DURING GENOCIDE (VIDEO)

March 10, 2015 – 13:46 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – The 100 LIVES initiative is launching Tuesday, March
10, expressing gratitude to the individuals and institutions whose
heroic actions saved Armenian lives during the Genocide 100 years ago.

The purpose of the 100 LIVES initiative is to address the issues of
genocide, human rights violations and the power of positive action
through three key elements:

-Learning from the past by issuing a global call to unearth the untold
stories of survivors and saviors from the Armenian Genocide that will
be brought to life on 100LIVES.com;

-Delivering for the present by introducing the Aurora Prize for
Awakening Humanity, a new global humanitarian award that will be given
to people who put themselves at risk to enable others to survive and
thrive; and

-Shaping a better future by administering Gratitude Projects to
organizations and in communities that played a prominent role in
saving Armenian lives a century ago.

The 100 LIVES initiative was founded by international businessmen and
philanthropists Ruben Vardanyan and Noubar Afeyan and humanitarian
Vartan Gregorian to demonstrate the impact of the Armenian Genocide
and how many of the survivors and their families went on to lead
successful lives making significant contributions to global culture,
the arts, sports, science and business.

An estimated 1.5 million died during the Armenian Genocide between
1915 and 1923. Around 500,000 survived, many through the intervention
of individuals and institutions and there are now Armenian Diaspora
communities around the world from Argentina to Australia.

“The humanity, generosity, strength and sacrifice shown by those who
saved so many Armenians compels us to tell these stories,” said Ruben
Vardanyan, co-founder of 100 LIVES. “Now is the time to shine a light
on those most extraordinary lives, to build on the lessons they teach
us, and to express our gratitude for what they did.”

Along with honoring past survivors and saviors, the program will
establish the Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity as a means to empower
modern-day saviors. The annual grant of $1 million will be awarded
to a recipient who will, in turn, present it to the organization
identified as the inspiration for their action.

The Aurora Prize brings together leading human rights luminaries
from around the world including Academy Award winner George Clooney,
Nobel Peace Prize winners Elie Wiesel and Oscar Arias, former UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, UN Secretary-General
Advisor on Genocide, Gareth Evans, globally respected human rights
activist Hina Jilani and President of the Carnegie Corporation of
New York, Vartan Gregorian, to serve on its Selection Committee.

Clooney will award the inaugural Prize at a ceremony to be held in
Yerevan, Armenia on April 24, 2016.

“I am honored to be associated with 100 LIVES as it shares a common
mission with my foundation, Not On Our Watch, to focus global attention
on the impact of genocide as well as putting resources towards ending
mass atrocities around the world,” said George Clooney.

“It should weigh heavily on all of us that genocide still takes place
today,” he added. “We have to tackle this head on–as individuals,
as communities and as governments.”

Clooney will join renowned human rights advocate and chairman of
the American Holocaust Memorial, Elie Wiesel, as co-chairman of the
Prize’s Selection Committee. Additional members will be named over
the next few months to complete the committee and provide human rights
expertise from every geographic region in the world.

“I have personally witnessed the devastation that genocide wreaks,
which sadly continues today,” said Elie Wiesel. “But I also recognize
the resilience of the human spirit,” he continued. “We must remember
and honor the remarkable efforts of those saviors who intervened a
century ago to prevent such atrocities from ever happening again.”

The Aurora Prize was named after Aurora Mardiganian who, as a child,
was forced to witness the atrocities of the Armenian Genocide,
including losing her father and brothers. Against the odds she survived
and went on to devote her life to providing humanitarian relief and
raising awareness of the Armenian Genocide, including starring in a
famous film called Ravished Armenia in 1919.

The Prize is also inspired by the thousands of untold stories of
courage and survival during these events a century ago.

“Resilience, strength, survival and gratitude are characteristics
exhibited by Armenians, though not by us exclusively. They are found
in all people,” commented Noubar Afeyan. “We developed the concept
of #BeArmenian #BeAlive to encapsulate the strength of the human
spirit–not just for Armenians, but for everyone.”

As part of its efforts, 100 LIVES also hopes to digitize the written
record of the Armenian Genocide, a substantial undertaking, yet one
which the founders believe can help safeguard the historical archive
in perpetuity and ensure it can be accessed by anyone.

