Author: Babajanian Karo

RUSSIAN MP ASKS ARMENIANS TO “INFLUENCE” ON UKRAINIAN MINISTER OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS ARSEN AVAKOV

Tuesday 13 May 2014 10:22
Photo:

Ukrainian Minister of Internal Affairs Arsen Avakov

Yerevan /Mediamax/. Chairman of the Committee on Public and Religious
Organizations of Russian State Duma Yaroslav Nilov sent a message to
the Catholicos of All Armenians Garegin the Second asking to publicly
urge Ukrainian authorities to cease the violence and bloodshed.

“According to the MP, the call may cause action as the blood of the
Ukrainian people is also shed because of the interim Minister of
Internal Affairs Arsen Avakov who has Armenian roots”, RIA Novosti
reports.

Yaroslav Nilov notes that “the whole world remembers the Armenian
Genocide which happened 100 years ago and the long-suffering Armenian
people hasn’t fully overcome all the outcomes of this tragedy”. The
Russian MP writes that “the humanity didn’t learn a lesson from the
past and now we evidence the humanitarian catastrophe taking place
in Ukraine”. According to Nilov, what is going on there can in fact
be called “genocide”.

A similar letter was also sent to President of World Armenian Congress
and Union of Armenians of Russia Ara Abrahamyan, Nilov said.

HOLLANDE: “LA RECONNAISSANCE DU GENOCIDE ARMENIEN DOIT RASSEMBLER”

La Libre, Belgique
13 mai 2014

International

Le president francais Francois Hollande a appele lundi soir a Erevan
a “saluer” les messages “d’apaisement” d’où qu’ils viennent pour la
reconnaissance du genocide armenien, dans une allusion a la Turquie.

“Tous les messages de comprehension, d’apaisement, de tolerance
doivent etre salues, d’où qu’ils viennent”, a declare le chef de
l’Etat francais lors des toasts du dîner d’Etat offert en son honneur
par son homologue armenien, Serge Sarkissian.

“Car la reconnaissance du genocide n’est pas destinee a diviser mais a
rassembler afin d’eviter que ne se repètent de semblables abominations,
ailleurs dans le monde”, a-t-il enchaîne.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a fait un geste
inattendu a l’occasion du 99e anniversaire du genocide perpetre
sous l’Empire ottoman, presentant les condoleances de la Turquie “aux
petits-enfants des Armeniens tues en 1915”. Mais l’Armenie avait rejete
ces condoleances, reclamant reconnaissance du genocide et “repentir”.

Francois Hollande avait alors estime que les condoleances de Recep
Tayyip Erdogan constituaient “une evolution” mais n’etaient pas
suffisantes.

“Aucune porte ne peut etre entrouverte au negationnisme”, a-t-il
egalement souligne lundi a Erevan, jugeant que “le negationnisme
n’est pas une opinion” mais “un outrage a la verite, une insulte aux
victimes et a leurs descendants”.

Francois Hollande a egalement confirme qu’il se rendrait en Armenie le
24 avril 2015 pour les commemoration du 100e anniversaire du genocide.

“Je serai donc a Erevan a vos côtes au nom du devoir de memoire mais
aussi en coherence avec la reconnaissance du genocide par la Republique
francaise”, a-t-il declare sous les applaudissements.

Cette loi de 2001, a-t-il egalement rappele, a ete votee “par toutes
les familles politiques francaises”.

Selon les Armeniens, 1,5 million des leurs furent tues lors des
persecutions et deportations. La Turquie reconnaît des massacres qui
ont coûte la vie a 300.000 personnes, tout en refutant leur caractère
genocidaire.

NAGORNO-KARABAKH 20 YEARS ON

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
May 13 2014

by Amanda Paul

May 12 marked the 20th anniversary of the signing of the cease-fire
agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh. The
establishment of the cease-fire put an end to hostilities and bloodshed
in a war that lasted for nearly three years.

However, two decades later a solution has still not been found. The
still simmering conflict keeps the region in a state of “neither war,
nor peace.” Karabakh, along with seven other Azerbaijani regions,
remains occupied by Armenia with over 600,000 Azerbaijanis remaining
displaced. With two borders closed (Turkey and Azerbaijan), Armenia has
become more dependent on Russia, while Karabakh’s Armenian community
remains increasingly sure of their independence — something that
has increased following Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Despite
the cease-fire, shooting incidents continue with violations of the
cease-fire reported on an almost daily basis, with lives — including
sometimes civilians — continuing to be lost.

