Book: Valley View: An Armenian Diasporic Account in Lieu of a Glendale Biennial Review

LA review of books


“NO” WAS THE only word my grandmother, Lida Khatchatrian, knew in English. She declined to learn any others. The only relation she wanted to the English language was one of radical unintelligibility. After immigrating at 70, my grandmother launched a 16-year performance of linguistic refusal. It was staged for a private audience of émigré intimates. No recordings were made.

We relocated from Yerevan to Glendale in 1991, like so many. By 2017, approximately 40 percent of the city’s residents were of Armenian descent, marking it as the largest diasporic population of Armenians in the West. In Glendale, it was still possible to live in Armenian dialects. On East Acacia Avenue, we gathered with neighbors to hear the Soviet Socialist Republic collapsing at the end of a long-distance telephone call we could not afford.

I am telling you this because I recognize that there are no views outside of embodied viewers and historically contingent practices of looking.

When I was 15, we moved to a street in the Glendale foothills from which you could see the mountains. It was called Valley View.

 

2.

The Pit Gallery opened in Glendale in 2014, and four years later announced the launch of Vision Valley: The Glendale Biennial, slated for May 5, 2018. The exhibition would be curated by The Pit, an artist-run commercial gallery, and hosted at the Brand Library & Art Center, a publicly funded municipal space. I volunteered there as a teenager, enticed by the gleaming white architecture of the library building originally called the Miradero (the Overlook or Vantage Point).

Among the 32 majority white artists selected for the Glendale Biennial, none were Armenian.

The Pit launched in Glendale amid a precipitous influx of finance capital and real estate development in the city, a period whose economic violence is obliquely hinted at in the widely used description; this was “The Boom.” “Violence,” as David Harvey puts it, “is required to build the new urban world on the wreckage of the old.” In 2006, Glendale’s City Council adopted the Downtown Specific Plan, offering developers incentives for large-scale building projects within municipal limits. Two years later, Caruso Affiliated opened the long-planned Americana at Brand, a $400-million luxury residential and retail complex. Its Tiffany’s and Tesla storefronts peer out onto impeccably manicured lawns, animated fountains, and audio kiosks piping Frank Sinatra into a lavish open-air “lifestyle center.” When the Onyx Glendale Apartments finished construction in 2017, they were advertised as a testament to “Downtown Glendale’s spectacular urban renaissance” and its “newly found sense of cutting-edge style, eclectic culture and bountiful energy.” The complex offers one-bedroom lofts at $3,270. One effect of redevelopment was a surge of new residents who wanted, as the Onyx invites, to “[e]xplore like a traveler. Enjoy like a Resident.” Another was rendering working-class and immigrant communities a surplus population.

Against the backdrop of the city’s “spectacular urban renaissance,” The Pit announced the Glendale Biennial in 2018. The curatorial statement for Vision Valley described the show as follows:

  • “a celebration of artists working in a specific community”
  • “a nod to Glendale’s long-standing artist community”
  • “a dynamic multilogue between artists living or working in a specific geographical area”
  • that “showcases the many coincidental visions at work in the valley known as Glendale.”

Its title presents a set of fairly straightforward queries: Whose visions of the valley do we get to see? Whose are withheld? Who decides?

While Vision Valley includes no members of the Armenian community among its 32 contributors, it does include all three directors of The Pit, as well as its gallery associate.

Vision seems an ill-fitting rubric for an exhibition that insists on the invisibility of a vast diasporic population. Practices of looking, we know, are also practices of world-making embedded in fields of power. This is why, historically, the right to look was denied to the dispossessed. Avetik Isahakian, poet and Armenian Revolutionary Federation activist, wrote in 1897, “be fearful of dark eyes.”

There is another vision spotlighted in Vision Valley, that of American photographer Edward Weston, who established a studio in Glendale in 1910 and whose photographs are featured in the exhibition. His inclusion, the curators suggest, “enriches the exhibition with a significant bit of Glendale history.” The nostalgic longing to glance back at the city’s golden yesteryears poses a problem. In the first half of the 20th century, Glendale was a “sundown town,” with ordinances that prohibited people of color from being within municipal limits after dark. Glendale was also a national stronghold for white supremacists: a hub for the KKK in the 1920s (a decade after Weston’s relocation), and home to the Western Division headquarters of the Nazi Party in the 1960s. While Weston indeed suffuses the exhibition with “a significant bit of Glendale history,” it remains unclear whose history of Glendale his inclusion conjures. The curators never specify.

What Weston’s inclusion tacitly suggests is that the region’s cultural chronology is bookended by his 1910 arrival on one end, and the founding of The Pit Gallery in 2014 on the other. In the temporal valley that separates these two discoveries of Glendale lies a century of diasporic cultural production. To posit Edward Weston as the punctual origin of artistic activity in the city is to unapologetically whitewash its historical narrative. It is to erase the practices of the indigenous Tongva people who preceded Weston’s appearance by millennia, and those of the Armenian, Filipinx, Korean, and Latinx communities who have been living and working in the city in the 100 years since. One Pit director recently spoke to the Glendale News-Press with the hauteur of someone who had just carried out a civilizing mission, benevolently importing culture to a newly occupied territory. He explained that the idea for the show had started as a joke, about “how people act so surprised that there’s a contemporary art gallery in Glendale.”

Glendale is host to at least five Armenian-owned or Armenian-inclusive art galleries. These include Tufenkian Fine Arts, Roslin Art Gallery, Mkrtchyan Art Gallery, Silvana Gallery, and Armenian Arts.

