The Muslim Genocide of 2.5 Million Christians

Front Page Magazine
 
 
 
The religious as opposed to nationalistic aspects of the Armenian Genocide.
 
Fri May 1, 2020 Raymond Ibrahim
Raymond Ibrahim is a Shillman Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center.
 
Last Friday, April 24, marked the “Great Crime,” that is, the genocide of Christians—primarily Armenians Assyrians and Greeks—that took place under the Islamic Ottoman Empire, throughout World War I.  Then, in an attempt to wipe out as many Christians as possible, the Turks massacred approximately 1.5 million Armenians, 300,000 Assyrians, and 750,000 Greeks.
 
Most objective American historians who have studied the question unequivocally agree that it was a deliberate, calculated genocide:
 
More than one million Armenians perished as the result of execution, starvation, disease, the harsh environment, and physical abuse.  A people who lived in eastern Turkey for nearly 3,000 years [more than double the amount of time the invading Islamic Turks had occupied Anatolia, now known as “Turkey”] lost its homeland and was profoundly decimated in the first large-scale genocide of the twentieth century.  At the beginning of 1915 there were some two million Armenians within Turkey; today there are fewer than 60,000….  Despite the vast amount of evidence that points to the historical reality of the Armenian Genocide, eyewitness accounts, official archives, photographic evidence, the reports of diplomats, and the testimony of survivors, denial of the Armenian Genocide by successive regimes in Turkey has gone on from 1915 to the present.
 
Similarly, in 1920, U.S. Senate Resolution 359 heard testimony that included evidence of “[m]utilation, violation, torture, and death [which] have left their haunting memories in a hundred beautiful Armenian valleys, and the traveler in that region is seldom free from the evidence of this most colossal crime of all the ages.”
 
In her memoir, Ravished Armenia, Aurora Mardiganian described being raped and thrown into a harem (consistent with Islam’s rules of war).  Unlike thousands of other Armenian girls who were discarded after being defiled, she managed to escape. In the city of Malatia, she saw 16 Christian girls crucified: “Each girl had been nailed alive upon her cross,” she wrote, “spikes through her feet and hands, only their hair blown by the wind, covered their bodies.” Such scenes were portrayed in the 1919 documentary film Auction of Souls, some of which is based on Mardiganian’s memoirs.
 
Whereas the genocide is largely acknowledged in the West, one of its primary if not fundamental causes is habitually overlooked: religion.  The genocide is usually articulated through a singularly secular paradigm, one that factors only things that are intelligible from a secular, Western point of view—such as identity and gender politics, nationalism, and territorial disputes. Such an approach does little more than project modern Western perspectives onto vastly different civilizations and eras.
 
War, of course, is another factor that clouds the true face of the genocide.  Because these atrocities mostly occurred during World War I, so the argument goes, they are ultimately a reflection of just that—war, in all its chaos and destruction, and nothing more.  But as Winston Churchill, who described the massacres as an “administrative holocaust,” correctly observed, “The opportunity [WWI] presented itself for clearing Turkish soil of a Christian race.”  Even Adolf Hitler, ominously presaging his own plans, had pointed out that “Turkey is taking advantage of the war in order to thoroughly liquidate its internal foes, i.e., the indigenous Christians, without being thereby disturbed by foreign intervention.”
 
It’s worth noting that little has changed; in the context of war in Iraq, Syria, and Libya, the first to be targeted for genocide have been Christians and other minorities.
 
But even the most cited factor of the Armenian Genocide, “ethnic identity conflict,” while legitimate, must be understood in light of the fact that, historically, religion accounted more for a person’s identity than language or heritage.   This is daily demonstrated throughout the Islamic world today, where Muslim governments and Muslim mobs persecute Christian minorities who share the same race, ethnicity, language, and culture; minorities who are indistinguishable from the majority—except, of course, for being non-Muslims, or “infidels.”
 
As one Armenian studies professor asks, “If it [the Armenian Genocide] was a feud between Turks and Armenians, what explains the genocide carried out by Turkey against the Christian Assyrians at the same time?” The same can be said about the Greeks. From a Turkish perspective, the primary thing Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks had in common was that they were all Christian “infidels.”
 