For the last two decades, the Organization for Security and Cooperation
(OSCE) has been mediating talks between Azerbaijan and Armenia,
yet a deal remains elusive. Many believe that the absence of major
hostilities between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the past two decades
has been the single achievement of the OSCE. Still, the two leaders
have inched closer to agreeing to a solution based on the so-called
“Madrid Principles” foresees: the return of Azerbaijani-occupied
lands around Nagorno-Karabakh, interim status for Nagorno-Karabakh;
a land corridor — Lachin — linking Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia;
the right of all displaced persons to return; and international
security guarantees, including a peacekeeping operation, eventual
determination of Karabakh’ s status with a legally binding expression
of will. However, getting a signature has remained out of reach with
the compromises and concessions necessary to pin down the deal not
being forthcoming.

Apart from the hesitant leaders, both Azerbaijani and Armenian
societies are dubious about any concessions to the other side viewing
such concessions as a defeat. Trust between the peoples does not
exist and there is little belief that the end results could be a
win-win for all concerned.

Unfortunately, the Russia-Ukraine crisis with the Russian annexing
of Ukraine’s Crimea Peninsula, despite the security guarantees
that Ukraine had for its territorial integrity with the Budapest
Memorandum, has had a negative impact on Karabakh. First, it has
left the impression that international agreements or resolutions are
not worth the paper they are printed on, and second, it has created
concerns that any security guarantees offered as part of the settlement
to the Karabakh conflict may not stick. It has also clearly made it
more difficult for the US and Russia to cooperate.

Nevertheless, new steps need to be taken to keep the process alive,
as whenever the conflict is left to fester, there is usually an
increase in violence. Given that the process has become rather
lackluster, it needs to be shaken up. To date, the settlement process
has been very elite-driven. A highly secretive affair. There is
an urgent need to open up the process and make it more inclusive,
including bringing civil society on board. Despite the difficulties,
civil society from both countries have met and talked. This has been
possible thanks to international initiatives, such as the EU-supported
European Partnership for the Peaceful Settlement of the Conflict over
Nagorno-Karabakh (EPNK), which finances five NGOs that target areas
such as youth, carrying out workshops aimed at peace-building. This
should be extended, including taking greater steps to being together
the two Karabakh communities. Ultimately, for any peace deal to
be accepted by society, it needs be negotiated in a democratic and
“inclusive” manner. Presently, there is a massive vacuum between the
elites and grassroots and this needs to be corrected.

Moreover, looking at processes used in other conflicts can be useful.

For example, in Cyprus other than just holding meetings between the
two leaders, workshops on issues related to the conflict to help
dress thorny issues in a broader fashion take place. This could be
used as a model for Karabakh, including also civil society actors
and other experts that have experience in conflict resolution such
as those that worked in Northern Ireland.

Karabakh remains a ticking time-bomb. Allowing it to explode would be
devastating for the entire region. We cannot wait another two decades.

A more creative approach to bring the conflict to a peaceful end is
urgently needed.

THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH DISPUTE AFTER 20 YEARS BY SABINE FREIZER*

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
May 13 2014

May 12, 2014, Monday/ 16:53:31

Twenty years ago, Armenians and Azerbaijanis signed a ceasefire to
silence the artillery in Nagorno-Karabakh.

But since May 12, 1994, almost none of the subsequent steps have
strengthened that peace; the sides are still far from agreement on
a comprehensive settlement.

Instead, especially in the past few years, the number of people being
killed along the frontlines has risen. Some 30 persons a year are the
victims of snipers, shelling and mines. The Armenian and Azerbaijani
military budgets are increasing. Baku, in particular, has raised its
military budget from $175 million when President Ilham Aliyev was
inaugurated to $3.7 billion in 2013. The situation in Ukraine, and
particularly Russia’s annexation of Crimea, is making the resolution
of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict even more elusive.

For Azerbaijan, non-resolution of the conflict means that 14 percent of
its territory remains occupied and 600,000 Azerbaijanis are displaced,
the vast majority of whom are from lands around Nagorno-Karabakh
and not from the entity itself. In Nagorno-Karabakh, the local
population of between 90,000-150,000 feels increasingly secure of its
independence, but not of its security. Armenia is ever more dependent
on Russia and its long land borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey are
sealed shut to trade and travel.

