Sports: IBA World Junior Championships. Armenia dominates in men’s, India in women’s semifinals

Inside The Games
Dec 1 2023

 

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  •  Friday, 1 December 2023

The eighth day of the 2023 IBA World Junior Championships in Yerevan brought many emotions to the participants, as some of them secured their places in the finals, and the others will go home with bronze medals. The semifinal fights were full of exciting moments, great punches and mixed emotions.

India continues his brilliant performance so far in this competition. Their boxers were absolutely dominant in women’s competition, but the men’s team also produced some decent results. 17 boxers from India stepped to the ring in the semifinals, and 13 of them defeated their opponents. They will have 9 representatives in the women’s finals, and 4 representatives in the men's competition. Russia also had 17 participants in the semifinals, but eight of them will go home with bronze medals. The Russian women’s team also were great today, as six of them managed to reach the finals.

Armenia will have only one representative in the women’s finals, but their men’s team was spectacular on day 8, as eight of their nine representatives claimed a victory and walked to the finals. Only Tigran Khachatryan (+80 kg) lost his fight to Indian Hemant Sangwan. 

One of the most spectacular boxers of the tournament John Maher (63 kg) from the Republic of Ireland faced some difficulties in the semifinals against the Greeck Emmanouil Fotiadis, but eventually 3 judges from 5 gave the victory to the Irish boxer. One of the biggest surprises of the tournament Afghan boxer Amanollah Sahak ended his journey by losing to Adam Maca. The Albanian boxer was so dominant in all three rounds, that one of the judges gave him the victory in  each round 10-8. Maca’s opponent in the final fight will be Platon Kozlov from Russia, who like Maca, didn’t give a chance to his rival.

Tomorrow the boxers will take a small break. In the morning the weigh-in of the finals will take place. The women’s competition finals will be held on December 3, the men’s finals on December 4

All the results of the semifinal fights

Women’s competition

46 kg
Maftuna Musurmonova (Uzbekistan) df Claudia Alcaniz (Spain) 5-0
Anastasia Tiunina (Russia) df Neha Lunthi (India) 4-1

48 kg
Payal Payal (India) df Sila Bibolsynkyzy (Kazakhstan) 5-0
Heghine Petrosyan (Armenia) df Sin-Ai Shen (Taipei) by knockout in the first round

50 kg
Snezhana Kuznetsova (Russia) df Gaukhar Zarden (Kazakhstan) 5-0
Maria Georgopoulou (Greece) df Paro Pari (India) 4-1

52 kg
Farinoz Abdulloeva (Tajikistan) df Aisha Sariyeva (Kazakhstan) 4-1
Nisha Nisha (India) df Diana Sikstus (Russia) 4-1

54 kg
Amisha Kerketta (India) df Rocio Trigos (Romania) 5-0
Sydyk Ayazhan (Kazakhstan) df Zuzanna Golebiewska (Poland) 5-0

57 kg
Vini Vini (India) df Ouriana Kantzari (Greece) 5-0
Sevara Mamatova (Uzbekistan) df Anastasia Taratynova (Russia) by knockout in the first round

60 kg
Tolganay Kassymkhan (Kazakhstan) df Nana Pipia (Georgia) 4-1
Kira Leonova (Russia) df Milka Khalifi (Tunisia) 5-0

63 kg
Sachin Sathe (India) df Alina Kudaigenova (Kazakhstan) 5-0
Siofra Lawless (Republic of Ireland) df Ana Khvedelidze (Georgia) by knockout in the second round

66 kg
Aisulu Mukhit (Kazakhstan) df Anastasia Gribanova (Russia) 5-0
Amalia Tugui (Romania) df Nidhi Dhull (India) 5-0

75 kg
Maftuna Yangieva (Uzbekistan) df Kritika Wasan (India) by knockout in the third round
Ekaterina Frolova (Russia) df Flora Budai (Hungary) 5-0

70 kg
Elizaveta Taimazova (Russia) df Eliza Sopterean (Romania) 5-0
Akansha Phalaswal (India) df Mary Mcdonagh (Republic of Ireland) 5-0

80 kg
Anna Buzuleva (Russia) df Kuralay Yeginbaikyzy (Kazakhstan) 5-0
Megha Sheokand (India) df An-Chi Tseng (Taipei) by knockout in the third round

+80 kg
Prachi Tokas (India) df Maria Osipova (Russia) by knockout in the first round
Sobirakhon Shakhobiddinova (Uzbekistan) df Zaineb Sammar (Belgium) by knockout in the first round

Men’s competition

46 kg
Islam Magomedov (Russia) df Hyeonmin Lee (Korea) 5-0
Arno Darchinyan (Armenia) df Adburakhmon Makhmudjonov (Uzbekistan) 4-1

48 kg
Vagharshak Keyan (Armenia) df Nygman Nygmet (Kazakhstan) by knockout in the second round
Emal Hamdam (Germany) df Sikander Sikander (India) 5-0

50 kg
Tigran Ovsepian (Armenia) df Dominik Gombai (Hungary) by knockout in the second round
Angel Dimitrov (Bulgaria) df Khusan Kokhkhorov (Uzbekistan) 3-2

52 kg
Aren Kharatyan (Armenia) df Yanko Iliev (Bulgaria) 5-0
Amantur Dzhumaev (Kyrgyzstan) df Oscar Grodzicki (Poland) 5-0 

54 kg
Jatin JAtin (India) df Pavel Kondrashov (Russia) 4-1
Nurassyl Tulebek (Kazakhstan) df Przemyslaw Soczowka (Poland) 4-1

57 kg
Platon Kozlov (Russia) df Dilerbek Sadirov (Kyrgyzia) 5-0
Adam Maca (Albania) df Amanollah Sahak (Afghanistan) 5-0