According to a 2017 book, Year of the Sword: The Assyrian Christian Genocide, the “policy of ethnic cleansing was stirred up by pan-Islamism and religious fanaticism.  Christians were considered infidels (kafir).  The call to Jihad, decreed on 29 November 1914 and instigated and orchestrated for political ends, was part of the plan” to “combine and sweep over the lands of Christians and to exterminate them.”   As with Armenians and Greeks, eyewitness accounts tell of the sadistic eye-gouging of Assyrians and the gang rape of their children on church altars. According to key documents, all this was part of “an Ottoman plan to exterminate Turkey’s Christians.”
 
Today, from Indonesia in the east to Morocco in the west, from Central Asia in the north, to sub-Sahara Africa—that is, throughout the entire Islamic world—Muslims are, to varying degrees, persecuting, killing, raping, enslaving, torturing and dislocating Christians; where formal Islamic groups such as the Islamic State (ISIS), Al Shabaab, Boko Haram, etc., hold sway, Christians and other “infidels” are literally experiencing a genocide.  (See Crucified Again: Exposing Islam’s New War on Christians — or my monthly “Muslim Persecution of Christians” report — for a comprehensive and ongoing account of the “great crime” of our times.)
 
To understand how the historic genocide of Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks is representative of the modern day plight of Christians under Islam, one need only read the following words written in 1918 by President Theodore Roosevelt; however, read “Armenian” as “Christian” and “Turkish” as  “Islamic,” as supplied in brackets:
 
the Armenian [Christian] massacre was the greatest crime of the war, and the failure to act against Turkey [the Islamic world] is to condone it… the failure to deal radically with the Turkish [Islamic] horror means that all talk of guaranteeing the future peace of the world is mischievous nonsense.
 
Similarly, if we “fail to deal radically” with the “horror” currently being visited upon millions of Christians around the Islamic world, we “condone it” and had better cease talking “mischievous nonsense” of a utopian world of peace and tolerance.
 
Put differently, silence is always the ally of those who would liquidate the “other.”  In 1915, Adolf Hitler rationalized his genocidal plans, which he implemented some three decades later, when he rhetorically asked: “Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?”
 
And who among today’s Western politicians speaks—let alone does anything—about the ongoing annihilation of Christians by Muslims?
 

Artsakh’s free higher education law to be enacted retroactively

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 14:45,

YEREVAN, MAY 23, ARMENPRESS. The education reforms in Artsakh are entering a new phase, with President Arayik Harutyunyan announcing that higher education in the country’s public educational institutions will be free of charge from September 1.

Harutyunyan’s Free Fatherland party spokesperson Vahram Poghosyan told ARMENPRESS that the decision will be retroactive, meaning it will most probably also cover students who are already enrolled in the institutions.

He said there will be strict admission terms.

“The purpose of the program isn’t only in solving a social issue. The government is trying to make the demands for education stricter, serious attention will be paid to the qualitative features of the academic staff and overall the increasing of the level of education”, Poghosyan said.

Public educational institutions will no longer depend on tuition fees of students and the government will ramp up funding.

“Private universities must try to gain competitive advantage, be able to deliver tuition in conformity with higher, modern educational demands. We must have the kind of education system when graduates will have relevant professional high qualification”.

The government is also seeking to strengthen colleges.

Artsakh currently has two public universities and four public colleges.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenpress: Government to support business initiatives in the field of production and services

Government to support business initiatives in the field of production and services 

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 18:39,

YEREVAN, MAY 18, ARMENPRESS.  Chaired by Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, today a regular consultation on the Government’s anti-crisis policy was held in the Office of Government.

ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of the Prime Minister, the meeting discussed the Government’s initiative to provide state support for starting a business from scratch. It will cover new business projects in the field of production and services outside Yerevan. The Investment Support Center shall be responsible for assessing and supporting startups.

The initiative was endorsed: it will be submitted to the government for approval in the near future. The results of the ongoing anti-crisis programs and the steps to take ahead were discussed during the meeting.