For the past 20 years, the Organization for Security and Co-operation
in Europe (OSCE) has been mediating talks between the Azerbaijani and
Armenian leadership through the OSCE Minsk Group, chaired by Russian,
US and French representatives. They mainly focus on trying to resolve
the conflict between Azerbaijan’s sovereignty and the right to maintain
its territorial integrity, and the Armenian demand that the majority
ethnic Armenian population of Karabakh be able to determine how they
are governed — a demand shifting over time from unification with
Armenia to the establishment of their own state. Calls to change the
format of the international negotiations or to drop international
mediation altogether are becoming more persistent in the absence
of progress.

Since 2005, the parties have come closer to agreeing on the elements of
what is now a “well-established” compromise. These “basic principles”
are based on three fundamental components: the non-use of force,
territorial integrity and the right to self-determination. They
include six elements: the return of the occupied Azerbaijani
territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh; an interim status for
Nagorno-Karabakh guaranteeing security and self-governance; a
corridor linking Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia; eventual determination
of Nagorno-Karabakh’s status by a legally binding expression of will;
the right of all internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees to
return; and international security guarantees, including a peacekeeping
operation.

But the presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia remain unable to finalize
the deal. Part of the problem is that they fear the public backlash
that would occur if they are viewed by their societies as making any
compromise. Confidence is in short supply in the region. Divisions
between the two societies keep growing, as the generations that
remember easy co-existence during the Soviet period get older and are
replaced by generations that have been schooled in an atmosphere of
hate and distrust of the other side.

In their ceasefire anniversary statement, the OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairs point out: “… a settlement will not be possible without a
basis of trust and understanding between the Armenian and Azerbaijani
people. We call on the sides to commit to active people to people
programs and security confidence building measures to reinforce the
peace process.”()

Thankfully, in the shadows of the official negotiation process
and the overall deterioration in people-to-people relations,
Azerbaijani and Armenian civil society groups have been taking
part in far-ranging dialogue on issues of common concern. Since
June 2010, much of this has been facilitated by international NGOs
within the European Partnership for the Peaceful Settlement of the
Conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (EPNK; ), an initiative
funded by the European Union. Meetings have involved women, youth,
journalists and expert groups — from Armenia and Azerbaijan,
as well as Nagorno-Karabakh. Through these meetings, at least some
people have been able to see beyond the hate rhetoric voiced by their
media and politicians. They have even debated difficult topics like
Nagorno-Karabakh’s ultimate status, considering the real differences
between the options of autonomy and independence

The past 20 years of negotiations show that peace between
Azerbaijan and Armenia cannot be made in closed rooms between the
countries’ presidents. A much greater involvement of society is
needed. But Baku and Yerevan are not doing enough to support these
second-track efforts. Instead, Azerbaijan’s arrest of journalist
Rauf Mirkadyrov, immediately after he was deported from Turkey
and the investigation of peacebuilding activists Arif and Leyla
Yunus, allegedly for espionage for Armenia, when in fact the three
are engaged in a civil society project called Public Dialogues
(), makes people-to-people
confidence-building even more difficult.

Events in Ukraine contribute to the sense of hopelessness. The blatant
violation of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, signed between the US, the
UK and Russia to provide Ukraine with security guarantees if it turned
over its nuclear arsenal, makes it unlikely today that Armenia will
accept similar guarantees in exchange for the territories it occupies.

After Russia’s overt takeover of Crimea, it is also less likely
that international opinion will heed the four United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) resolutions passed in 1993 that call for the
withdrawal of local Armenian troops from Azerbaijani lands. Crimea
also demonstrates to Azerbaijan how it could navigate a quick military
operation to regain lost territory with only limited international
opposition. Russia, driven by its nationalist imperialist foreign
policy, has little interest in helping to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict, which secures its key role in the region by keeping the
Caucasus from being an open and free transit route for Western
interests.

Twenty years ago, the withdrawal of troops, the return of refugees
and the deployment of peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh looked like
the next logical steps after the signature of the ceasefire. None of
this occurred. Instead, as the OSCE Minsk Group concludes, “the sides
have shown little willingness to take advantage of the opportunities
… or make the political decisions necessary for progress in this
peace process.” Today, the prospect of renewed fighting, which this
time could have a regional dimension and pull in Russia and Turkey,
seems more likely than ever since 1994.