60 kg
Firozjon Sadullaev (Uzbekistan) df Akaki Basaria (Georgia) 5-0
Andranik Martirosyan (Armenia) df Mohamed Zeadeh (Jordan) by knockout in the second round

63 kg
Khikmatillo Ulmasov (Uzbekistan) df Derlys Martinez (Ecuador) 5-0
John Maher (Republic of Ireland) df Emmanouil Fotiadis (Greece) 3-0 

66 kg
Argishti Hakobyan (Armenia) df Akbar Ahmadov (Uzbekistan) 4-1
Ivan Siniak (Belarus) df David Torres (Mexico) 5-0 

70 kg
Samvel Siramargyan (Armenia) df Norbek Abdullaev (Uzbekistan) 5-0
Fabian Urbanski (Poland) df Festim Nimani (Germany) 3-2

75 kg
Albert Harutyunyan (Armenia) df Yolber Bandomo (Spain) 4-1
Sahil Sahil (India) df Vladimir Dranko (Russia) 3-2

80 kg
Bairamkhan Ashurov (Russia) df Guan-Hao Pan (Taipei) by knockout in the first round
Hardik Panwar (India) df Andrei Rumiantsau (Belarus) 5-0

+80 kg
Hemant Sangwan (India) df Tigran Khachatryan (Armenia) 5-0
Islam Salikhov (Uzbekistan) df Ian Bogdanov (Russia) 3-2

https://www.insidethegames.biz/articles/1142769/iba-junior-world

Arms for Armenia

Brown Political Review
Nov 29 2023



BRYCE VIST | NOVEMBER 29, 2023

For much of its existence, Armenia has been tossed between its larger, stronger neighbors—first Rome and Parthia, then Byzantium and the Abbasids, and later the Safavids and Ottomans. This pattern shows no signs of stopping. On September 11, 2023, the United States began holding its first military exercises with Armenian forces. Eight short days later, Azerbaijan launched an offensive against the Republic of Artsakh, an unrecognized Armenian enclave in the historically contested Nagorno-Karabakh region. Within a day, the fighting was over, Artsakh ceased to exist, and tens of thousands of civilians from Nagorno-Karabakh began streaming into Armenia proper.

"With a humanitarian crisis brewing, the United States has a rare opportunity to exploit the vacuum by signaling its readiness to uphold lapsed Russian security obligations."

Azerbaijan’s most recent conquest capped a 30-year mission to recapture Nagorno-Karabakh, prompted by a successful Armenian incursion in 1994. For Armenia, the events of September represent a catastrophic institutional failure. They lay bare not only the rot in an aging military obsessed with past glories but also complacency in a diplomatic policy that relied on ancient allies (principally Russia) to the exclusion of all others. The fact that many observers believe Azerbaijan actually gained Russian permission for the invasion demonstrates just how badly Armenia erred. Russia’s reaction seems to confirm the speculation: An official government statement blithely called for a ceasefire, though former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev invited readers of his Telegram channel to “guess the fate” of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan for deciding to “play with NATO.”

Russia’s sudden about-face has upended a Caucasian balance of power that, only a decade ago, seemed entrenched. With a humanitarian crisis brewing, the United States has a rare opportunity to exploit the vacuum by signaling its readiness to uphold lapsed Russian security obligations. In doing so, it could win an ally in Armenia and humiliate an adversary in Russia.

Some history may be in order. Since the Russo-Persian War of 1826–28, Armenia has been Russia’s natural southern ally against Muslim influence inside the Caucasus. Outside the Caucasus, however, common cultural heritage has stimulated robust ties between Armenia and Iran. Armenians are one of Iran’s largest recognized minorities, and Iran has served as a vital conduit for trade since Türkiye closed its border with Armenia in 1993.

"Rather than crawl on all fours to beg Moscow for forgiveness, Armenia stood upright and shopped for allies elsewhere."

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has historically been under Türkiye’s patronage due to the countries’ common religious and ethnic identities. Israel has also forged strong bonds with Azerbaijan, which it perceives as a potential ally in an Irano-Israeli war. The two nations’ arrangement allows Azerbaijan to import Israeli drones; in exchange, Israel receives tacit authority to use Azeri airfields in potential anti-Iran strikes.

These tripartite alliances––between Russia, Armenia, and Iran on the one hand and Azerbaijan, Türkiye, and Israel on the other––have remained largely stable since the fall of the USSR.

Recently, however, one has begun to fracture. In 2018, Pashinyan swept to power in the so-called “Velvet Revolution,” which grew out of street protests against corruption and a perceived lack of economic opportunity. Yet underlying the movement’s explicit motives was a clear subtext: deep concern that Armenia was being ossified by Russian influence. This fear largely stemmed from former Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan’s 2013 rejection of an offer to develop closer ties to the EU in favor of increasing Armenia’s economic reliance on Russia.

"In making overtures to the United States, Armenia has taken a crucial first step out of Russia’s oppressive orbit, but in doing so, it has also made itself incredibly vulnerable to attack."

After the Velvet Revolution, Russian President Vladimir Putin began treating Armenia with considerable suspicion. When Azerbaijan marched on Artsakh in 2020, previewing its 2023 takeover, Russia saw an opportunity to cut its rebellious client down to size. It stepped aside, acting only to safeguard the Lachin Corridor, an extremely narrow lifeline from Armenia to Artsakh.

Armenia learned a lesson from its humiliating defeat in 2020—but not the one Russia intended. In early September of this year, Pashinyan claimed that relying on Russia as a sole security guarantor was “a strategic mistake.” Rather than crawl on all fours to beg Moscow for forgiveness, Armenia stood upright and shopped for allies elsewhere. Sure enough, it found a promising candidate––hence the fateful military exercises that likely provoked the Azeri invasion.