Artur Poghosyan appointed Head of NSS Investigation Department

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 15:41,

YEREVAN, MAY 19, ARMENPRESS. Artur Poghosyan has been appointed Head of the Investigation Department at the National Security Service of Armenia, the NSS told Armenpress.

Previously, Artur Poghosyan was serving as deputy prosecutor of Shirak province.

Earlier today Artur Aghajanyan has been relieved from the position of head of the NSS Investigation Department upon his own application.

 

Reporting by Karen Khachatryan; Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Nel Nagorno Karabakh. Elezioni presidenziali concluse – l’Opinione Pubblica

ESTERI

    Il nuovo presidente della repubblica autonoma di Artsakh Arayik Harutyunyan proviene dal gruppo dei combattenti per l’indipendenza. Promette di instaurare un clima collaborativo, ma il rischio di un nuovo conflitto tra Armeni e Azerbaijan è dietro l’angolo.

     

    Il 31 marzo e il 14 aprile si sono svolte le elezioni presidenziali nell’ex stato-stato sovietico noto come Regione autonoma del Nagorno Karabakh (NKAR), che dopo il crollo dell’URSS si unì con la regione shahumiana abitata dagli armeni, per formare la Repubblica del Nagorno Karabakh (NKR), con capitale Stepanakert. Nel 1988, dopo un referendum esplose un conflitto sanguinoso quando le autorità locali nel Nagorno Karabakh votarono per separarsi dall’Azerbaijan e unirsi all’Armenia. La NKR ha poi dichiarato la sua indipendenza il 2 settembre 1991, cercando il pieno rispetto delle norme e dei principi fondamentali del diritto internazionale. Da allora, la leadership della Repubblica ha costantemente perseguito una politica di mantenimento della pace, nonostante  nell’aprile 2016, il Nagorno-Karabakh è stato teatro dei peggiori scontri peggiori tra Azerbaigian e Armenia dall’armistizio firmato nel 1994. Con la mediazione di Russia, Kirghizistan e il Consiglio interparlamentare della CSI, l’Azerbaijan, il Nagorno Karabakh e l’Armenia fu firmato il Documento di Bishkek nella capitale del Kirghizistan, il 5 maggio 1994. Secondo tale documento, le parti in conflitto hanno concordato di un cessate il fuoco, in vigore dal 12 maggio 1994 ad oggi.

    Nel marzo 1992, l’Organizzazione per la sicurezza e la cooperazione in Europa (OSCE) ha aderito al processo di risoluzione del conflitto tra Azerbaijan Nagorno Karabakh. Nel 1997 è stato creato l’istituto di copresidenza di Russia, Francia e Stati Uniti del gruppo OSCE di Minsk, che da allora è stato l’unico formato concordato, con il mandato dell’OSCE di condurre attività di mediazione per la soluzione pacifica del conflitto Azerbaigian-Karabakh.

    Dopo il conteggio dei voti del 31 marzo, non avendo nessuno dei candidati superato il 50% + 1 dei voti, si è andati al secondo turno il 14 aprile. Al primo turno l’ex primo ministro della Repubblica ArtsakhA. Harutyunyan, aveva ricevuto il 49,26% dei voti, seguito dal ministro degli esteri M. Mayilyan, il 26,4%., e dall’ex segretario del Consiglio di sicurezza V. Balasanyan il 14,7%. Hanno partecipato il 73,5% degli elettori. Erano 14 i candidati per il ruolo presidenziale. Nel secondo turno del 14 aprile, è stato eletto Presidente Arayik Harutyunyan che ha ricevuto 39.860 voti (84,5%), mentre Masis Mayilian ha ricevuto 5.728 voti (12,1%).  

    Cinque partiti hanno ottenuto seggi nell’Assemblea nazionale del Nagorno: Patria libera, Blocco dell’Unità Civile Patria Unita, Partito della Giustizia, l’ARF-D e il Partito Democratico hanno superato la soglia necessaria. Il parlamento di NKR è composto da 33 deputati. Nella sua prima dichiarazione alla stampa ha detto: “Sono pronto a collaborare con tutti. Ho indicato l’agenda di lavoro: un programma socio-economico generale, la questione del Karabakh, la sicurezza e un lavoro armonioso con il governo dell’Armenia. Sono pronto a collaborare con tutti attorno a questo programma. Presto inizierò gli incontri con i partiti politici parlamentari e sono aperto alla cooperazione anche con i partiti politici non parlamentari“, ha affermato Harutyunyan.