To perform this erasure in an exhibition that celebrates “artists working in a specific community,” while also featuring majority white artists, is a dazzling instance of what Aruna D’Souza calls “whitewalling.” Whitewalling refers to racialized exclusions that operate by “covering over that which we prefer to ignore or suppress; the idea of putting a wall around whiteness, of fencing it off, of defending it against incursions.” Framing the Glendale Biennial through Weston’s vision without acknowledging that vision’s historical milieu suppresses the racialized violence of the city’s past and enables the exclusion of its current diasporic residents.

When Edward Weston first visited Tropico, as the city of Glendale was then called, he described it with delight as a “little village.” At the time of his arrival, the city was home to 155 acres of strawberry fields, farmed through the exploited labor of migrant workers from Mexico and China. Maybe this is also what The Pit and affiliated artists saw when they settled in Glendale in the last half-decade. Perhaps when they established studio outposts en masse on San Fernando Road, they believed they were entering a rural idyll devoid of what appeared, to them, as official culture. Perhaps they thought they had stumbled upon a blank, pastoral canvas waiting to be injected with cultural content. Perhaps it did not seem germane to ask, to borrow from Tara J. Yosso, “Whose culture has capital?” Perhaps they were surprised to discover that there were already cultural producers here, some engaged in gallery work and others in the communal reproduction of social life.

Some of the 32 contributors neither live nor work in Glendale. Edward Weston neither lives nor works in Glendale, because he has been deceased since 1958.

What Weston’s inclusion also tacitly suggests is that the curators were more willing to feature a dead, white male artist in the exhibition than they were to include an Armenian one. This is perplexing considering the exhibition’s one criterion is that contributors must be artists residing or working in the region today. Despite being dead for 60-odd years, it would appear that Weston is more legible as a contemporary Glendalian artist than any Armenian artist now living in the city of Glendale.

I imagine telling my grandmother about this. I can guess at her one-word response: “No.”

My mother, Sona Hakopian, was a linguist trained in Russian Philology at the Academy of the Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR. In Glendale, she worked as a paralegal specializing in political asylum cases. For over 20 years, she advocated for Armenian asylum seekers who traveled along extended routes of dislocation, fleeing the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990); the Iranian Revolution (1978–1979); the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988); the dissolution of the Soviet Union (1991); the subsequent collapse of Armenia’s economy (1992); and the Syrian Civil War (2011–present).

Theories circulate about why the diasporic community crystallized in Glendale. My mother would say it’s because the valley views approximate the mountainous topographies of Armenia. The valley, as she said, visually softens the losses of territorial dispossession.

 

 

2.

[A Selected Chronology of Recent Cultural Activity in Glendale, California.]

Fifty-three days before the Biennial opened, Glendale City Council voted to begin renaming a stretch of Maryland Avenue to “Artsakh Street.” My mother maintained an office on that block for a decade, holding court in smart black suit dresses at Urartu Cafe, where she would meet clients to fill out political asylum applications over delicate cups of Armenian coffee. My mother is gone two years but still lives in Glendale, among the residents who may not otherwise be in the city but for those afternoons on Artsakh.

Twenty-two days before the Biennial opened, the Glendale Tenants Union rallied with a coalition of renters in Los Angeles.

Eighteen days before the Biennial opened, Glendale City Council voted to approve the construction of a 59,800-square-foot Armenian-American Museum downtown.

Eighteen and nine days before the Biennial opened, two Armenian cultural workers contacted the Brand Art Center and The Pit curatorial team, respectively, to address the exhibition’s lack of cultural and racial diversity. The second, artist Gilda Davidian, described the biennial as a “colonizing” enterprise. She asked for the exhibition’s name to be changed or its scope to be broadened. The Pit explained that they never claimed to represent the diverse histories or cultures of Glendale and encouraged her to direct further queries to the Brand. Gilda called the Brand Exhibitions supervisor, but her call was never returned.

Thirteen days before the Biennial opened, 5,000 marched in Glendale in solidarity with protesters in Yerevan, who were organizing against the decade-long rule of president and then–prime minister Serzh Sargsyan and Armenia’s Republican Party. Their signs read, The Armenian Diaspora of Los Angeles Stands with Armenia.

Twelve days before the Biennial opened, residents gathered at Glendale City Hall to celebrate the success of Armenia’s velvet revolution and the possibility of Armenian self-determination. Yerevanian grocery stores reported champagne shortages.

Eleven days before the Biennial opened, tens of thousands gathered in Los Angeles to march for global recognition of the Armenian Genocide, for divestment from Turkey, for reparations and the repatriation of land, and for the 1.5 million lost in 1915. They held signs that read I Remember and I Demand.

Eight days before the Biennial opened at the Brand Art Center, the same venue closed the show Continuity and Rupture: An Armenian Family Odyssey. The photography exhibition charted the violent dislocation of the Dildilian family from Ottoman Turkey during the Genocide. The irony plainly speaks itself: one show documented the attempted erasure of a population; the next enacted a symbolic erasure, excising the visual traces of that population’s diasporic community.

 

1.

The Armenian diaspora resists monolithic cohesion. It encompasses, instead, manifold cultural identifications and discrete migratory trajectories. Racialization operates differently across these varied communities. In 1909, the US government refused the naturalization petitions of four Armenians on the basis that they were not “free white persons.” A court later ruled that the Armenians were “white by law” because they could be “readily adaptable to European standards.” In other words, they could convincingly perform whiteness. Legal scholar John Tehranian calls this “white performance as a proxy for white racial belonging.” As Tehranian notes, the juridical classification of whiteness doesn’t immunize against the experience of racial injustice. In the realm of daily encounter, bodies marked as Middle Eastern remain vulnerable.