*Dr. Sabine Freizer is a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.

AZERBAIJAN AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE: DO AS WE SAY, NOT AS WE DO

The Economist
May 13 2014

May 13th 2014, 17:24 by G.E. | BAKU

Few people worry about which country chairs the committee of ministers
of the Council of Europe (CoE), a body of 47 European countries,
committed to upholding human rights, democracy and the rule of law.

But with Azerbaijan taking the helm on May 14th, perhaps more should.

After all, few European governments have done more to undermine those
standards than the regime in Baku.

This is not the first time a repressive government has held the role.

Russia’s dismal human rights record did not prevent it from chairing
the CoE in 2006, under the slogan “Towards a united Europe without
dividing lines”.

Flush with oil and gas revenues, Azerbaijan’s living standards have
risen considerably in the last decade. GDP per capita has increased
almost sevenfold since 2004, according to the World Bank, and Baku’s
glitzy skyline is a world away from the drab, post-Soviet city of
the early 1990s. But material progress has come at a cost: rigged
elections and suppression of internal dissent mean that Azerbaijan’s
democracy is little more than a sham.

Europe and the United States, reliant on Azerbaijan’s energy supplies,
have largely looked the other way and Baku’s “caviar diplomacy” has
won it friends in western circles, not least in the CoE. Since Ilham
Aliev, the country’s president, is famously sensitive to criticism
from abroad, western officials have learnt to pull their punches,
despite occasional noises to the contrary.

That is worrying on its own terms: after all, what is the point of a
club if members can flout its rules with impunity? Far from tempering
its behaviour, Baku has actually stepped up its suppression of internal
dissent in recent weeks. Dozens of youth activists have been imprisoned
since January, supposedly for illegal arms possession and plotting
mass disorder. Last month eight of them went on a two-week hunger
strike and the authorities also detained two prominent human rights
defenders on bogus espionage charges.

Recent events in Ukraine highlight the importance of the CoE’s
founding principles. As Carl Bildt, the Swedish foreign minister,
noted in his recent statement at the CoE: “When Russia occupied and
annexed Crimea, it violated…one of the very basic principles of
the security and stability of our continent.” But in practice, fear
of overdependence on Russian oil and gas has increased Azerbaijan’s
value as an alternative energy conduit to Europe. Baku’s free pass
on human rights issues is likely to continue.

Azerbaijan’s relationship with Russia is far from trouble-free. With
Armenian troops controlling Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas in
Azerbaijan, the implication of Russia’s actions – that borders can be
easily redrawn – is deeply threatening to Baku. Yet wary of offending
its powerful northern neighbour, Mr Aliev’s regime has avoided any
Russia-bashing over the last few months.

Instead, the government says it will use its chairmanship to focus
on human-rights education and corruption, among other things.

Azerbaijan’s imprisoned hunger strikers highlight the irony of this
first goal. And despite its claims of recent success in fighting graft,
Azerbaijan (alongside Russia) remains the most corrupt country in
the CoE, according to Transparency International, a watchdog. That
is no coincidence. As Azerbaijanis know all too well, corruption and
political repression go hand in hand.

FRANCOIS HOLLANDE: “FRANCE SUPPORTS THE RESOLUTION OF CONFLICTS WITHIN TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY”

APA, Azerbaijan
May 12 2014

[ 12 May 2014 13:55 ]

“You have shown the status that you are intending to grant
Nagorno-Karabakh”

Baku. Ramiz Mikayiloglu – APA. “I have arrived in Azerbaijan in a
specific context. Ukraine events are going on. France supports the
territorial integrity of countries and resolution of conflicts within
the territorial integrity”, French President Francois Hollande said
at the press conference jointly held with Azerbaijani President Ilham
Aliyev, APA reports.

Recalling that he will visit Armenia this evening, Hollande noted
that no progress has been made in resolution of the conflict over
the past 20 years. “As an OSCE Minsk Group co-chair France also
has a great responsibility. We will continue these negotiations in
Armenia. France is making efforts to resolve the conflict stage by
stage, which show the existence of confidence. “You have shown the
status that you are intending to grant Nagorno-Karabakh”.

French President drew attention to the Eastern Partnership program:
“Azerbaijan and France have similar positions on energy partnership.