“There are a small number of survivors of the Armenian Genocide
left with us. It is crucial that we ensure that, as we approach the
centennial, we take this opportunity to leave a lasting imprint of
what happened a century ago onto the world’s collective conscience,”
remarked Vartan Gregorian.

AMNESTY IS A MUST AHEAD OF GENOCIDE CENTENARY – SPECIALISTS

14:26 * 10.03.15

Declaring amnesty is a must for the Armenian authorities ahead of
the Genocide centennial, says a human rights activist.

“Being against amnesty today is practically wrong. I personally find
that amnesty in Armenia is a compromise between the courts and the
society,” Avetik Ishkhanyan, the chairman of the Armenian Helsinki
Committee, told Tert.am.

Ever since gaining independence, Armenia has declared amnesty four
times – in 2006, in 2009, in 2011 and in 2013.

Ishkhanyan says his study of the practice in developed democracies
reveals that the measure is very rare in civilized countries where
the judiciary is more independent and developed (allowing for early
release etc) and the penitentiary institutions – better equipped.

“In Armenia, the judiciary is the authorities’ appendage, with the
early release mechanisms not functioning in practice. Amnesty is in
a way a compromise to people convicted unfairly or serving time in
severe conditions. [By doing this], Armenian authorities often find
the way to release also political prisoners,” he said, adding that
any objection to amnesty would imply expression of support to inmates’
continuing suffering in prisons.

Meantime Ishkhanyan agreed that amnesty decisions also provoke
crime-related tension in the country, often leading up to the detention
of recently released convicts. But he nonetheless emphasized the
importance of the measure. “Inmates look forward to what the call
amnesty because they no longer pin hope on unfair courts and the
possibility of an early release,” he noted.

Lilit Sahakyan, a member of the Chamber of Advocates, also agreed that
amnesty is a necessity for Armenia. “Given that the isolation wards
are really overcrowded, with cells for eight people often housing
18-20 detainees, amnesty is a must,” she told our correspondent.

On the other hand, the lawyer said she doesn’t adequately treat the
situation in Armenia. “Instead of fulfilling their obligations under
the law and avoiding the enforcement of detention as a precautionary
measure, courts try to all the time resolve the problem through
amnesty,” she explained.

Although amnesty may prove a temporary solution to the overcrowding
problem in Armenia’s penitentiaries, courts should properly perform
their duties to rule out regular need for amnesty.

Any amnesty could be timed to any date.

“I think we have to declare amnesties in Armenia. Otherwise, the
government may soon face problems involving Article 3 of the relevant
convention,” Ms Sahakyan said.

Law is not the real problem.

“If the law is harmonious we will not have any problems. In fact, a
restraint is applied in almost all the cases when a relevant petition
is filed. Alternative measures of restraints or declined petitions
are a low percentage,” she said.

Ms Sahakyan points out a higher number of petitions.

Although the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) considers this
practice a violation of human rights and lists the cases when arrest
can be a restraint, the situation has not changed.

“Although the Court of Cassation returns verdicts as case law, which
are supposed to regulate the field, it is the Court of Cassation
itself that is inconsistent in honoring the verdicts. That is, there
is no will to change the situation.”

ARMENIA: IS YEREVAN DOING THE KREMLIN’S BIDDING TO ‘NEUTRALIZE’ NGOS?

The Moscow Times, Russian Federation
March 9 2015

By Marianna Grigoryan

Activists in Armenia are worrying that new government-proposed
requirements for nongovernmental organizations will undermine Armenia’s
relatively freely functioning civil-society sector. Some believe that
the Armenian government, in mulling upending the status quo, is seeking
to please the country’s economic and strategic overlord — Russia.

In 2014, the Washington, D.C.-based watchdog group Freedom House
lauded Armenia’s civil society as “active, diverse and independent.”

The proposed amendments threaten to throw Armenia’s civil-society
sector into reverse gear.

Under amendments to Armenia’s law on nongovernmental organizations,
drafted last November, NGOs would need to provide officials with
detailed, annual financial reports, as well as be subjected to a
yearly audit. The government would be able to petition a court to
annul the registration of any NGO that fails twice to comply with
these requirements. Justice Ministry officials also would be able to
attend NGO board meetings.

A vote on the amendments has not yet been scheduled in the Armenian
parliament.

Under current regulations, Armenian NGOs need only to file an annual
tax return. Many activists view the proposed added requirements as
onerous, and designed to stifle NGO activity, especially that which
seeks to hold the government accountable for its actions.