    Il nuovo Presidente dell’Artsakh è un ex combattente per l’indipendenza. Nel 1992 si unì all’Esercito di difesa del Nagorno Karabakh e partecipò alla guerra di liberazione. È laureato in economia all’Università dell’Artsakh, è stato poi bancario. In seguito è stato direttore in alcune imprese private. Fra il 1995 ed il 1997 è stato assistente del Ministro delle finanze. Il suo ingresso in politica risale al 2004 allorché appoggiò uno dei candidati all’elezione di sindaco della capitale. È sposato ed ha due figli. È già stato primo ministro nel 2017

    All’appuntamento elettorale erano stati accreditati 9 rappresentanti di media internazionali, oltre 37 punti di osservazione per i mass media accreditati con 197 rappresentanti. C’erano anche osservatori di vari organismi internazionali come l’ONG Civic Pill, Legal Education NGO-119, Aparaj Youth Union, Hayk Serund, ONG dell’Unione dei cittadini, la ONG del Centro internazionale anticorruzione di Transparency e altre minori per un totale di circa 600 membri di 38 paesi. La situazione legata all’emergenza del Coronavirus ha in parte modificato la presenza fisica di alcuni di loro ma ogni organismo è riuscito a garantire la presenza di suoi membri.

    L’alta partecipazione popolare e il coinvolgimento degli elettori sono sicuramente un messaggio forte alla Comunità internazionale e verso Baku (Azerbaigian), una conferma della volontà giustificata del proprio diritto all’indipendenza e alla sovranità nazionale. La propaganda dell’Azerbaijan verso la comunità internazionale, non può offuscare questa realtà di fatto. Non va dimenticato che alla vigilia delle elezioni in Artsakh, i propagandisti azeri supportati dalla Turchia, hanno cercato di influenzare i paesi mediatori nel processo di soluzione pacifica del conflitto, invitandoli a priori, a non presenziare con osservatori e a non riconoscere i risultati delle elezioni statali in Artsakh.

    Per le autorità dell’Artsakh queste elezioni sono la dimostrazione che questa prospettiva non può più essere messa in discussione, come d’altronde quasi trent’anni di effettiva indipendenza sono lì a testimoniare.
    Vladimir Zakharov, direttore dell’Istituto di studi politici e sociali della regione del Mar Nero-Caspio (Mosca) e osservatore della Russia, intervistato nella capitale del NK, ha affermato: “Baku e Ankara diranno quello che vogliono, ma ciò non significa che stiano dicendo la verità. Se rimarranno su queste posizioni finiranno in una fossa. È impossibile persuaderli perché hanno uno scopo chiaro. Hanno bisogno di una guerra, vogliono un’escalation qui. È tempo di riconoscere che Artsakh è uno stato. Qui vi è un processo ormai irreversibile”. Per la Russia, che è in stretta alleanza con l’Armenia, sulla base della cooperazione militare del CSTO (e fa anche parte dell’Unione Eurasiatica), che però ha costantemente cercato anche di non danneggiare le relazioni con l’Azerbaijan, arrivare ad una soluzione della questione di quell’area, è un obiettivo geopolitico di non secondaria importanza.

    Un ennesimo conflitto provocherebbe il coinvolgimento dell’Armenia, costringendo la Russia ad un coinvolgimento sul campo, questo da un lato frena la bellicosità azera sapendo che in simile scenario non ci sarebbe partita militare possibile, ma complicherebbe ulteriormente le relazioni con la Turchia, alleata degli azeri (che sono di discendenza turca, seppure sciiti).

    La posizione dell’Armenia, che non ha rivendicazioni sull’Azerbaijan, è quella di cercare semplicemente di mantenere lo status quo in Nagorno Karabakh e altrove. Per questo motivo non ha alcun interesse a iniziare una guerra e incendiare la regione caucasica.

    Armenian-Russian FMs refer to NK conflict settlement process.