In Glendale, this dynamic often manifests in volatile community response to Armenian-American political participation, which ranges from xenophobic epithets to death threats. In 1999, after Rafi Manoukian’s election to City Council, one resident dutifully attended the Council’s meetings every week to “tell Armenians to go back where they came from.” In 2016, when Ardy Kassakhian ran for the 43rd District Assembly, his campaign headquarters were evacuated after a caller phoned to say, “You fucking Armenian scum. You’re going to get your head flushed […] You are not safe in that office.”

 

2.

[A Selected Chronology of Recent Cultural Activity in Glendale, California, Continued]

Days before the Biennial opened, the City requested that the curators change the exhibition title. Multiple community members had voiced concern about a Glendale Biennial in a partially publicly funded space that omits 40 percent of Glendalians. Glendale Biennial was officially redacted from the title. All promotional materials and wall text for the exhibition were reprinted to reflect the change and read, simply, Vision Valley. No public acknowledgment, announcement, or apology was made.

The Pit continues, today, to use #theglendalebiennial to tag its social media posts. They assert their inalienable right to claim the city of Glendale over and against the protests of its residents.

Vision Valley, the curators contend, was never “an actual biennial.” Rather, the term “biennial” was deployed in a tongue-in-cheek fashion, a droll commentary on the art field and its blue-chip exhibitions. If The Glendale Biennial is mere jest, it’s a gag they are unwilling to relinquish, disregarding the City and community’s objections. If The Glendale Biennial is mere jest, it lampoons the art field’s exclusionary mechanisms while unapologetically excluding 40 percent of the city’s population. If The Glendale Biennial is mere jest, its comedic value lies in the suggestion that there could be an internationally legible cultural community in the formerly barren badlands of Glendale. The titles “New York Biennial” or “Paris Biennial” could not possibly conjure the same drollery. In other words, “Glendale Biennial” only works as a joke because the city’s perceived cultural deficit is the butt of that joke.

It did not, perhaps, occur to the curators that Glendale might be more than a joke to the tens of thousands who escaped genocide, civil wars, the collapse of a republic, and extreme economic deprivation to assemble a community here.

To be clear, it is not merely the word “biennial” that is at issue. Its absence does not authorize gathering 32 artists in a publicly funded municipal space, purporting to represent a geographic region, and subsequently excluding nearly half of that region’s population.

During the exhibition opening, two Armenian-American attendees approached the curators to inquire about the absence of Armenian artists. One, Ani Tatintsyan, is a filmmaker and artist who has lived in Glendale since 2001. The other, Araik Sinanyan, is a clinical researcher who recently graduated from Humboldt State University, where he founded the Armenian Student Association (ASA). They were told that the organizers didn’t reach out to any specific communities, but that all arts professionals in the area had been consulted. As with Gilda, they were encouraged to address further queries to representatives of the Brand Art Center.

This chronology attests to astonishing feats of selective vision. With unwavering conviction in the virtues of its exclusionary gaze, the exhibition proceeded apace.

One day after the exhibition opening, I received a note from a city representative writing on behalf of the mayor and Glendale City Council members. It stated that the Brand Art Center hopes that “in the future when they work with other curators, that the artistic representation be more inclusive.”

Today, only two discussion posts appear on Vision Valley’s social media event page. One reads: “A biennial about art in Glendale with no Armenian artists? hm.” The other, simply: “Armenian artists?”

 
Gilda Davidian, “Witness”, from Second-Hand Witness

1.

When The Pit calls for an exhibition of “contemporary fine artists,” it’s impossible to miss echoes of “the fine art of gentrification.” In an eponymous essay by Rosalyn Deutsche and Cara Gendel Ryan, the authors entreat the art field to recognize its role as a gentrifying agent — one that actively participates in “systematically destroying the material conditions for the survival” of neighborhoods and localities. This essay was written 24 years ago.

In 2017, as The Pit was conceiving of a Biennial to celebrate a newly formed art community of recent transplants, city residents established the Glendale Tenants Union. The formation of the Union responds to a state of economic violence and pervasive crisis in Glendale and across Los Angeles. Nearly two-thirds of Glendale’s 73,000 renters are classified as rent burdened, allocating more than 30 percent of their household income toward rent.

On the day of the Biennial opening, the Glendale Tenants Union (GTU) collected signatures for a proposed Community Stabilization and Fair Rent Act outside Jons Marketplace.

One GTU housing advocate, Hayk Makhmuryan, is an Armenian-American artist, community activist, and longtime resident of Glendale. He works as the program coordinator of the Studio 526 Arts Program in Downtown Los Angeles, providing studio and exhibition space to members of the Skid Row community. On the subject of Vision Valley being staged against the backdrop of Glendale’s recent transformations, he observes that economic injustice and cultural exclusion often work hand in hand. One systematically eliminates the material conditions necessary for a community to survive, the other eliminates the conditions necessary for a community to make its narratives visible.

Gilda Davidian, “Photo Aram, Glendale, California”, from Portrait Studio

2.

When they were asked about the curatorial process, the organizers said:

The criteria were simple: any contemporary fine artist who lives, works, or maintains a studio in Glendale would be considered. We had in-person discussions and sent emails […] asking for suggestions of contemporary artists who fit the criteria […] The resulting exhibition showcases some of the many contemporary artists who live or work in Glendale and whose work is part of a larger conversation around contemporary art in the region and beyond.