The introduction of the amendments, some believe, is an outgrowth of
Armenia’s move in January to join the Kremlin-led Eurasian Economic
Union. The EEU is seen in some circles in Yerevan as a vehicle for
the expansion of Moscow’s already broad influence over the tiny,
economically underdeveloped South Caucasus nation.

Last May, in an interview with the Moscow-based Noyan Tapan news
agency, Russia’s ambassador to Armenia, Ivan Volinkin, called
for “neutralization” of those NGOs that “create obstacles” for
Armenian-Russian relations. Supporters of the Armenian government
subsequently warned that no NGO can drive a wedge into its relations
with Russia.

In recent weeks, Russia has renewed its pressure on Armenia to roll
back NGO liberties. On Feb. 26, a prominent Russian legislator,
Konstantin Kosachev, claimed that the activity of “around 350” NGOs
is undermining Armenia’s ties with Russia by encouraging Armenians
to embrace European values.

“We do not see their [NGOs’] work as correct because we do not see
it as correct to put the question in the form of an either-or —
you are either with us or with them,” said Kosachev, according to
the state-run RIA Novosti news agency. “This position has already or
almost destroyed Ukraine and might destroy any other country if the
question is asked persistently and head-on.”

Armenian officials insist they are motivated only by a desire to
introduce greater transparency and public accountability into the work
of NGOs. The issue is not about control, stressed Norayr Balayan,
head of the Ministry of Justice’s Legal Department, the agency that
drafted the proposed amendments.

After receiving input from NGO representatives, “certain changes” now
are being made to the draft amendments, Balayan told EurasiaNet.org.

He declined to elaborate on any modifications, pending the release
of the “final version” of the amendments.

Despite Balayan’s assurances, NGO representatives worry that the new
regulations, if adopted, could be used against them — particularly
if Russia increases pressure on Armenian officials to do so.

“To the government, transparency and accountability are completely
different things” than they are to nongovernmental organizations,
argued Boris Navasardian, president of the Yerevan Press Club. “If
the matter is about accountability to state officials, it will lead
to nothing good. … Hints coming from Russia saying that the field
must become more controlled do not stem from our country’s interests.”

Ashot Melikyan, chair of the nongovernmental Committee to Protect
Freedom of Expression, agreed, adding that the amendments, if enacted
as presently worded, “will lead to nothing good.”

The need to comply with additional regulations will eat into
nongovernmental organizations’ time and money, and potentially create
a significant burden, especially among those NGOs with a small staff.

“In order to present reports in such volume, NGOs [would have to]
employ separate staff,” said Stepan Grigoryan, director of the
nongovernmental Analytical Center on Globalization and Regional
Cooperation.

Human rights activist Artur Sakunts shared critics’ concerns about
the proposed new regulations, but noted that discussions continue
about the amendments.

“Our suggestions are also considered,” said Sakunts, who runs the
Vanadzor office of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly. “But there are
still questions that are under discussion and it is not yet clear
what the solutions will be.”

[Editor’s Note: Both the Analytical Center on Globalization and
Regional Cooperation and the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly receive
funding from the Open Society Foundations — Armenia, part of the Soros
foundations network. EurasiaNet.org operates under the auspices of
the Open Society Foundations, a separate entity in the Soros network.]

Boris Navasardian, the press club head, lamented that the amendments
could undo years of hard work in an instant. “If Russia’s experience
is applied, naturally enough, all our accumulated experience and
achievements will disappear. Both the society and the state will lose
as a result,” he said.

WHY DO SO MANY PEOPLE INSULT ERDOGAN?

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 9 2015

Why do so many people insult Recep Tayyip Erdoðan? Did any of the
previous presidents insult citizens, mocked opposition parties or
start polemics with them? Think about Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Ýsmet
Ýnonu, Adnan Menderes, Suleyman Demirel or Turgut Ozal.

None of these presidents used the slightest insult. All of them
were experienced statesmen who had internalized the principles of
statecraft. They didn’t feel obliged to resort to such acts or they
refrained from indulging in those acts. This is because the presidency
constitutes a supra-party, conciliatory position that embraces all
segments of society. It is the state’s uppermost position that seeks
to maintain social equilibrium. For this reason, Article 299 of the
Turkish Penal Code (TCK) defines insulting the president as a crime.

The person who insults the president is punishable by one to four
years in prison.

What happens when you insult the president?