In making overtures to the United States, Armenia has taken a crucial first step out of Russia’s oppressive orbit, but in doing so, it has also made itself incredibly vulnerable to attack. It is thus equally crucial that, for both geopolitical and humanitarian reasons, the United States meet Armenia halfway.

The United States should begin by exploiting the fact that Azerbaijan’s allies—and therefore Armenia’s foes—are also American allies. Türkiye and Israel are core American partners: Türkiye is a NATO member, and Israel is a trusted friend. Both of these nations need America more than they need Azerbaijan. The United States could leverage its moral and material support for Israel’s anti-Hamas campaign to convince Jerusalem to go without Azeri airfields. Türkiye would be a tougher sell, but it could be induced to decrease financial support to Azerbaijan in return for an ebbing of US support for Syrian Kurds (whom Türkiye identifies as terrorists).

If US pressure works and both Türkiye and Israel halt shipments of offensive weaponry to Azerbaijan, the Armenian position would already be far more secure. Should the Azeris nonetheless not stop at Artsakh, the United States should explore shipping weapons to Armenia, which still uses outdated Soviet arms that cannot meaningfully stand up to Azerbaijan’s modern imports.

Further Azeri aggression is not merely theoretical. Azerbaijan has been vocal regarding its desire to create the Zangezur Corridor, a narrow transport route between Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhichevan that would pass through the Armenian province of Syunik. Azeri President Ilhan Aliyev has said that the corridor is a “historical necessity” that will be built “whether Armenia wants it or not.”

Armenia is likely to refuse to allow the corridor’s establishment during peace talks, reasoning that it amounts to ceding sovereign territory. If the countries are unable to compromise, the war over Nagorno-Karabakh could lead to an even more brutal conflict on internationally recognized Armenian land. Moreover, even if the issue of the Zangezur Corridor is resolved, Aliyev has previously claimed that all of Armenia is truly Azerbaijan. Without clear mechanisms to prevent the Azeris from acting on such a claim, another severe humanitarian crisis is possibly imminent.

If concerns over a potential repetition of the Armenian Genocide do not move American policymakers, then more pragmatic reasons should. Armenia is still a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a post-Soviet security alliance composed of six nations firmly ensconced in the Russian sphere of influence. Flipping the allegiance of a CSTO signatory would be a considerable diplomatic coup and signal to the remaining five that the United States stands ready to fill Russia’s abandoned security guarantees. In the longer term, a firmly US-aligned Armenia could be a burr in Russia’s southern flank, tempering aggression of the sort that Georgia faced in 2008. An alliance could even hold benefits for US-Iran relations, which are historically poor, by providing a third-party mediator friendly to both countries.

Opportunities to simultaneously win allies, embarrass foes, and make positive humanitarian impacts are rare. For them to be relatively cheap is even rarer. Yet in Armenia’s case, the United States can accomplish all three objectives by merely pressuring allies and, if necessary, sending a few caches of outdated arms. With the Caucasus’s close proximity to global flashpoints, the United States cannot afford continued instability in the region. It must not delay.

Syria on brink of being drawn into Middle East conflict — Russian envoy to UN

 20:45,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 28, ARMENPRESS. Syria is teetering on the brink of being drawn into a large-scale conflict in the Middle East, Russia's ambassador to the UN, Vasily Nebenzya, said at a meeting of the UN Security Council, devoted to the situation in that country, Tass reports.

"The difficult situation on the ground in Syria is aggravated by the sharp escalation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The country, like a number of its neighbors in the region, is literally balancing on the verge of being drawn into a large-scale confrontation," Tass quoted Russia's ambassador to the UN as saying.

Citibank employees called them ‘Armenian bad guys’ and canceled their accounts. Now they’re suing

Bozeman Daily Chronicle
Nov 27 2023

When Mary Smbatian started hearing rumors a few year ago that Citibank was closing the accounts of Armenian Americans in California's San Fernando Valley, she thought it impossible the giant Wall Street bank would ever shutter hers.

A residential loan broker who also runs an apartment management business, the Encino, California, resident had been a Citibank client for more than a decade, with both company and personal accounts, as well as credit cards issued through the bank.

Then, on Feb. 1 of last year, she got a letter from Citibank informing her that all of her accounts and cards were being closed — without any reason provided. What ensued was chaos, as Smbatian scrambled to get her money back, open new accounts elsewhere and save her businesses.

"This was a mess. This was horrible. This was so depressing," said Smbatian, 42, a mother of five who said she was still shaken by the events. "I was so stressed out, I literally started crying."

Smbatian and others whose accounts were closed suspected discrimination was at play — and say they were proven correct when Citibank signed a consent order Nov. 7 with the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, agreeing to pay $25.9 million to cover alleged violations of fair lending laws from at least 2015 to 2021.

The agency alleged that a unit responsible for issuing store-branded credit cards from Home Depot, Best Buy and other retailers had discriminated against applicants whose surnames ended with "ian" or "yan," and particularly those who lived in and near Glendale.

The bank suspected that applicants seeking new cards or credit increases would be more likely to commit fraud and not pay their charges, with some employees referring to them as "Armenian bad guys" or the "Southern California Armenian Mafia." The applicants were subjected to higher scrutiny and many were turned down, approved credit on less favorable terms or subject to possible account freezes and closures, according to the order.

The agency also also found that the bank took "corrective action" against employees who failed to identify and deny the applications. Employees were ordered not to tell customers the real reasons for their rejections or to discuss it in writing or on recorded lines.

The bank agreed to set aside $1.4 million for victims of the discrimination, but the vast share of the penalty is going into a pool that compensates all consumers harmed by violations of federal consumer financial protection laws.

Now, Smbatian is a lead plaintiff in a proposed class-action lawsuit filed Nov. 17 in Los Angeles federal court on behalf of victims of Citibank's discriminatory practices. The suit alleges far greater harm than is detailed in the CFPB's order.