Today Azerbaijan is the largest gas supplier. A number of French oil
and gas companies want to join oil and gas projects of Azerbaijan. We
discussed creation of better conditions for French companies
in Azerbaijan. We intend to cooperate in waste incineration,
agriculture and other areas. French companies are willing to share
their experiences in this field. We are also ready to cooperate with
Azerbaijan in organization of European Olympic Games, Formula 1 and
other international competitions and events”, the President said.

OSCE MG CALLS ON ARMENIA,AZERBAIJAN FOR CONSTRUCTIVE NEGOTIATIONS ON KARABAKH CONFLICT

Trend, Azerbaijan
May 12 2014

Baku, Azerbaijan, May 12

By Trend:

The OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs made statement dedicated to the
twentieth anniversary of the 1994 ceasefire agreement between
Azerbaijan and Armenia.

“That agreement brought an end to outright war, halted the tragic
violence of previous years, and laid the groundwork for negotiations
that offered the sides a path to peace. Thanks to the resulting
truce a new generation of Armenians and Azerbaijanis grew up without
experiencing the horrors of war. The sides should do everything
possible to protect future generations from such experience”, said
in agreement.

According to OSCE MG, the ceasefire agreement did not, however,
resolve the underlying conflict.

“It left the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh occupied. The
absence of a final settlement has resulted in the ongoing displacement
of hundreds of thousands of people, the perpetual threat of escalating
violence along the international border and the Line of Contact, and
a misconception in some quarters that the status quo can be sustained
indefinitely”, said in statement of OSCE.

According to statement, the sides have shown little willingness
to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the co-chairs
countries or make the political decisions necessary for progress in
this peace process.

“We share a common position on this conflict, and remain firmly
committed to helping the sides reach a peaceful settlement as soon
as possible based on the core principles of the UN Charter and the
Helsinki Final Act, particularly those pertaining to the non-use of
force, territorial integrity, and equal rights and self-determination
of peoples”, said in statement.

According to statement, a settlement will have to include the elements
outlined by the Presidents of the co-chair countries in statements
from 2009 to 2013, which include the return of the territories
surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, interim status for Nagorno-Karabakh
guaranteeing security and self-governance, a corridor linking Armenia
to Nagorno-Karabakh, final status of Nagorno-Karabakh to be determined
in the future by a legally-binding expression of will, the right
of all internally-displaced persons and refugees to return, and
international security guarantees, including a peacekeeping operation.

“In November we saw a promising renewal of dialogue at the highest
levels. We call on the sides to enter into constructive negotiations
resulting in a peace agreement based on these elements in order to
bring about a lasting settlement to the conflict. Such a settlement
will not be possible without a basis of trust and understanding between
the Armenian and Azerbaijani people. We call on the sides to commit
to active people to people programs and security confidence building
measures to reinforce the peace process. Armenians and Azerbaijanis
deserve to live in peace and security, and we stand ready to help. The
sides must take the necessary steps towards peace. When they do,
it will be with the full support of the OSCE and the international
community”, said in statement of OSCE.

The conflict between the two South Caucasus countries began in
1988 when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan. As a
result of the ensuing war, in 1992 Armenian armed forces occupied
20 percent of Azerbaijan, including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and
seven surrounding districts.

The two countries signed a ceasefire agreement in 1994. The co-chairs
of the OSCE Minsk Group, Russia, France and the U.S. are currently
holding peace negotiations.

Armenia has not yet implemented the U.N. Security Council’s four
resolutions on the liberation of the Nagorno-Karabakh and the
surrounding regions.

TURKISH SHORT FILM ‘ZIAZAN’ OPENS BORDERS

Hurriyet Daily News, Turkey
May 12 2014

Emrah Guler

Acclaimed actress Derya Durmaz’s directorial debut, ‘Ziazan,’ is a
short film that tells the story of a 4-year-old Armenian girl secretly
traveling across the border to Turkey in her uncle’s luggage. The
Hurriyet Daily News talks to the director, writer and co-producer of
this delightful award-winner

Derya Durmaz is both a household name, thanks to her roles in popular
Turkish TV series like “Ihlamurlar Altında” (Under the Linden Trees),
and a name familiar to moviegoers, an actress in such recent films as
Tayfun Pirselimoglu’s “Sac” (Hair) and Serkan Acar’s “AÅ~_k ve Devrim”
(Love and Revolution).