For instance, if someone insults an incumbent president with words
such as “Hashashin,” “leech” or “vampire,” he would be sentenced to
prison. But when Erdoðan insults millions of people with the same
words, he is not penalized because he has immunity.

If a citizen refers to the president as a “member of a terrorist
organization” or a “terrorist” or if an impertinent person dares call
the president a “Mossad agent” or “CIA agent,” he would be punished for
insulting the president. But when Erdoðan insults millions of people
with the same words, he is not penalized because he has immunity.

If a journalist or columnist calls the president a “traitor,” he
would be punished for insult. But if Erdoðan refers to certain public
prosecutors, judges, columnists, celebrities and even Economy Minister
Ali Babacan, central bank Governor Erdem Baþcý, Turkish Industrialists
and Businessmen’s Association (TUSÝAD) Chairman Muharrem Yýlmaz and
opposition leaders as “traitors,” he is not penalized because he
has immunity.

If a protester calls the president a “thief” or “murderer,” he would
be punished for insult. There are dozens of such protesters. Many
people, including Miss Turkey and a 13-year-old teen, are standing
trial for insulting Erdoðan. Sixty-one journalists were ordered to pay
compensation for insulting Erdoðan while 22 journalists are currently
in prison.

But when Erdoðan utters the abovementioned insults against millions
of people, he is immune.

Demirel, Ozal and the opposition

For instance, Republican People’s Party (CHP) politicians didn’t
like Demirel but when he visited the CHP’s headquarters, he would be
greeted with respect. Likewise, Ozal would be greeted with flowers
at the headquarters of all parties. There was certainly competition
among party leaders and party politicians, but no hostility like the
kind we see today. This has already been confirmed by Bulent Arýnc:
“In the past, our opponents would respect us, but today 50 percent of
society hate us. There is polarization. Turkey may become a country
that can hardly be governed.” But who is responsible for this?

If all the insults hurled at Ataturk, Ýnonu, Menderes, Demirel and
Ozal are uttered against Erdoðan in just one month, the source of the
problem can clearly be understood. Uttering all sorts of insults on
all social segments without restraint, polarizing society into Alevis
and Sunnis, denigrating Armenians and Jews by referring to someone as
being, “Excuse me, but Armenian” or “Jewish kid,” making the rallying
crowds boo a mother who lost her child and reviling the dead can be
listed as the source of this hate.

By the way, we should be fair. There are also individuals and groups
that are not humiliated but are held in high esteem by Erdoðan: Doðu
Perincek; the Workers’ Party (ÝP); the defendants of the lawsuits
against Ergenekon — a clandestine organization nested within the state
trying to overthrow or manipulate the democratically elected government
— and Sledgehammer (Balyoz) — a clandestine organization nested
within the state trying to overthrow or manipulate the democratically
elected government; the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK); the Kurdish
Communities Union (KCK); Abdullah Ocalan; and Kandil — the PKK leaders
in the PKK camps located in the Kandil mountains in northern Iraq.

Price of insults against public

There is certainly a price that Erdoðan is currently paying
bitterly for insults. As you might notice, he can no longer
mingle with citizens. He cannot leave the palace without an army of
guards. Last year, he couldn’t attend the presidential cup. He cannot
go to stadiums and indoor sports halls if they are not filled with
Justice and Development Party (AK Party) supporters. He cannot stop
by marketplaces. If he happens to stop by, another Soma scandal may
reoccur. Last month, funeral ceremonies for 10 martyrs were held,
but he couldn’t attend any of them for fear of being protested against.

When he decides to make a public appearance, a North Korean security
protocol is implemented. Whatever is done for Kim Jong Un is done
for Erdoðan. He cannot eat food casually. His food is checked with
electronic equipment that is found only at a NASA base.

Erdoðan is isolated not only from Turkey, but also from the world. He
cannot fly to the US or European countries. He cannot make an official
visit to any country with real democracy. No one comes from those
countries for an official visit. We cannot talk to world leaders on
the phone. He just sends his message with “smoke” by shouting “O,
Obama,” or “O, Merkel.” He is aware of this situation, but tries to
brush over this scandal by saying, “I don’t care about loneliness.”

Can he make public appearance on TV? He cannot give an interview to any
regular journalist. The journalists who he talks to include fanatical
AK Party supporters who are disguised as journalists and cabin officers
like Akif Beki, who act like his tailgates. They either caress his
cheek and ask, “Sir, how do you maintain your energy? What do you
eat?” like Mehmet Barlas, or utter sentences that can be regarded as
the utmost example of sycophancy like, “I cannot image anything anymore
because even before I envision something, you already make it happen.”