"The fine is actually minuscule compared to the damage done, and it's very significant from what we are hearing from our clients," said attorney Tamar Arminak, whose Glendale firm filed the lawsuit. "It really wrecked them."

Los Angeles County is home to nearly 190,000 people of Armenian descent, according to the 2020 census, making it the largest diaspora community in the country.

The lawsuit seeks to compensate the plaintiffs due to losses suffered from a wide range of alleged injustices, including damage to credit scores and the financial hardship arising from account closures and the inability to access their money. It is also seeking punitive damages due to "the indignity of discrimination."

Arminak said she had heard from Smbatian, a friend, and others in the Armenian community about the closed accounts and decided to proceed with the lawsuit after the CFPB action was announced earlier this month. After advertising the class action on social media and her firm's website, she said she was deluged with responses and has signed up more than 100 clients who want to participate.

The attorney said clients have told her that they didn't just have store accounts closed but checking, savings and business accounts, with the money tied for up weeks or months. Some business people told her their SBA loan funds were frozen for years. Meanwhile, they had trouble accessing their banks records and couldn't get a straight answer about what was happening.

"People suffered far more than a Macy's account not being approved," she said. "And I don't think the fine addresses the humiliation involved."

Despite the consent order focusing on a period through 2021, Arminak said, the stories she has heard from clients indicate account closures actually accelerated last year.

Smbatian's lawsuit is the second proposed class action arising from the fallout surrounding the CFPB's order. It follows a narrower lawsuit filed Nov. 13 by a law firm on behalf of a Grenada Hills, California, woman of Armenian descent who held a Citibank Costco-branded card and alleges she was turned down for a credit line increase this year. A New York law firm announced it is looking into potential breaches of fiduciary duties by the bank's officers and directors.

Citibank did not respond directly to request for comment regarding the lawsuit but directed The Times toward a statement it previously issued about the CFPB settlement, in which it did not deny or admit the agency's findings.

"Regrettably, in trying to thwart a well-documented Armenian fraud ring operating in certain parts of California, a few employees took impermissible actions. While we prioritize protecting our bank and our customers from fraud, it is unacceptable to base credit decisions on national origin. We sincerely apologize to any applicant who was evaluated unfairly by the small number of employees who circumvented our fraud detection protocols," it said.

The alleged Citibank credit denials and account closures follow decades of increasingly tough "know your customer rules" that aim to reduce financial crimes. They were first imposed in 1970 and strengthened after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the 2008 financial crisis. Banks violators have been subjected to sometimes huge fines totaling in the billions of dollars domestically and abroad.

Lauren Saunders, associate director of the National Consumer Law Center, said banks have a responsibility to look out for illegal activity such as accounts being used by drug cartels and for money laundering and perpetrating fraud — but it has gone beyond that.

"What we are seeing right now is that some are overreacting or indiscriminately freezing or closing accounts based on supposed red flags, catching innocent people in the process and without giving them any clear procedure or remedy or timeline to get their money back when they, in fact, are not criminals," she said.

Among the most high-profile recent example, she noted, was that of Bank of America, which froze the debit-card accounts of Californians receiving unemployment benefits at the height of the pandemic using a crude algorithm to detect fraud — and then holding on to the money as customers fruitlessly called for weeks. The bank paid fines totaling $225 million to two federal agencies last year.

Saunders said that regulations need to be strengthened to require banks to provide a reason for shutting accounts and to have a consumer dispute process in place. "I think we need to make sure that banks aren't closing accounts for discriminatory reasons. And right now, they are not being required to give any reasons, and that can be a cover for discrimination," she said.

The consent agreement prompted Rep. Maxine Waters, D-California, to call for the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, the bank's regulator, to revisit an "outstanding" performance rating Citibank received in 2021 for its compliance with the Community Reinvestment Act. The 1977 law encourages banks to take steps to improve access to credit and other banking services in minority communities.

The CFPB would not comment on what prompted it to investigate Citibank, but the consent order states that it discovered the alleged discrimination through a statistical analysis of credit applications in the retail services unit from 2015 to 2021. Citibank must now develop a plan to identify and compensate harmed customers, who will not have to apply for compensation.

Under federal rules governing proposed class actions, any related lawsuits would be combined and a lead counsel appointed. The cases also would have to meet certain criteria to be certified and proceed, a process that could take at least six months to a year. Successful class actions typically result in settlements.

Karl Asatryan, a real estate agent and developer, is the other named plaintiff in the case. The lawsuit alleges he received a letter from bank in May of last year stating his accounts would be closed in 30 days. No reason was given and his line of credit also was shut down.

He said he had been a Citibank client for some 20 years and had even refinanced his home mortgage with the bank.

"That's disrespect toward the customer," said Asatryan, 44, of Valley Glen, California. "And for a customer like myself, that's ridiculous."

©2023 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

https://www.bozemandailychronicle.com/ap_news/business/citibank-employees-called-them-armenian-bad-guys-and-canceled-their-accounts-now-theyre-suing/article_19675101-b4af-5909-9e61-4484415dfe1e.html

EBRD expands cooperation with HSBC in Armenia

European Bank
Nov 27 2023

By Loretta  Martikian

  • Risk Sharing Framework agreement signed today in Yerevan
  • Framework to help HSBC expand local firms’ access to funding
  • EBRD to co-finance individual sub-loans

The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has signed a funded Risk Sharing Framework (RSF) agreement with HSBC Bank Armenia (HSBC Armenia) to facilitate Armenian firms’ access to finance.

Under the agreement – signed today in Yerevan by Francis Malige, the EBRD’s Managing Director for Financial Institutions, and Irina Seylanyan, the HSBC Armenia’s Chief Executive Officer – the EBRD will co-finance individual loans provided by HSBC Armenia to eligible borrowers.