It was a pleasant surprise for many to hear of her directorial debut
(written and co-produced by Durmaz as well), “Ziazan,” which won the
special jury prize earlier in May at the South-East European Film
Festival in Paris, SEE a Paris, where it received its world premiere.

The film also, more recently, won first prize at the Atıf Yılmaz
Short Film Contest.

“Ziazan” takes a delicate political issue and subverts it into a bright
story, a 15-minute journey told through the eyes of a 4-year-old
girl. The political issue is the closed land border between Turkey
and Armenia, and the repercussions of it through the informal luggage
trade between the two countries.

The little hero is the Armenian Ziazan, meaning rainbow, one of the
reasons her little friends taunt her.

Another reason for the little bullies’ taunting of Ziazan is the
Cokkolet she’s been consuming, the tubes of chocolate that comes as
presents from her uncle during his trips to Turkey for the luggage
trade. “Go get us some more,” yells one of the kids when hearing that
the tubes of Cokkolet are finished, the fresh traces still smeared
over little Ziazan’s face.

Ziazan’s face breaks your heart with the dawn of exclusion from her
friends when they abandon her. The little face soon brightens with
an idea that will surely impress her friends. She quietly empties her
uncle’s luggage while he is asleep, and makes herself comfortable in
the luggage, along with a few of her coveted items like a plush toy
in a plastic bag.

>From Armenia-Turkey Cinema Platform to screen

So begins little Ziazan’s journey in her uncle’s pick-up truck across
the border from Armenia to Turkey, a smile plastered over her face
under the sunlight and the fresh air. The Hurriyet Daily News talked
to Durmaz about her film, the conception of the idea, working with
children, and what the future holds.

Durmaz remembers reading a story in the Daily News about three years
ago on the informal luggage trade between Armenia and Turkey.

“When I pondered over the absurdity of the situation between the two
countries, the story evolved into the story of a little girl,” said
Durmaz. “I was shaping the story when I saw a call on the Internet a
project development workshop by the Armenia-Turkey Cinema Platform. I
sent my story, and ‘Ziazan’ was one of the 10 films selected by
the platform.”

The Armenia-Turkey Cinema Platform, kick-started by a collaboration
between Anadolu Kultur, a civil initiative established to foster
mutual dialogue through arts and culture, and the Golden Apricot
Yerevan International Film Festival, has been bringing together young
filmmakers from Turkey and Armenia for dialogue and collaborative
work since 2008. The platform also organizes workshops, provides funds
for films, facilitates opportunities and guides young filmmakers from
both countries for joint productions.

“The workshop in Yerevan both helped me see beyond the border and
contributed a great deal to my film,” said Durmaz. “Not only did I have
the chance to work professionally with valuable people from the sector,
but also had the opportunity to [influence] each other’s projects,
both from Turkey and Armenia. The platform successfully encourages
collaborative work and joint productions from both countries.”

‘Ziazan’ to make the festival circuit

Durmaz describes working with children as “the most exhilarating and
pleasant experience at the same time.” One of the very first pieces
of advice from her friends who studied cinema was that “the first
rule taught in cinema studies is never shoot your first film with
children or animals.”

“Not only did I break that cardinal rule, but I had to work with
children whose language I did not speak,” said Durmaz. “Even if you
don’t speak their language, you can communicate with the basic motive
of playing games. If you can pull them into your game, they give you
their own games in return. Games that surprise and delight you at
the same time.”

As for the political theme underlying the film, “the children,
thankfully, were totally unaware.” “Their world is not yet blackened
by politics. They don’t care where the people they are interacting
with are coming from, whether there is any animosity toward a certain
group of people,” said Durmaz. “They either like you or don’t. And
if you like them, they happen to like you back.”

What’s next for “Ziazan?” Where is the film headed to in the near
future? “The film will compete in the Arbil, Festroia [in Portugal]
and the Ankara International Film Festivals, Hamburg’s Mo & Friese
Children’s Short Film Festival, as well as the Tokyo Kinder Film
Festival,” said Durmaz. “Maybe other festivals will be added to
the lineup.”

Maybe and hopefully, more moviegoers will have a chance to watch this
delightful message of peace and hope.

May/12/2014

WHY DO THE AKP MEDIA ALWAYS LIE?