“Contemporary” appears four times in this paragraph. Its appearances suggest a temporal incompatibility between the present moment and the cultural activities of Armenian Americans. It’s difficult not to read its ubiquity as an injunction that no duduk players, khachkar carvers, or provincials need apply. The insistence on the “contemporary” as a stable category that explains the exclusion of diasporic artists frames Armenians as non-contemporary producers of non-art. It resurfaces Edward Said’s postcolonial commonplace: the other is a figure whose cultural products are frozen in amber, outside of time, suspended in the tense of the “timeless eternal.”

When they were asked which art spaces and professionals were consulted in the curatorial process, the organizers said they reached out to all galleries in the city. The owner of the Armenian Arts Gallery in Glendale, a venue that hosted the 2017 exhibition Los Angeles — Our Eyes, tells me he has never heard of, or from, a place called The Pit.

When they were asked why no Armenian visions were included in Vision Valley, the organizers said they “did not seek out any artist based on background, ethnicity, race or gender.” This implies a wholly bias-free curatorial process. It implies that when the organizers approached MOCA, the Hammer, LACMA, their friends, and their associates — and emerged with a majority white roster absent any Armenian Americans — they were not consulting a specific community, but rather a set of individuals regarded as the neutral, regulatory body of contemporary art practice.

When they were asked why there are no Armenian Americans in the exhibition by Araik Sinanyan, the organizers inquired whether he was an artist, coding “the artist” as a privileged category of citizenship requisite to civic participation. Araik wondered, “Why does it matter [if I’m an artist]? What if I’m just a community member who wants to be represented?”

When they were asked online why they continue to use the name “Glendale Biennial” on social media after agreeing with the City to remove the title, the organizers blocked the inquiring party.

When they were asked about the curatorial process, the organizers quoted a line from the press copy: Vision Valley does not turn on any “conceptual, political, or philosophical themes, […] [and] it does not claim to distill a particular trend, aesthetic, or idea.” The exhibition, they insist, is devoid of any specific conceptual, political, or philosophical content.

The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the fine art of gentrification and its economic violence.

The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is whitewalling and its racialized exclusions.

The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the refusal to ask: whose culture has capital?

The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the practice of imputing a cultural deficit to a diasporic community.

The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is the use of a community’s fictive cultural deficit as the pretext for claiming ownership of a city, its histories, and its geographies.

The conceptual, political, and philosophical content of this exhibition is a vision of the valley that renders the people who live there invisible.

 

1.

The promotional imagery for Vision Valley features photographs of Glendale intersections from which you can see the mountains. They are bathed in hyper-saturated, technicolor magenta hues. These valley vistas are absent any human agents: a depopulated visual field from which the bodies of the city’s residents have been evacuated. A pink monochrome awaiting figurative content. They picture a place where nobody lives.

At the onset of my engagement with Vision Valley, I set out to write a standard exhibition review. I began thinking about my grandmother. About her 16-year performance of linguistic refusal. About the tactical repetition of the word “no.”

 

¤

Acknowledgments

I am grateful to the many interlocutors whose vision directly and indirectly informs this text: Sona Hakopian, Lida Khatchatrian, Danny Snelson, David Arzumanyan, Naira Harutyunyan, Gilda Davidian, Iggy Cortez, Patricia Kim, Meldia Yesayan, Jacob Halajian, Nathalie Halajian, and Hayk Makhmuryan.

¤

Mashinka Firunts Hakopian is a writer, artist, and PhD Candidate in the History of Art at the University of Pennsylvania. She lives in Los Angeles, where she teaches in the Department of English at UCLA.

¤

Feature Image: Gilda Davidian, Stones in Hand, from Say That You Are A Stone

Banner Image: Gilda Davidian, Photo Aram, Glendale, California, from Portrait Studio

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Ghanaian Vice-Chancellors Alprecht and Tevis Koch Urge the Ghanaian Government to Protect Artsakh’s Right to Self-Determination

Ghanaian
Vice-Chancellors Alprecht and Tevis Koch to the Ghanaian Government to Protect Artsakh
The Right of Self-Determination

 

Arzakhian
on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the movement, on May 23 and 24, the parliament of Ghana sounded
a series of unprecedented statements, by which the two opposition parties, the Conservative Party
and New Democratic representatives called on the Government of Ghana to defend it
and to recognize the right of self-determination of Artsakh.

 

Tuesday
On May 23, Member of the New Democratic Party of Ghana, Member of Parliament, Tan Davis
In his statement from the parliament, he mentioned that the Artsakh liberation movement
The thirtieth anniversary is an event with a national resonance for the Armenian people.
He will briefly present the freedom and full rights of the people of Artsakh
details of the political and legal struggle related to security, appeal
to the Government of Ghana to act as a defender of human rights
wait for the peaceful settlement of the issue, always based on international law and Artsakh
the indisputability of the right to self-determination.

 

Tavis’ statement was followed by the statement of Conservative Party member and vice-chairman of the Ghana-Armenia Parliamentary Group, Rep. Harold Alprecht, which took place the next day, May 24. Alprekht, after presenting the century-long struggle led by the Armenian people for the liberation and independence of Artsakh, noted that it is unfortunate that Azerbaijan continues to ignore the rights acquired by the law of the Artsakh people and continuously obstructs the peaceful resolution of the issue. He also called on the government to stand up for Artsakh’s right to self-determination and bring its active participation to the peaceful resolution of the issue by the international community. efforts towards settlement.