The RSF is one of three core financing frameworks of the EBRD’s Small Business Initiative a programme dedicated to supporting and developing local private companies. The EBRD offers partner banks funded or unfunded risk participation mechanisms in foreign or local currency by co-financing and guaranteeing the partner bank’s loans to eligible companies.

“We are pleased to partner with HSBC Armenia to expand financing opportunities for growing companies. The EBRD’s risk-participation mechanism will enable HSBC Armenia to manage capital and risk concentration and facilitate credit growth for the benefit of the real economy,” said Francis Malige.

“This partnership marks a new chapter in our longstanding relationship with the EBRD. Through this collaboration, we look forward to enhancing our financing opportunities for local businesses,” said Irina Seylanyan.

HSBC Armenia is one of the EBRD’s key partner banks in Armenia, with cooperation particularly focused on supporting investments in sustainable energy. HSBC Armenia has distinguished itself as a leading provider of corporate and investment banking services in the country.

Bolstering firms’ competitiveness and supporting financial-sector intermediation through risk-sharing products are among the EBRD’s key priorities in Armenia. As one of the largest institutional investors there, the EBRD has invested more than €2 billion in 207 projects in the country, with the majority in the private sector.

https://www.ebrd.com/news/2023/ebrd-expands-cooperation-with-hsbc-in-armenia.html

Turkey: Convicted killer of Armenian journalist faces new terror-related charges

MEDYA News
Nov 20 2023

A fresh indictment has been levelled against Ogün Samast, just released from prison after serving a 16-year sentence for the 2007 murder of Hrant Dink, the Armenian editor-in-chief of the Agos Newspaper. The indictment, lodged in Istanbul, accuses Samast of involvement with the Fethullah Gülen Organisation (FETÖ), the group accused of plotting the 15 July 2016 coup attempt, linking the murder to their objectives and seeking a sentence of between 7 years and 6 months to 12 years.

Samast, who was a minor at the time of Dink’s assassination, is classified in the indictment as a “child led into crime”. Despite the absence of direct evidence linking Samast to FETÖ, the prosecution argues his actions were in line with the organisation’s objectives. The document cites Samast’s 2014 testimony in the Dink murder trial, which details his interactions with his former co-defendants, Yasin Hayal and Erhan Tuncel, both convicted, and an overheard conversation about support from key figures within the organisation.

The indictment also outlines FETÖ’s alleged strategy subsequent to Dink’s murder, including a takeover of the Istanbul Intelligence Directorate, part of a broader scheme to infiltrate state institutions, culminating in the controversial 2016 coup attempt.

The case, referred to the Istanbul 2nd High Criminal Court for Children, reflects Samast’s age at the time of Dink’s murder. Originally sentenced to a life term, his sentence was reduced due to his juvenile status at the time of the crime.

Meanwhile, Reşat Altay, Police Chief of the city of Trabzon at the time of the assassination, recently reflected on the murder, suggesting it could have been prevented. Altay stated that he had received no intelligence about the plot, which had been laid in Trabzon, Samast’s home town. He highlighted the lack of communication and follow-up on critical intelligence, pointing to systemic failures within the police department.

Altay’s revelations align with the ongoing scrutiny of the role of law enforcement in the case. The indictment’s focus on Samast’s alleged links to FETÖ adds a new dimension to the long-standing controversy surrounding Dink’s murder, a case that has become emblematic of issues within Turkey’s justice and law enforcement systems.

Hrant Dink’s widow Rakel Dink, speaking at a recent conference, emphasised the broader implications of the case for Turkey’s democratic development. Her comments underscore the ongoing public demand for accountability and transparency in the investigation of Dink’s assassination and the broader struggle for justice in Turkey.

SOAD Frontman Serj Tankian and Director Michael Goorjian on Armenia’s Oscar Candidate ‘Amerikatsi’ …

Variety
Nov 23 2023

Shortly after actor-director Michael Goorjian wrote the script for “Amerikatsi,” which is Armenia’s candidate for the international Oscar, he turned to System of a Down frontman Serj Tankian – who is also of Armenian descent – for feedback on the tale of an Armenian-American who repatriates in 1948 to what has become Soviet Armenia.

The Grammy-winning musician and political activist then became an executive producer on the film, which uses an ironic Chaplin-esque tone to depict the dream of the Armenian diaspora to reconnect with their roots.

Goorjian, who wrote and directed the movie, also stars as Charlie, an Armenian immigrant to the U.S. who returns to his homeland, now under Soviet rule, and almost immediately gets thrown into jail. But from his cell, he can see a prison guard’s home. Gradually, his life and that of the Armenian guard and his wife become vicariously entwined.

Goorjian and Tankian spoke to Variety about the film’s timeliness, just as Armenia’s relations with Russia are becoming increasingly frayed.

How did “Amerikatsi” germinate?

Goorjian: As an Armenian, I’ve always wanted to do something related to my roots. But with so much focus on the genocide, I really wanted to make a movie that would allow Armenians to celebrate themselves a bit and be fun to watch. This period when Stalin invited Armenians to repatriate – he did it with many of the Soviet countries – I didn’t know about it, and many Armenians don’t really talk about it. But I’ve heard it described a few times as a “wound upon a wound.” After the genocide, these Armenians who had made their way in the world wound up going back expecting homeland and expecting Armenia. It was a disaster for so many. So finding what was hopeful in this story wasn’t necessarily easy, nor was finding the right tone. When I first wrote the script, I wasn’t 100% sure it would work. That is one of the reasons why Serj saw an early copy of it. And I think, in a lot of ways, he gave me the confidence that there’s something here and it’s worth pursuing.

Can you contextualize the film for me within present-day Armenia?