    Armenian-Russian FMs refer to NK conflict settlement process

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     21:40,

    YEREVAN, MAY 14, ARMENPRESS. At the initiative of the Russian side the Foreign Minister of Armenia Zohrab Mnatsakanyan held a telephone conversation with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov on May 14.

    As ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the MFA Armenia, the Armenian and Russian FMs discussed issues related to bilateral agenda as well as partnership in the sidelines of regipnal organizations such as the CIS, EAEU and the CSTO.

    Zohrab Mnatsakanyan and Sergey Lavrov also referred to Nagorno Karabakh peace process. Zohrab Mnatsakanyan emphasized the unconditional committmenet of all the sides of the conflict to the provisions of the 5-sided statement adopted on April 21 with the participation and mediation of the Minsk Group Co-chairs.

    Edited and translated by Tigran Sirekanyan




    CoE: Second group of judges in Armenia to follow HELP course on reasoning of criminal judgments

    Council of Europe
    Second group of judges in Armenia to follow HELP course on reasoning of criminal judgments

    Yerevan 12 May 2020

    •                                            

    © Council of Europe

    On 12 May 2020 the second group of 17 Armenian judges dealing with criminal cases enrolled in studying the HELP online course on Reasoning of Criminal Judgments.

    There currently is a strong need in Armenia to develop the competences of judges to make correct use of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (the Court) while drafting judgments and judicial acts.

    This course was designed to address the needs of judges who, in the process of domestic adjudication, are required to refer to the case law of the Court. The course deals with the requirements for the reasoning of domestic judgements under several European Convention on Human Rights Articles: 2, 3, 5, 6, 8 and 10 – and relevant case law of the Court. It explores the obligations of domestic courts concerning the extent and content of the reasoning they provide when deciding domestic criminal cases, and provides an overview of the relevant case law developments. The participants will study the course for eight weeks; successful graduates will receive certificates of completion from the Academy of Justice of the Republic of Armenia and the Council of Europe.

    The course was translated, adapted to the Armenian legal context and launched by the Council of Europe in cooperation with the Academy of Justice of the Republic of Armenia within the framework of the Project “Supporting the criminal justice reform and harmonising the application of the European standards”, which is part of the European Union and Council of Europe .

    Armenia negotiates over what it considers necessary: Armenia’s PM on talks over Karabakh conflict

    Aysor, Armenia
    Ma 6 2020

    Armenia has many times expressed its position over Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement, Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said at the Government-NA Q&A.

    “If someone wants to put under doubt our position, I consider it to be manipulation. No forces may frighten us and bring to the table of negotiations with our hands shaking and we being afraid to sneeze for it not to become a problem. We have the authority of the people to negotiate over the issue and will use this opportunity. And let no one tell us “what are you negotiating about?” We negotiate over what we consider necessary. Only Armenian people may demand answers and I say we negotiate over what we consider necessary,” the PM said.

    He said there is one very important resolution over the Karabakh issue: until everything is decided, nothing is decided.

    “We negotiate within the authorities we have, and we will not be afraid while heading to talks neither from insiders nor the outsiders,” Pashinyan said.

    Remembering my grandfather Vartan, a survivor of the Armenian genocide

    The Loop, Canada
                            Remembering Vartan Nersessian, a survivor of the Armenian genocide, on the 105th anniversary of this grim milestone, through the words of his translated memoirs.

    “Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?” Adolf Hitler is quoted as saying in historical accounts.

    The truth is grim. Few people speak of the genocide of 1915 during which Armenians perished at the hands of the Ottoman Empire.

    Some 105 years after the Armenians were rounded up; the bones of the dead have long since been scattered to the winds — but their memory lingers on in my family.

    Like many Armenian-Canadians, I was a child when I first heard about the genocide. My grandfather, Vartan Nersessian, was a survivor of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 — the survivor from his family. He died before I was born, but after unearthing his handwritten memoirs and translating them with my father, I heard his story in his own words.

    In 2005, when I asked Nobel laureate and Holocaust scholar Elie Wiesel to write a piece to accompany the translation of these memoirs, he responded that he was overwhelmed with work and travel and added: “I admire your sense of urgency in working to ensure that past horrors — the Armenian Genocide, the Holocaust, or any other dark time in history — are not forgotten….please know that I continue to defend Armenians’ memory.” Wiesel died in 2016. May they both rest in peace.