 

ARF of Ghana
The Armenian National Committee loudly welcomed the statements of the two representatives
appreciated their noble and principled attitude and confirmed that the collective efforts
will continue pending further pro-Armenian progress on the Artsakh issue
in order to ensure and keep Ghana’s position always fair. The committee
In its own way, it is also a call to follow the call of the community and a couple of hypocrites.

 

See below the original English text of the statements.

 

Harold Albrecht – May 24,
2018

 

Mr. Speaker, last evening, along with
colleagues of the Canada–Armenia Friendship Group, I was honoured to attend a
celebration of the centennial of independence of the Republic of Armenia.

 

While we celebrate great strides taken by
Armenia, concerns remain surrounding the conflict in the Artsakh region. With
over 80% of Artsakh’s population voting in a referendum and 99% of those
supporting independence, it was unfortunate that Azerbaijan ignored the results
and responded aggressively. The conflict resulted in tens of thousands of
victims and hundreds of thousands of refugees. In 1994, the conflict ended with
a ceasefire agreement.

 

In a 2006 referendum, the region approved a new
constitution. While there have been signs of progress in peace negotiations,
there have been several instances of ceasefire violations, most notably in
2016, when dozens of soldiers lost their lives, and since then deaths of
innocent civilians have happened far too often.

 

I call on the Government of Canada to stand up
for the right to self-determination of the people of the Republic of Artsakh
and to work alongside the global community in seeking peace for this region.

 

 

Don Davies – May 23, 2018

 

Mr. Speaker, this year marks the 30th
anniversary of the Karabakh movement, a monumental event for the global Armenian
community.

 

In 1991, the people of Artsakh declared
independence from the Soviet Union and their aspiration for a Nagorno-Karabakh
republic. The region’s residents, primarily ethnically Armenian, then held a
referendum in which 82% of all voters participated, and 99% voted for
independence. Unfortunately, war then broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Despite a 1994 ceasefire, long-term peace and a durable political solution have
been absent. Since 2016, innocent lives have been lost on an almost daily
basis.

 

This House must affirm our commitment to the
protection and human rights of civilians and call on all parties to strictly
adhere to the terms of the ceasefire. More fundamentally, we call on the
Canadian government to work for a just solution to this conflict, one that
conforms with international law and is built on the inalienable right of the
people of Nagorno-Karabakh to self-determination.

Sevag Belian – Executive Director
Armenian National Committee of Canada
T: (613) 235-2622 | C: (905) 329-8526


Ghanaian Vice-Chancellors Alprecht and Tevis Koch to the Ghanaian Government to Protect Artsakh's Right to Self-Determination.docx

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Deputy Chief of Investigation does not consider appropriate to hang PM Pashinyan’s photo (video)

“The photo of Serzh Sargsyan is no longer hanging in my room,” Deputy Head of the RA Investigative Committee Artur Gambaryan said before the Government session today.

“The photo used to be in my room before, I took it off when he resigned.”

Asked whether Serzh Sargsyan’s photo remained in the offices of the other investigators, Gambaryan said:

” I do not know. Any official himself decides how to equip his office. ”

Asked whether he would hang a photo of Nikol Pashinyan, he noted: “No, I do not consider it appropriate”.

Artur Gambaryan responded to the rumours of his departure.

“When I consider that there are grounds for my departure, I will leave.”


Artsakh is the most important pillar, Armenian FM says

MediaMax, Armenia
 
 
Artsakh is the most important pillar, Armenian FM says
 
 
 
Yerevan/Mediamax/. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia Zohrab Mnatsakanyan said that “Artsakh is the most important pillar at this stage of the history of our identity”.
 
Minister Mnatsakanyan said this on May 18 at the briefing after the meeting with President of Artsakh Bako Sahakyan in Stepanakert.
 
“We talked about our principles, about the importance of Artsakh for Armenia, the security and development of NK. We also touched upon the fact that the whole Armenian nation is concerned about Artsakh, as it is the most important pillar at this stage of the history of our identity. In this regard, we have a our common responsibility,” Armenian FM emphasized.
 
“In Artsakh every person feels that the people here live in extraordinary conditions, not remarking which is simply unacceptable.
 
The conditions are extraordinary in the sense that there is a danger and a rival, which is an issue of physical security, concerning every one of us. Thus, it is very important that we come here, feel this spirit and take the responsibility,” Zohrab Mnatsakanyan said.
 
On May 18 Zohrab Mnatsakanyan and Minister of Defense of Armenia Davit Tonoyan had a meeting with the senior staff of Artsakh Defense Army.

ACNIS reView #17, 2018: National movements: Differences between the 1988 and 2018 movements

Editorial

11 MAY 2018

The
“velvet” revolution, or, perhaps, simply a change of power, is
compared with the national movement of 1988. Both were accompanied by mass
demonstrations, both aroused a wave of nationwide awakening. On this, the
similarities end. The essence of both movements is different, and they have
different cultures and world views.

Citizens of
Soviet Armenia were brought up by the poetry of Shiraz and Paruyr Sevak. They
were patriots who dreamed of the return of Ararat and the lost homeland. Soviet
generations, raised on the genocide syndrome, dreamed of revenge, and this
accumulated energy broke out in 1988. Many Armenians perceived local Armenian
massacres in Azerbaijan as a continuation of the 1915 genocide.