It follows that he reaps votes with hate speech. This makes it
impossible for him to make public appearances.

*Veysel Ayhan is managing editor of the Zaman daily.

PRESIDENT EXPRESSED CONDOLENCES OVER THE DEATH OF HEAD OF THE UKRAINIAN EPARCHY OF THE ARMENIAN APOSTOLIC CHURCH GRIGORIS BUNIATYAN

States News Service
March 8, 2015 Sunday

KYIV, Ukraine

The following information was released by the President of Ukraine:

President Petro Poroshenko has expressed condolences to the clergy and
believers of the Ukrainian Eparchy of the Armenian Apostolic Church
over the death of Head of the Eparchy Archbishop Grigoris Buniatyan.

“It is with deep grief that I heard the news about the death of
Archbishop Grigoris Buniatyan. A prominent church and spiritual
leader of the Armenian community in Ukraine has died. Many efforts
have been taken by him for the development of state-church relations
and the establishment of constructive interconfessional dialogue. A
bright memory of him will remain forever in our hearts. May he rest
in peace!” the Head of State noted.

SPANDARYAN RESERVOIR AID TO LAKE SEVAN DIDN’T COME TRUE

18:15 March 06, 2015

Sergey Hajinyan, engineer-mechanic

Levon Galstyan, geographer, Pan-Armenian Environmental Front

In the last four years (2011-2014) the increase in Lake Sevan has been
drastically suspended. During these years the lake level increased
only by 23 cm, when from 2002 to 2005 the increase accounted for 1.74
m. That is, in the last four years the lake lost 1.5 meters from
its level or 1,875 billion cum water. By the way, the atmospheric
precipitation for these two periods in the lake basin differed
insignificantly (around 14%).

One of the main tools to suspend the increase was less volume of water
as much as 600 million cum flowing into Lake Sevan through Arpa-Sevan
tunnel as compared with the first four years.

It should be documented that as of 1 January 2015, the level of Lake
Sevan was less by 11 cm than it was documented 5 years ago, when the
maximum level was recorded in the summer of 2010.

Since 2004 no drop of water has been transferred from Spandaryan
Reservoir to Kechout Reservoir though Vorotan-Arpa Tunnel. Moreover,
no water is transferred from the Yeghegis River through “Arpa-Sevan”
tunnel, just the opposite – instead of flowing into Lake Sevan most
water flows back to the Yeghegis River to ensure the continuous
operation of numerous SHPPs constructed on it.

The suspension of Lake Sevan level was launched still in 2004 on the
eve of the operation of Vorotan Arpa Tunnel.

Heading to Artsakh: In the Company of Ronin

12:19, March 9, 2015

During the feudal period of Japan (1185-1868), a rÅ~Mnin (浪aºº?) was
classified as a samurai who did not have a lord or master. A samurai
would become a rÃ…~Mnin upon the death, fall or loss of privilege of
the master.

A few days ago, I received a phone call from an older friend inviting
me to attend the 27th anniversary commemoration of the Sumgait
anti-Armenian pogroms, which was to take place in Nagorno-Kharabagh
(Artsakh).

Upon agreeing, I arrived at the Ashtarak city center at 7:00 am and
was immediately greeted by a large group of men. We were soon sorted
into various commuter buses and embarked on the long drive to Artsakh.

I soon came to realize that I was traveling to Artsakh in a bus full of
veterans from the Artsakh War. Initially, their demeanor took me aback.

These were not the azadamardeegs (freedom fighters) that songs and
folklore had been written about. Neither were they the azadamardeegs
whose pictures we glorified and names we remembered.

These were the very villagers who took up arms at the beck and call
and stood ground in unknown forests to protect their homes and people
from the cold hand of aggression. I recalled the documentaries filmed
by Tsvetana Paskaleva, which I had seen years earlier at the Pasadena
Armenian Center. These were the very men from the screen, shuffling
between trees and tanks, smoking cigarettes and driving towards the
frontlines as caravans of people sought refuge in the other direction.

During the first rest stop, our caravan organized an impromptu lunch
where everyone contributed something from their “shepherd’s meal
bag,” creating an impressive spread of bread, cheese, boiled eggs,
pickles and homemade vodka. Glasses were filled, toasts were said and,
after a few cycles of the repeated process, the caravan was ready to
move forward.