    This was first published 15 years ago. I’ve resurrected it today, on the 105th anniversary of the genocide.

    Vartan Nersessian was born Vartan Giragosian in the small village of Frnouz. But he grew up in a village called Gouchogh. In 1915, the village was a part of Zeitoun, a town of 7,000, incorporating surrounding mountainous villages in Ottoman Armenia, today’s modern-day Turkey.

    By 1875, several families had settled there and a church and school were built. By 1915, there were about 60 homes and 350 villagers in total.

    My grandfather’s recounting of his story begins when he is a young boy of 7 or 8 and the Ottoman soldiers enter his village.

    It was around Easter, a time of celebration for the devout Christian community.

    “Six days after Easter on a Saturday night, about 400 soldiers came to Gouchogh and entered some houses. They didn’t tell us that they would expel us, fearing that we would tell people from Frnouz and other villages who might take up arms.”

    Some of the families decided to brave the mountain conditions and flee. My grandfather’s family was one of them, but they abandoned that plan when they realized his father was too ill to walk more than 20 metres at any given time.

    The decision was simple, the family would stick together. But “Sunday morning, we too were forced to go with the caravan,” he wrote.

    They set out with some food, a blanket and a horse for Vartan’s father to ride on.

    The family’s 200-strong goat herd had been taken.

    The caravan of displaced Armenians travelled, sometimes by train, more often on foot, stopping only to add to the crowd of those exiled.

    “In Konya, they took us to a mosque and kept all our beds, blankets and furniture from us. For four nights we slept without blankets. The children were weeping, ‘Mayrig, g’mrseem, hatz gouzem.’ (Mother, I’m cold, I want bread.) Finally, the fathers and mothers gave in to the despair and starting crying themselves. What could they do? There was nothing to give their children.”

    Four days later, they set out again. This time the men were forced to walk on foot while the soldiers beat them. Among those men were Vartan’s father and brother Dyeuvlet.

    Yet they still hoped that they would be permitted to return to their homes. Instead, they were forced to continue onward to Syria.

    But, there was death every step of the way.

    “Hundreds of Armenians were buried – so many that we buried 8-10 bodies just in one ditch. I even saw it with my own eyes. My little sister was also sick and my mother had made a makeshift swing to rock her so that she would sleep. She asked me, ‘Can you check if she is sleeping or awake?’ I told her that her eyes were open. My mother ran immediately toward her and began crying. She was dead, apparently, but I hadn’t understood. A few days later my brother Dyeuvlet also died, and we buried him with some other bodies. Not another two days passed and my father’s brother also died…And of those who remained alive, we got up and kept travelling toward Aleppo. Our money finished, my father sold our horse…. My little brother Setrak and my little sister Arshalouise died there too. My father, mother, two brothers and my sister were left.

    “From Aleppo, one part of the people was sent to Der Zor –, they killed almost all of them. As for us, they sent us to Damascus by train.”

    They were taken to several other towns on their journey by 1916, they arrived in a town called Latakya.

    “Until 1918, we lived from here and there. Sometimes in the villages, sometimes we went to the towns…And in the beginning of 1919, we went to Alexandria on a ship. My father died in Latakya.”

    It’s unclear how he died. However, Vartan remained on the move and ended up in the southern town of Marash.

    “In Marash, we stayed for a while…we wanted to return to our villages but the English government told us not to go. But we didn’t listen to them and left. We wanted to tend to our farms and gardens. And everyone returned to his village.”

    In a few months’ time, they had a herd of cows, bulls and goats together and enough food to last them through the winter. Eight months passed and soon, word of renewed violence against Armenians came to the village.

    “Near us, understanding that Gouchogh was without protection, the Turkish peasants started to rise up. We understood that things were beginning to stir, so we decided to move to Zeitoun.”

    This undated photo shows the mountainous region of Zeitoun. (WikiMapia)

    Suddenly word came from a nearby village that the Armenians should hide in the caves and Vartan’s family took shelter once again.