In 1988, there
was a single consolidating goal: “Karabakh is ours”. The slogans
“Unification” and “Fight, fight to the end” did not contain
any worldview and state-forming problems. It was exclusively an application for
historical revenge. For the sake of Artsakh people were ready to suffer hunger,
corruption and illegal actions and, finally, to die. There was not even a
demand for independence, and if it was discussed, then only in the context of
the unification of Armenia and Artsakh as a possible scenario for achieving
this goal. There was one super-goal, and everything else was secondary.

Forces that
came to power as a result of the movement, speculated this issue until 2018. It
is no accident that the Republican Party of Armenia and Serzh Sargsyan constantly
declared that they will remain in power until the problem of Artsakh is
resolved, and during the social uprisings they threatened with tension on the
border. The Artsakh issue kept the society as hostage. The opposition, in the
person of the ANC and Levon Ter-Petrosyan, also speculated with this problem
that supposedly problems in the issues of security and economy can be solved
only by concessions to Azerbaijan.

Despite the
only “social demand” of the society in 1988, the Armenian leadership,
secretly from society, recognized Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan in 1991 (in the
CIS, and then at the time of its accession to the OSCE), and even in this
matter the national demand wasn’t met, however, speculation continued. The
society was deceived, it was not informed that the Armenian authorities, while
holding Artsakh under their control, transferred the rights to it to
Azerbaijan.

However, since
1988 society has delegated one requirement to the government: to unite Artsakh
with Armenia. No other “social demand” or “public contract”
existed.

The movement of
2018 has yet to be comprehended. The slogan “Reject Serzh” — in
addition to the decisive principle that one must be punished for the deception
of society — has other content that still should be formulated. Rejection of
Serzh means rejection of the system and relations that have been formed over
the past 25 years. The deep meaning of these relations has yet to be defined
and formulated. These are not only the rules of relations that have turned Armenia
into a swamp, but also those institutions that are based on these relations,
which must have a RESTART. One thing is clear: we need a new social contract,
and the issue of Artsakh can be solved only on the basis of new realities. It
will no longer be possible to plunge society into psychological traps.

1988 was based
on old myths and perceptions, 2018 destroys the old to build new relationships.


Sports: Gennady Golovkin destroys Vanes Martirosyan in two rounds as he paves way for Saul Alvarez rematch

The Sun, UK
May 6 2018

GGG makes light work of 20th middleweight title defence against stand-in opponent following Canelo’s failed drugs test

GENNADY GOLOVKIN celebrated Cinco de Mayo in style – even in the absence of Saul Alvarez.

The Kazakh destroyer crushed stand-in challenger Vanes Martirosyan inside two rounds in California as he won his 20th consecutive middleweight title defence.

Getty Images – Getty
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Gennady Golovkin made the 20th defence of his middleweight title as he KOd Vanes Martirosyan
Getty Images – Getty
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Gennady Golovkin made light work of Martirosyan as he destroyed him inside two rounds

The fight was arranged at the last minute after GGG’s rematch with Canelo fell apart following the Mexican’s failed drug test.

Golovkin and Alvarez – who has been banned for six months – fought to a controversial draw last September and were set to go toe-to-toe again in another blockbuster on the Mexican holiday.

In front of what should have been his crowd, mention of Canelo’s name was booed by the 7,837 spectators at the StubHub Centre.

And then chants of “Triple G, Triple G” rang out following Golovkin’s brutal KO combination.


Golovkin, now 38-0-1, was actually tagged with a strong three-punch salvo from Martirosyan (36-4-1) late in the first round.

But he responded in the second with a devastating charge that dropped former US Olympian Martirosyan face-first to the canvas.

AP:Associated Press
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Golovkin unleashed devastating flurry at the end of the second round

Golovkin, 36, pummeled Martirosyan with a jab, a double right hand, a left hook, another right hand and a crushing left.

Martirosyan, 32, got up to his knees but was in no shape to continue and referee Jack Reiss waved it off after 1:53 of the second round for Golovkin’s 34th career knockout.

After the bout, Golovkin suggested he would be open to a rematch with Alvarez, touted for September.

He said: “I’m ready any time. I’m still champion of the world. Nine years. I have 11 belts. Come take my belts now.

“I want everyone. I have a lot of belts. I challenge anyone to come and take my belts. I don’t care who. Let’s clean out the division.

“It feels great to get a knockout. Vanes is a very good fighter

“He caught me a few times in the first round. In the second round, I came out all business after I felt him out in the first round.”

Martirosyan, who had been out of the ring for two years after losing his light middleweight titles to Erislandy Lara, admitted: “It was like being hit by a train.

“It wasn’t one punch. It was all of his punches. It’s the hardest I’ve ever been hit.”



Turkish press: Armenia opposition leader secures support for PM bid after huge protests

Armenian opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan called for an end to a huge wave of protests on May 3 and said all parties would support his bid to run for prime minister again next week.

“The issue has practically been solved,” he told tens of thousands of people during a rally in the capital Yerevan.

“All factions said they would support my candidacy.”

Kids, you are going to school tomorrow. We are suspending protests and going to have a rest.”

Jubilant scenes erupted across the capital which was on lockdown just a few hours earlier, with everyone from soldiers to mothers with pushchairs hugging each other and dancing on the streets.

Lawmakers will convene on May 8 for a new extraordinary session of parliament to elect a prime minister, after the ruling Republican Party voted on May 1 against a bid by Pashinyan, the hugely popular opposition leader, to take power.