As we continued down the road, the singing commenced and was
followed by storytelling reminiscent of the war, while all of this
was accompanied by, of course, more drinking. I was traveling in the
company of heroes, but these men were a far cry from elitist soldiers.

Untrained, ill equipped and inexperienced, these first-responders
mustered up whatever was available and put up the fight of their
lives. Now, they were reuniting at the very site of their victory,
celebrating their victories and commemorating the ones that they could
not save. The gravity of their experiences was written on their tired
and weathered faces. I soon came to learn that alcohol dependency
substituted medical care for many of these men, as many became reliant
on the bottle as a way of dealing with untreated ailments. These men
exhibited the whole gamut of emotions: from being visibly emotional
at times to scenes of friendly nostalgia.

They laughed, cried, poked fun at each other, and remembered
the good old days. All of their emotions blended in a beautiful
cohesion of their past valor being tied to a current, tangible
land that came to fruition due to their efforts. In Shushi, they
joined the new generation in song and celebration, truly enjoying
the well-deserved heroes welcome organized for them. Pride and joy
emerged in Stepanakert, clearly affirming that these men were ready
and willing to serve again, should the need arise.

As we were descending from Shushi, one of these men pointed to
a collection of sculptures made by a group of European sculptors
and proudly claimed that the children of Shushi made them. Without
hesitation, I commented of their great beauty and withheld my urge to
affirm their European origin. The delegation that had installed these
sculptors had been contested by Azerbaijan several years earlier,
which claimed that the artists did not have the proper paperwork to
install such a project. I came to realize that these men were the
embodiment of the spirit and guardians of the Armenian mountains. The
hope that Armenian children would create and thrive on this land was
what led them to the battlefield 25 years ago. One could not have the
audacity to argue of such matters with the very men whose stouthearted
grit was the sole reason of that land’s existence.

While continuing the festivities on our return trip, we were surprised
to find out that one of the men who had been traveling with us was
Karen Mshetsi, whose soulful singing made the night unforgettable. As
the night progressed and the singing soon dwindled out, the
conversations became more personal. These men shared their stories.

Many had not gone to school or earned a fancy title at work. Most of
these people still were suffering from psychological and physiological
trauma as a remnant of the war. Many lived in remote villages that
received little consideration and even fewer visitors.

These men are the RÃ…~Mnin of the Armenian mountains. They are the
forgotten ones. They are the ones whose names are not mentioned in
songs. They are the ones who did not make it into the books of the
defense ministry or onto any veterans list. They simply sacrificed
and fought for the independence of Artsakh and then went home to
rebuild their lives.

“Warriors are not what you think of as warriors. The warrior is not
someone who fights, because no one has the right to take another’s
life.

The warrior, for us, is one who sacrifices himself for the good of
others. His task is to take care of the elderly, the defenseless,
those who can not provide for themselves, and above all, the children,
the future of humanity.”

~ Sitting Bull

These men are true warriors, fighting against aggression and risking
the ultimate sacrifice on the frontlines. For these men, peace and an
independent Artsakh came with a hefty price tag. Without hesitation,
they paid for the price of peace and used every means necessary to
ensure the security and survival of the land. It is now our duty to
take care of them. With Our Soldiers () is an
initiative organized a few years ago that has done substantial work
in supporting the veterans of the Artsakh War.

As always, when donating funds, please be proactive and hold the
organizers responsible for delivering reportable results for your
donation, so that we can encourage solidarity and provide support
for the right efforts in Armenia.

ARMENIA TO HOST GLOBAL INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY CONFERENCE IN 2019

13:24, 9 March, 2015

YEREVAN, MARCH 9, ARMENPRESS: An agreement on the organization of the
Global Information Technology Conference in 2019 in Armenia was signed
in Yerevan. Armenpress reports that the contract was signed by the
Executive Director of the Union of Information Technology Enterprises
Karen Vardanyan and the Secretary General of the World Information
Technology and Services Alliance (WITSA) James Poisant. The ceremony
was held at the Ministry of Economy of the Republic of Armenia,
attended by the Minister Karen Chshmarityan and Deputy Minister
Emil Tarasyan.