    One morning, when Vartan and his family members were chopping walnuts and onions for their noon-time meal, they heard a noise from outside the cave.

    “My brother rushed outside and just as suddenly returned. My mother asked:‘Dghas Markar, eench gah?’ (My son, Markar, what is it?) He told her that nothing was wrong so as not to incite fear in the household. But all the same, he took the gun from the wall and rushed outside.”

    Although Vartan was recuperating from an illness, he became restless and ran outside to see what was going on.

    “From our side, only Mikael Seyrekian, Panos Karageuzian, and Khacher Jumbulian fired their guns while from the enemy side, hundreds of guns fired.”

    Vartan fled with his friend Hovnan.

    “We were unsure what to do. Confused, we stopped in our tracks. Then a few people joined us. One of us noticed that someone was approaching from below… We could see the footprints in the snow. We were trying to determine this but before we even finished speaking, suddenly from behind a graveyard, five to six people emptied their guns on us, attacking us.”

    The boys ran for their lives through deep snow.

    “A few times I fell and I was buried in the snow, I thought that I was struck by a bullet because they were falling like hail. My friends ran ahead and I was left alone. I was the smallest from my friends — and weak. They didn’t look for me and I was left much behind and lost them.

    Vartan followed the path his friends had made in the snow.

    “From my fatigue, my throat was dry and it closed up, like I was choking. I thought if I swallowed some snow, it would not only wet my throat but that it would serve as Holy Communion if I were to die. It wet my throat and I felt a bit stronger and I quickened my journey.

    “I thought to myself: if I stay here I won’t be able to help anyone nor save myself. I thought that I should find the path to Hinkegh to bring news.”

    On his path, he arrived upon a small cave and deliberated whether to enter it or not.

    “I figured I might end up as the meal for a wild animal such as a bear or a pig. That would be better, I thought, than to die in the hands of the enemy. I entered and after resting a bit, my resolve on behalf of my people did not let me delay and I kept going.”

    Upon approaching the nearby village, he came upon some relatives and neighbours who told him word had already reached them, and that his mother had been shot, and killed.

    “And upon hearing my mother was struck, I started yelling, crying. From the mountains, my voice echoed.”

    But there was no time to dwell on her death.

    Vartan joined a group of men who returned to one of Zeitoun’s villages at night.

    “As dark is falling, they saw that those who have fled have escaped, and the rest have been massacred,” he wrote.

    Vartan’s memoir ends here. What happened in the days that followed is unclear. The rest of the story has been pieced together by what he told his children and his wife – in those rare moments when he spoke of his past.

    French missionaries took him to Zahleh, Lebanon where he was placed in an orphanage and learned the skills of a cobbler.

    When he was asked what his last name was, he didn’t know. There were so many people in his village with the Giragosian surname that they often called each other by their first names or nicknames. When he told the orphanage officials that he was called “Nerses’ Vartan”, or Nerses’ grandson Vartan, they named him Vartan Nersessian.

    Later, he found out his family name was Giragosian but the name stuck anyway.

    Sometime around 1924, after leaving the orphanage, Vartan arrived in Jerusalem, then Palestine. He was about 16. Vartan began working at the St. James Monastery in the Armenian Quarter where he was in charge of the storeroom and kitchen supplies.

    Eventually, he met and married my grandmother Mariam Hanessian, 14 years his junior. At 22, she became a mother to Gadarine, who was named after my grandfather’s slain mother.

    His second-born, my father Yeghia, was named after my grandfather’s father.

    The family continued to grow. Another 6 children would be born, sadly one of them would die in infancy.

    But there was a hole in his heart. He never found the brother he hoped was alive and he looked for him until the end of his days.

    Then in 1973, at the age of 65, Vartan was crossing the road on an errand for work when he was struck by a vehicle and died.

    One of the first things his children did after his death was to open a drawer he had always kept under lock and key. As children, they had not been permitted to open the drawer and so they always imagined that he had stashed a small fortune.

    They did find a treasure, but not of the type they had imagined. Instead they found the cup, plate, and spoon that he kept from his days in the orphanage, and the handwritten pages of his memoirs.