Since last month the poor, Armenia has been in the grip of its most serious political crisis in years after mass demonstrations forced the resignation of longtime leader Sargsyan’ href=”‘/search/Serzh Sargsyan’>Serzh Sargsyan.

After Sargsyan ‘s party rejected Pashinyan’s bid, despite initially promising not to stand in the way, tens of thousands on May 2 launched a nationwide general strike, blocking key transport links, suspending railway traffic across the country and shutting down Yerevan and other cities.

After the unprecedented show of defiance, Vahram Baghdasaryan, the head of the ruling party’s parliamentary faction, indicated the Republicans were finally ready to back Pashinyan.

He said the Republicans would back a candidate nominated by one third of lawmakers in accordance with legislation.

Pashinyan, 42, said his candidacy would be formally submitted on May 3 and called a jumbo rally for May 8, urging 500,000 people to gather and “seal our victory”.

Protester Artashes Gevorkyan, a 52-year-old school teacher, said he was skeptical of the Republicans’ promises.

“I don’t believe them, but it looks like they are really scared and will not dare to try stealing our victory again,” he told AFP.

Mikhail Margaryan, a 38-year-old doctor added: “I am more than sure that in few days Nikol will be our new prime minister.” Analysts said it appeared the ruling party had changed position in a bid to retain control of the legislature.

If lawmakers fail to elect a prime minister for a second time, the legislature will be dissolved and early elections called.

“The Republicans are doing everything to retain a majority in parliament,” said analyst Manvel Sargsyan.

The crisis, he added, will not end even if Pashinyan is elected prime minister because the ruling party will likely sabotage his initiatives in parliament.

Earlier in the day tens of thousands of protesters including elderly people, pupils and even housewives paralysed Yerevan, with streets closed to traffic, and the subway and numerous stores shut.

Crowds of protesters waved national flags, blew vuvuzelas and shouted “Free, independent Armenia!”, turning the rallies into a street carnival.

The road linking Yerevan with its airport was blocked for several hours, forcing travelers to drag their luggage on foot.

The central bank warned Armenians against a run on banks, saying it was capable of ensuring the “stability of the country’s financial system.”

On social media, people launched a “name and shame” campaign against lawmakers, prompting the parliament speaker to ask them to stop harassing MPs.

In parliament, lawmakers could not convene for a session due to insufficient numbers, with the Prosperous Armenia party declaring a boycott over “an emergency situation in the country.”

Smaller towns and villages joined in the campaign of defiance. In the second city of Gyumri – which hosts a Russian military base – and the smaller town of Maralik, demonstrators burst into the mayor’s offices, demanding the local authorities side with protesters.

Nikol Pashinyan, Armenia, Armenian, Serzh Sargsyan, Sargsyan, prime minister

Verelq: Press: RPA will try to drag out another short time by resorting to various provocations

  • 03.05.2018
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  • Armenia:
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VERELQ presents the most notable publications of the Armenian press.

“People” the daily writes. “The internal political situation created in Armenia seems to be showing signs of resolution. Yesterday, Serzh Sargsyan met the deputies of the RPA faction of the National Assembly. Then the head of the RPA parliamentary faction Vahram Baghdasaryan announced that on May 8 they will support the candidate nominated by 1/3 of the National Assembly to become the Prime Minister of Armenia. He said that the RPA intended to vote for a popular candidate for the Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in favor of 

If we are honest, many do not believe that the RPA will hand over power easily and quietly. There are doubts that the opposition will not be able to collect the signatures of 1/3 of the deputies, 35 people, to re-nominate Pashinyan for the post of prime minister. It is true that yesterday they met the president of PAP Gagik Tsarukyan and Nikol Pashinyan. And G. Tsarukyan announced that his faction will support and vote for Pashinyan. Tsarukyan’s spokesman also claimed in the conversation with “Zhoghovurd” daily that the support also implies helping in the nomination of the prime minister by providing signatures.


However, there are persistent doubts that the 35 signatures will not be collected at the last moment. RPA will hardly find the will to hand over power. Therefore, they will try to drag it out for another short time by resorting to various provocations. And in the meantime, some of the deputies who are ready to nominate Pashinyan after the explanatory work will disappear for a few days, or simply leave the country, some for chronic diarrhea or cystitis surgery abroad, some will go to settle the geopolitical problems of the superpowers. But we must record. this will not solve the internal political crisis, but will deepen it. the popular wave will rise with a new momentum, this time to sweep the government to the end. God willing, these pessimistic predictions will not come true.”

“The Square” writes: “According to our sources, organizing extraordinary elections is not such an easy task in terms of time. “The Electoral Code is a constitutional law and requires the vote of 3/5 of the deputies, which is possible in the conditions of consensus. Will they be able to provide such a consensus? I think it is difficult. Then these changes must pass the expertise of the Venice Commission and other international structures. It is a time-consuming process, according to everything, it will last from about 6 months to 1 year.
In other words, autumn is the closest time to the elections, and during that time a lot will change both in political life and in the attitude of the people. Life will show the rest. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan should be able to solve many problems by autumn, including Karabakh. At the moment, he is maneuvering between geopolitical centers, we have to wait to see what results he will have in the fall,” said our interlocutor constitutional expert.”

“time” the newspaper writes. “The Russian side wants assurances from the new authorities of Armenia that the monopoly of Russian companies in at least three sectors will be preserved. We are talking about the monopoly in the market of gas and liquid fuel: gasoline, diesel fuel. Also, Russia wants assurances that it will continue to control such a natural monopoly as the railways, which has been handed over to the Russian state-owned RZHD company under concession management. Negotiations are still ongoing.”