Cihan News Agency, Turkey
May 12 2014

TR_ISTA – 12.05.2014 16:10:09

Since a serious graft scandal got underway on Dec. 17, the pro-Justice
and Development Party (AKP) media have been publishing endless lies
on a daily basis.

These days, the pro-AKP media are well known for their contradictions.

Their only desire is to run headline stories — whether fabricated
or genuine, it doesn’t make any difference — about the Gulen movement.

In order to do that, they don’t hesitate to reach out to their former
foes and run their allegations as headline stories.

The question of what motivates pro-AKP media outlets to constantly
attack the Gulen movement is easy to answer. Their primary motivation
is money and power. If it weren’t for the power and money they’re
getting from the AKP government, they would not be running such a
campaign. They would even turn against the AKP government if they
saw they weren’t getting enough support from them. Yeni Safak, for
instance, has published reporting critical of the government when
their expectations came into conflict with the administration. Once
the paper achieves its “aim,” it shuts up and goes back to supporting
the government.

All in all, everyone agrees that the pro-AKP media outlets cannot
be considered “media outlets” in a traditional sense; rather, they
should be considered propaganda rags.

Given the fact that pro-AKP media outlets have voluntarily converted
themselves into propaganda rags for obvious reasons — money and
power — it becomes clear that they publish their stories to spread
the word of their supreme leader and support the AKP government.

One question, however, remains unanswered: Why do they constantly lie?

Here are a few points that explain why they constantly lie.

First, despite the fact that the state bureaucracy is in the hands of
the AKP government, they cannot find any tangible evidence against
the Gulen movement to publish. I am sure the number one priority
handed down to the bureaucracy is to find evidence to demonize the
Gulen movement. Yet they fail to find evidence against the movement
because the movement plays by the rules. As they cannot find genuine
evidence, the propaganda rags of the AKP government have no choice
left but to lie.

Second, the smear campaign against the Gulen movement is a form of
psychological warfare. Such psychological warfare is run by the state
security apparatus. Psychological warfare campaigns usually have two
aims: maintaining public support and making the opposition desperate.

It is a fact that psychological warfare campaigns have always been
dirty in Turkey. Back in 1990, similar psychological warfare campaigns
were waged against Kurds who supported the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK). One of the lies that was circulated at that time was that
the PKK was an Armenian organization and had nothing to do with the
Muslim Kurds.

Of course, all Kurds were aware of the fact that the PKK is a Kurdish
organization. The aim of the psychological warfare campaign was not
to convince the Kurds, however, but to maintain support among Turks.

A similar logic is at work in the new psychological warfare campaign
of the AKP government. Of course all the Gulen supporters and the
public at large know the facts about the Gulen movement. The aim of
the campaign is not to convert Gulen supporters into AKP supporters,
but to keep the AKP base intact.

Third, the propaganda rags of the AKP have to lie constantly because
once they stop publishing stories about the Gulen movement, they’ll
have to face the deadly reality: the corruption, authoritarianism
and failures of the government.

Moreover, there is not much time left before the presidential
election. Thus their priority is to dominate public debate, whether
with lies or not, and prevent people from discussing corruption and
the future of Turkey.

Once they stop producing lies about the Gulen movement they’ll have to
face the truth, which would hurt them badly in terms of the money that
they earn and the power that they hold over their competitors. In order
to avoid this reality, they have to lie. (Emre Uslu/Today’s Zaman)

IRAN AND ARMENIA DEVELOP COOPERATION

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
May 12 2014

12 May 2014 – 9:06pm

On Sunday, Iranian Ambassador to Yerevan Mohammad Raeisi met with
newly-elected Armenian Parliament Speaker Galust Sahakian to discuss
Tehran-Yerevan ties as well as issues of mutual interest.

During the meeting, Raeisi highlighted the importance of closer mutual
cooperation between Iran and Armenia, saying the officials of both
countries see no obstacles in the way of boosting bilateral ties.

The Iranian official expressed confidence that the upcoming visit by
Sahakian to Iran would help further promote bilateral and parliamentary
relations.

Sahakian, for his part, said Tehran and Yerevan enjoy high-level ties,
adding that mutual trust can increase bilateral cooperation.

He highlighted the significance of joint economic projects between
Iran and Armenia, saying the implementation of these projects would
raise the level of mutual economic ties.