Tankian: I think it’s an incredible time to put out this film because of Armenia’s geopolitical pivot toward the West and showing some of the history. People look at Armenia and say, “Oh, they’ve been a Russian satellite Soviet nation since the early 1920s.” Which is true. But people don’t realize that the genocide has a lot to do with it. We had Turkey next door after the genocide. We had famine in Armenia and a lot of things. Armenia didn’t have much of an independence. It just had independence for about two years, and the Turkish army was moving in. There were battles and all that. So the choice was between the Russians, who we knew weren’t going to massacre us, and the Turks, that were massacring us. So it wasn’t much of a choice to Sovietize Armenia in 1921. And people have to realize that. The story then becomes the story of Soviet Armenia, which lasted until 1991 with the independence of Armenia and Russia being the security guarantor. And then in 2020, as we know, Azerbaijan attacked. And, of course, they attacked with the full knowledge and acceptance of Putin because that stuff wouldn’t happen in his backyard without his go-ahead. And since then, the Russian state has thrown Armenia under the bus. So coming back to this film, it’s a perfect pivot showing why Armenia is going Western.

Michael, how did you create this protagonist who, while he’s imprisoned, lives almost vicariously through the life of these other two characters he sees from his prison window?

Goorjian: Oddly, it’s actually based on a true story someone told me. A Ukrainian friend of mine knew somebody in prison who could see into an apartment building. And what struck me about the story is that it’s a reflection of a very deep aspect of the human condition that doesn’t get recognized that much. Sometimes we forget that we have this part of ourselves that, when we start noticing someone else or paying attention and looking and learning about someone else, just like this prisoner, we can’t help but start caring. That’s human nature. And to me, that’s something that’s not just for Armenians, but for the world right now. We need to be reminded of things like that. That’s what struck me about that story, and that’s why it felt right also for Armenia. I wanted to share Armenian culture, but in a way that was not hitting you over the head with it. I wanted the audience, like the prisoner, to voyeuristically be peeking in a window at an Armenian family and learning little bits of their culture and the food they eat, hearing the music they’re playing. And that is a way of pulling people in.

What does the fact that this film is an Oscar contender mean for Armenians?

Goorjian: I look at it like it’s almost national security to be able to help people see us more as who we really are. Things people know about Armenian culture are very, very limited. And just by having a film that’s accessible – that’s not just for Armenians, but also for non-Armenians – it helps Armenians to be seen. For Armenia to get a nomination, it would literally change the country.

This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

https://variety.com/2023/film/global/system-of-a-down-serj-tankian-amerikatsi-michael-goorjian-armenia-oscar-1235806383/

Presidential aide Hikmat Hajiyev says Azerbaijan wants peace and normalized relations with Armenia

eureporter
Nov. 17 2023
 

By

 Colin Stevens

Hikmat Hajiyev, assistant to the president of Azerbaijan on Foreign Policy Affairs, met with journalists in Brussels this week to discuss relations with Armenia after Karabakh's freedom. Armenia has occupied the region since 1991, declaring the Nagorno Karabakh Republic a de facto autonomous state.

Hajiyev stated Armenia's unlawful regime is disarmed and out of Azerbaijan.

This eliminates hurdles to an Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal.

We believe this is a historic opportunity to end antagonism and hostility between two countries and construct durable peace based on Azerbaijan's five principles for Armenia.

“Then I think that Azerbaijan has also established a model of resolution of one of the most prolonged conflicts on the wider map of Eurasia.”

The Karabakh conflict has been one of the OSCE's issues since its founding, although it has not been resolved.

Because its aim was to maintain Armenia's occupation of Azerbaijan, the Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship Institute failed.

We've ended the military occupation and oppression. Thus, Azerbaijan now prioritizes peace and normalizing relations with Armenia.

“But any peace engagement requires two sides, and Armenia should show positivity and goodwill. We submitted the fifth updated peace treaty to Armenia, but they have not reacted in almost two months.

New realities have evolved in our region. Legality and legitimacy underpin these new realities.”

He then discussed Azerbaijan's future relations with Armenia. “We want to build a new regional security architecture based on justice, recognising each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, and ending all territorial claims.

We also encourage Armenia-Azerbaijan relations. I think we should reach peace. I think additional partners can support that agreement.”

He said, "First, peace and regional security are not in Brussels, Paris, Washington, Moscow, or anywhere. Peace is regional.”

During the so-called frozen dispute, some in the European Parliament felt Azerbaijanophobia or Islamophobia toward Azerbaijan.

“That’s also not that helpful for the EU’s ambitions or interests in regional resources,” Hajiyev said. The European Council recently made a statement criticizing Azerbaijan, which we find unnecessary. European institutions never treated Azerbaijan fairly while its territory was occupied.

"My question: why? For years, there was one approach toward separatist entities in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, but another against Azerbaijan.”

He added: "Some EU member countries, like France, have started a militarisation program in Armenia."

"We don't support militarization.

"A militarization program is unnecessary for Armenia. Armenian peace for its neighbours requires a peaceful program. I think militarization programs are bad.”"A militarisation program is unnecessary for Armenia. Armenian peace for its neighbours requires a peaceful program. I think militarization programs are bad.”

He noted that France is sending Armenia missile-capable military armed personnel carriers.

Armenia is also buying three French radar systems and “Mistral” short-range surface-to-air missiles.

"We consistently warned member states like France not to support separatism in Azerbaijan's territory. Second, don't promote Armenian revanchism or geopolitical games in our region. Unfortunately, this is true.”

He added: “We think that this is a historical opportunity and a historical momentum and that appropriate European institutions should also be part of the solution, not the problem, to advance a peaceful agenda in the region of the social crisis.”

https://www.eureporter.co/world/armenia/2023/11/17/presidential-aide-hikmat-hajiyev-says-azerbaijan-wants-peace-and-normalized-relations-with-armenia/#google_vignette

Bay Area Armenians Mobilize To Help Refugees From Nagorno-Karabakh

Nov 15 2023

SAN FRANCISCO — Bay Area Armenians have rallied together to support recent refugees from the contested region of Nagorno-Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

This is the latest development of the Armenia and Azerbaijan conflict that started back in 2020. Azerbaijan had been blockading the Nagorno-Karabakh region, formerly a semi-autonomous republic, since the end of last year but fully occupied it at the end of September. As a result, over 100,000 ethnic Armenians have fled the area, fearing worsening conditions. 