“From now we should get prepared for the conference and the signing
of the memorandum by the corresponding bodies heralds the beginning
of these works. I hope that this event will help Armenia rising with
some degrees on the world map or the world rating of this sector”,
– stated the Minister of Economy of the Republic of Armenia Karen
Chshmarityan after the signing ceremony.

WILL TROOPS BE DEPLOYED IN GYUMRI?

Haikazn Ghahriyan, Editor-in-Chief
Comments – 09 March 2015, 16:57

Gyumri is again in the focus of attention, and again the setting is
criminal. Two families clashed, 6 appeared in hospital. The son of
the head of a condominium in Gyumri was found dead in the chapel
of one of the villages near Gyumri. Besides, the dead body of the
serviceman of the Russian Border Guard Force Arthur Afyan missing
since February 21 was found hung.

Earlier, the friends of Zap, a criminal leader, were mobilized in
Gyumri to prevent the car march of the Founding Parliament in case
of police’s tolerance. Fearing possible clashes, the organizers of
the march decided to come back.

Interestingly, as soon as Zap and his friends gathered at the gates of
the city, the police surrounded the Russian Consulate in Gyumri. What
was threatening consulate provided that since the manslaughter in
Gyumri there had been no anti-Russian speeches in the city? Besides,
the Founding Parliament does not seem to have ever touched upon the
“Russian topic”.

Gyumri is one of the poorest cities of Armenia which has no economy
in the direct sense of the word. The existing financial and economic
opportunities, as Vova Gasparyan put it, have been divided between
the two clans which are closely related to the criminal world. And
as is known, the “elite” of the criminal world has a Russian origin.

Gyumri has a sacramental importance for both Armenia and Russia.

Gyumri is the only urban area in Armenia which has an urban culture
and traditions.

The only Russian military base in a huge region, which is vital for
Moscow, is located in Gyumri.

The recent developments showed that despite the crime permissiveness
and the terrible social and economic situation, the people of Gyumri
have retained their character, dignity and awareness of their rights,
as is typical of urban population. Their recent protests were unique
in the history in Armenia.

Russia certainly has plans relating to Gyumri in case it fails to
retain Armenia. Besides, the occupation of Armenia is possible only
after beating Gyumri. Gyumri is the poorest city with the highest
rate of emigration and labor migration. Their majority have received
Russian passports.

Besides, this city has obviously been yielded to the “two clans”
which are supposed to keep all the processes under control. These
clans have close relations with both the criminal world and the
Russian side. It is not accidental that after the massive protests
following the manslaughter the member of parliament representing one
of those clans appeared there who was later thanked by Moscow. And
the representatives of the other clan blocked the gate of the city
ahead of the car march.

What are the plans of the Russian side relating to Gyumri? Apparently,
enlarge the base and Russian jurisdiction. There has been recent
information that new territories have been allocated for the base. The
wild crime situation in the city enables the Russian side to announce
about defense of its “compatriots” and it may therefore deploy special
troops in the city to defend the base, the consulate, the military
town and its citizens. Afterwards, Gyumri may be announced a closed
city where entry will be with passes.

A major provocation is needed to implement this plan. The manslaughter
in Gyumri seemed to be one of the activities of this plan but the
awareness of the Gyumri people prevented further developments because
the people of Gyumri did not opt for lynching and observed the law.

And the Russian side has no answer to this.

In fact, the provocation did not help, and a surge of criminality and
bloodsheds was left. This option seems to be more effective, provided
the social-economic situation, poor law enforcement and tolerance
for criminal gangs. The Armenian government needs to think about this.

However, instead of the criminals, the government is busy arresting the
people of Gyumri who are aware of their rights who are the advocates
of our country.

SECOND ARMENIAN WOMAN PLANS TO BECOME MP IN TURKEY

13:19, 09.03.2015

In the lead-up to the forthcoming parliamentary election in Turkey,
another Armenian woman has submitted an application to become a member
of parliament.

Istanbul Armenian Talin Ergunes Gazer has petitioned to Turkey’s
main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), with a request to
be nominated an MP candidate from this party, reported Taraf daily
of Turkey.

If the CHP nominates this Armenian woman as an MP candidate and she is
elected, she will become the first female MP of this political party.

As reported earlier, several days ago, Istanbul-Armenian woman Nivart
Bakircioglu had announced that she wants to run for MP candidate by
the pro-Kurdish “Peoples’ Democratic Party” (HDP), and from Van city.

Turkey’s next parliamentary election is slated for June 7.