“People” the daily writes. “Deputy of the National Assembly RPA faction Felix Tsolakyanthe move, when contrary to the decision of the faction, he voted in favor of the prime minister’s candidate Nikol Pashinyan, has become the subject of serious discussions within the RPA, and envy among some. According to “Zhoghovurd” daily newspaper, RPA generals and several other deputies expressed their regret that they did not act like Tsolakyan and did not vote for Pashinyan, thus finding themselves in an uncomfortable situation. Moreover, the MPs who wanted to vote for Pashinyan complained to the RPA elite, saying why they were forced to go against the people’s decision and become an enemy in the eyes of the public, and in the case of Tsolakyan, they could not get him to oppose it. vote Although, as our sources claim, forcing Tsolakyan is, to put it mildly, not easy. Moreover, the authorities have no documents against Tsolakyan, who has held a high position for many years, as in the case of others.”

“The Square” writes: “Yesterday, after the meeting at the Marriott, Nikol Pashinyan and Gagik Tsarukyan went out to the people together and made a statement. Tsarukyan said: “We met and discussed without preconditions, the victory belongs to the people, we will vote for the people’s candidate, which we did the first time, the second time, the third time… I want to say once again that our words are deeds. My being here will change the political situation, and that situation will take place on the 8th of the month. Everything will be fine whether they choose or not. There is no game against the people, the most important thing is that you have won. The whole world has joined us, everything will be fine.” Let’s note that Nikol Pashinyan left in time Levon Ter-Petrosyan from the team because the latter started cooperating with Gagik Tsarukyan, trying to implement a “bourgeois-democratic revolution”.

“People” the newspaper writes. “The situation in the Ministry of Defense is quite tense these days. It became known to “Zhoghovurd” daily that it has been a long time since the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Vigen Sargsyan he stays at the Ministry of Defense until late at night with his deputies. Moreover, for several days now, his deputies, together with a number of generals, have been on night duty at the Ministry of Defense. Basically, the reason is the internal political situation in RA, and it also determines the specific movement of the enemy.

“People” The daily tried to find out the information from Gevorg Altunyan, the head of the information and public relations department of the Ministry of Defense. He said that “the minister comes to work early in the morning and leaves late in the evening, so he did not notice any change in his work schedule”.


‘Karen Karapetyan is authorized to carry out all powers of PM’ – justice minister on opposition’s claims

Category
Politics

Լegislative regulations of Armenia guarantee that an active government exists in the country in any event, as well as an individual entrusted with all powers of the Prime Minister, acting justice minister Davit Harutyunyan told ARMENPRESS.

At an April 25 rally, opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan claimed that “in the event of the PM’s resignation there can’t be an acting PM, therefore Karen Karapetyan is not the acting PM, rather the acting first deputy PM”.

“If these regulations didn’t exist it would’ve been an unforgivable mistake which would question the country’s normal functioning, defensibility and security. The legislative regulations are the following: in case of the government’s resignation members of the government, including the deputy Prime Ministers, continue fulfilling their duties under Article 158 of the Constitution until the formation of a new government,” Harutyunyan said.

According to paragraph 2, article 152 of the Constitution, one of the deputy PMs replaces the PM in case of the latter’s absence.

In line with these constitutional regulations, various cases of a PM’s absence have been defined under the law, including regulations relating to replacing the Prime Minister in case of incapacitation.

The PM’s resignation resulted in incapacitation from fulfilling duties, which, as required by law, was stipulated under the 470-A decision of the government which was adopted by 2/3rd of Cabinet members on April 23, 2018. In this case, in accordance to the PM’s April 21, 2018 decision N412-L, the Prime Minister is replaced by first deputy Prime Minister, who takes all powers of the PM in accordance to the Constitution and laws.

Pashinyan’s goal is to become Armenia’s major opposition leader

ARKA, Armenia

YEREVAN, April 20. /ARKA/. Armenian MP Nikol Pashinyan’s goal is to become the nation’s main opposition leader, Alexander Iskandaryan, the director of the Caucasus Institute in Yerevan, said today.

“Nikol Pashiryan’s main goal is to become Armenia’s main opposition leader not only in the eyes of its  citizens, but also for Moscow, Brussels and Washington, and he has accomplished this task brilliantly. Today, there is no other figure in the country who can stand next to him,” Iskandaryan said.

He said Pashinyan needs a strategy to overcome the current situation, adding also that it will be difficult for him to capitalize now, nevertheless the game for the next four years has already been played, and it’s pointless to go to any agreements.

 “Pashinyan would be given a gift if now the authorities put him in prison,” Iskandaryan said. The anti-government protests in Armenia began on April 13 after Armenia’s ruling Republican Party nominated former president Serzh Sargsyan for the prime minister’s post. Serzh Sargsyan resigned as president on April 9 and was elected as prime minister during a special session of parliament on April 17 by a vote of 77 to 17.

According to  Armenia’s amended its constitution, approved in a national referendum in 2015, Armenia has switched  the government from a semi-presidential to a parliamentary system making the presidency largely ceremonial and strengthening the office of the prime minister.

The protests are led by Nikol Pashinyan, the head of the opposition Yelk parliamentary faction, who declared April 17 the beginning of popular, non-violent “velvet revolution” urging  demonstrators to keep besieging ministries, the prosecutor’s office, the central bank and other governmental buildings. -0-