Nagorno-Karabakh has been an area of contention between both countries. Spanning over 1,700 square miles, the region is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan. However, due to its large Armenian population and continuous conflicts with Azerbaijan spanning back to 1918, it had been operating as a semi-autonomous republic since 1991 under the name “Republic of Artsakh.” Now, with Azerbaijan taking full control of the region, Artsakh is planned to dissolve by the beginning of next year, turning many of its former residents into refugees.  

For Ani Bagdasarian, a nurse living in Palo Alto, helping involves shipping medical equipment for those in need. A daughter of two Armenian immigrants, Bagdasarian originally started shipping medical equipment back in 2020 when the war broke out. At the time, through a partnership with a series of non-profits, Bagdasarian managed to fill two large planes with only healthcare items.  

“We filled [the shipments] with supplies, beds, all the basics,” said Bagdasarian.  

While she is still focused on sending medical equipment, she no longer has access to such large transportation options. Due to logistical complications, an average shipment to Armenia takes around two months to arrive. Because of these obstacles, Bagdasarian believes the Armenian community has taken a different approach than the one three years ago. 

“The efforts [to help the refugees] were more slow to start. Everyone wanted to be more methodical this time, making sure to give people what they need,” said Bagdasarian.  

In her case, that involves sending less basic medical supplies, and more targeted ones, focused on treating the illnesses that currently afflict many refugees.

David Ojakian, the western region director for the Armenian Assembly of America, an Armenian advocacy organization, says there are other ways to help the refugees that don’t involve directly sending supplies. 

“The biggest element right now is raising money. We need to give information to the community, show them how to take action, and where to donate,” said Ojakian.  

Although based in the Bay Area, Ojakian’s work takes him across the United States. As an executive in the organization, most of his job involves lobbying politicians in D.C. to send government support to the refugees, something that still hasn’t happened.  

“It’s hard to get issues to the forefront in D.C., but we have to do it. There is no other way,” said Ojakian.  

Ojakian is not the only one trying to get the Biden administration to provide aid to the refugees. Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, a Palo Alto Democrat who is of Armenian descent, wrote a letter signed by 75 other members of congress urging the president to take a more active stance, both in helping the refugees as well as condemning Azerbaijan.  

“The U.S. has a moral obligation to do whatever is necessary to bring an end to this needless suffering and ensure Azerbaijan faces consequences for engaging in ethnic cleansing,” read the letter. 

Susie Avagyan, a master’s student at Stanford University left Armenia just days before the refugee crisis started. She mobilized almost immediately after hearing the news. Originally, she started helping by running a clothing drive but soon grew dissatisfied with the impact that could have.  

“Because of shipping issues, we could only ship one bag of clothes. And that’s not really enough. I wanted to be of more help,” said Avagyan. 

She then decided to change approaches and use her position as a Stanford student to her benefit, connecting with various Armenian student organizations around the bay.   

“My main goal now is to make people aware of [the refugee crisis]. The more people are aware, the bigger the change we can make,” said Avagyan. While she has done various things to raise awareness, her work currently focuses on convincing universities to spread the word about the issue in their official newsletters.  

“The Armenian community here is very strong,” she added. “Even though everyone is so far away, they all came together to help. It’s good to know that, even halfway across the world, there are still people who care,” said Avagyan.  

SAN FRANCISCO — Bay Area Armenians have rallied together to support recent refugees from the contested region of Nagorno-Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

This is the latest development of the Armenia and Azerbaijan conflict that started back in 2020. Azerbaijan had been blockading the Nagorno-Karabakh region, formerly a semi-autonomous republic, since the end of last year but fully occupied it at the end of September. As a result, over 100,000 ethnic Armenians have fled the area, fearing worsening conditions. 

Nagorno-Karabakh has been an area of contention between both countries. Spanning over 1,700 square miles, the region is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan. However, due to its large Armenian population and continuous conflicts with Azerbaijan spanning back to 1918, it had been operating as a semi-autonomous republic since 1991 under the name “Republic of Artsakh.” Now, with Azerbaijan taking full control of the region, Artsakh is planned to dissolve by the beginning of next year, turning many of its former residents into refugees.  

For Ani Bagdasarian, a nurse living in Palo Alto, helping involves shipping medical equipment for those in need. A daughter of two Armenian immigrants, Bagdasarian originally started shipping medical equipment back in 2020 when the war broke out. At the time, through a partnership with a series of non-profits, Bagdasarian managed to fill two large planes with only healthcare items.  

“We filled [the shipments] with supplies, beds, all the basics,” said Bagdasarian.  

While she is still focused on sending medical equipment, she no longer has access to such large transportation options. Due to logistical complications, an average shipment to Armenia takes around two months to arrive. Because of these obstacles, Bagdasarian believes the Armenian community has taken a different approach than the one three years ago. 

“The efforts [to help the refugees] were more slow to start. Everyone wanted to be more methodical this time, making sure to give people what they need,” said Bagdasarian.  

In her case, that involves sending less basic medical supplies, and more targeted ones, focused on treating the illnesses that currently afflict many refugees.

David Ojakian, the western region director for the Armenian Assembly of America, an Armenian advocacy organization, says there are other ways to help the refugees that don’t involve directly sending supplies. 

“The biggest element right now is raising money. We need to give information to the community, show them how to take action, and where to donate,” said Ojakian.  

Although based in the Bay Area, Ojakian’s work takes him across the United States. As an executive in the organization, most of his job involves lobbying politicians in D.C. to send government support to the refugees, something that still hasn’t happened.  

“It’s hard to get issues to the forefront in D.C., but we have to do it. There is no other way,” said Ojakian.  

Ojakian is not the only one trying to get the Biden administration to provide aid to the refugees. Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, a Palo Alto Democrat who is of Armenian descent, wrote a letter signed by 75 other members of congress urging the president to take a more active stance, both in helping the refugees as well as condemning Azerbaijan.  

“The U.S. has a moral obligation to do whatever is necessary to bring an end to this needless suffering and ensure Azerbaijan faces consequences for engaging in ethnic cleansing,” read the letter. 

Susie Avagyan, a master’s student at Stanford University left Armenia just days before the refugee crisis started. She mobilized almost immediately after hearing the news. Originally, she started helping by running a clothing drive but soon grew dissatisfied with the impact that could have.  

“Because of shipping issues, we could only ship one bag of clothes. And that’s not really enough. I wanted to be of more help,” said Avagyan. 

She then decided to change approaches and use her position as a Stanford student to her benefit, connecting with various Armenian student organizations around the bay.   

“My main goal now is to make people aware of [the refugee crisis]. The more people are aware, the bigger the change we can make,” said Avagyan. While she has done various things to raise awareness, her work currently focuses on convincing universities to spread the word about the issue in their official newsletters.  

“The Armenian community here is very strong,” she added. “Even though everyone is so far away, they all came together to help. It’s good to know that, even halfway across the world, there are still people who care,” said Avagyan.  

Guilherme graduated from the University of Southern California Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, where he also worked as an Executive Radio Producer and a Columnist. Growing up in São Paulo, Brazil, he contributed to national media outlets, writing about foreign politics. He is interested in international journalism and local government issues. He seeks to use data-driven storytelling to inform underserved communities better and to create tools to assist news organizations in doing the same. As a bonafide Brazilian, his biggest wish is to see his country win its sixth World Cup.

https://peninsulapress.com/2023/11/15/bay-area-armenians-mobilize-to-help-refugees-from-nagorno-karabakh/ 

Lukashenka urges Armenia to ‘seriously consider’ not leaving the CSTO

Nov 15 2023
 

Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenka has urged Armenia to ‘seriously consider’ its options before taking steps which may see Armenia leave the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO).

On Tuesday, Armenia’s Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan, announced that he would not be taking part in the CSTO summit scheduled to be held in Minsk on 23 November.

This came in a telephone call with Belarus’s President Lukashenka, in which Pashinyan reportedly expressed his hope that the CSTO ‘would understand the decision’.

Lukashenka then reportedly urged Pashinyan not to make ‘hasty decisions’ about Armenia’s status in the Russia-led security bloc.

‘The president suggested that the PM of Armenia should not hurry, should not make hasty decisions, but should seriously think about the next steps, which may be aimed at disintegration’, stated Lukashenka’s press secretary, Natalya Eismont.

Following Pashinyan’s announcement, Moscow expressed its ‘regret’, with Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov telling reporters that Russia understands that ‘each head of government or head of state may have his own events in his work schedule, their own circumstances’.

‘But we can only express regret because such meetings are a very good reason for exchanging opinions; to clarify positions’.

On Wednesday, Pashinyan suggested that he was not taking part in the CSTO summit, because the bloc did not recognise Armenia’s borders.

He was referring to a statement by Kazakh Foreign Minister Mukhtar Tileuberdi, who stated that since the borders between Azerbaijan and Armenia were not demarcated, it would be difficult to determine where there were ‘any violation’ on the Armenia–Azerbaijan border.

‘Simply participating silently under those conditions’, he said, could bring into question Armenia’s ‘territorial integrity and sovereignty’.

‘We also make such decisions in order to give ourselves and CSTO time to think.’

Pashinyan also explained that Armenia was purchasing weapons from the West and elsewhere ‘because our partners in the security sector, including for objective reasons, are unable to sell us weapons and ammunition’. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the country has struggled to procure the weapons needed to maintain its war.

‘We tell them very well, please don’t be upset, but we have to look for other security partners. We are looking for and finding these partners, we are trying to sign contracts, get some weapons, military equipment. That is our policy’.

On Tuesday, Armenia Security Council Secretary, Armen Grigoryan, stated that Armenia has declined to attend CSTO meetings because of the security bloc’s inaction in the face of Azerbaijani attacks on Armenian territory.

Article 4 of the CSTO charter stipulates that members of the bloc are obliged to mutually defend each other against external threats or attacks.

Grigoryan said that Armenia had ‘many questions’ to the CSTO, hinging its participation in future meetings on whether it will receive answers.

’Until now, we do not have the answer to these questions, and this is also the reason why we are not participating in the session of the CSTO Collective Security Council’, said Grigoryan.

Earlier on Tuesday, Arman Yeghoyan, an MP from the ruling Civil Contract party and the chair of the European Integration Commission, noted in a briefing that while Armenia is not currently considering leaving the bloc, the government has repeatedly expressed its ‘dissatisfaction’ with the CSTO.

‘And here you are surprised that we do not participate?’ said Yeghoyan. 

Armenia’s relations with Russia have been deteriorating since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020, with Yerevan seemingly pushing itself away from the Moscow-led CSTO and Commonwealth of Independent State in favour of closer security ties with the West.

[Read more: Armenia steps up military ties with West as Russia relations tumble]

Pashinyan and other high-ranking officials have repeatedly declined to participate in CSTO and CIS sessions. Armenia refused to host joint CSTO peacekeeping exercises and sat out two CSTO drills in autumn. Yerevan also refused to send a representative to serve as the CSTO’s deputy secretary general in March.

https://oc-media.org/lukashenka-urges-armenia-to-seriously-consider-not-leaving-the-csto/