Author: Andres-Papazian

ARMAVIA SUPERJETS DORMANT AS DELIVERY DISPUTE ESCALATES
David Kaminski-Morrow

Flightglobal

Aug 7 2012

Armavia and Sukhoi are locked in a dispute over the delivery of
Superjet 100s after the Armenian flag-carrier stopped operating its
first aircraft, having already postponed acceptance of a second.

While the airline is indicating that the technical performance of the
twinjet lies at the centre of the tussle, the airframer suggests the
real problem is financial arrangements.

Sukhoi’s civil aircraft division says that it “hasn’t had” any formal
notification that Armavia – the first operator to take the type, in
April last year – wants to “reject the aircraft and stop the contract”.

But the airframer insists that there is a debt attached to the first
jet which complicates the matter. “Even if [Armavia] rejects the
contract, it can’t give back the [aircraft],” it adds

The airframer says the carrier acquired its first aircraft directly
but the second has not been delivered, and claims that part of the
hold-up is due to the carrier’s trying to rearrange the financing to
place both Superjets under a lease agreement.

Both Armavia aircraft, fully painted in the airline’s livery, are
parked at Moscow’s Zhukovsky airfield while talks are taking place
over their future.

Armavia explains the situation, however, as being related to the
operational performance of the Superjet, claiming it has not met the
Yerevan-based carrier’s expectations.

“Although it’s a brand new aircraft it needed to be repaired within
the first year after entering service,” says the operator.

“This raises a question about the advisability of that purchase. We’re
a small carrier and cannot afford to make experiments.”

Armavia had previously been broadly upbeat about the type, indicating
that the aircraft met its network requirements, but had hinted at a
need to refine its operations.

Earlier this year Russian authorities briefly suspended Armavia’s
route rights over unpaid air traffic control debts.

From: A. Papazian

ARMAVIA RETURNS RUSSIAN SUKHOI SUPERJET 100 DUE TO SUBSTANDARD QUALITY

eTurboNews

Aug 7 2012

YEREVAN, Armenia – Armenian airline Armavia has decided to return its
Sukhoi Superjet 100 because the new aircraft is below the required
standards, local media reported on Monday, in what is a major blow for
the Russian aircraft manufacturer which is still working to overcome
a deadly plane crash earlier this year.

Armavia was the launch customer for the Sukhoi Superjet 100, the first
civil aircraft to be built by a Russian aircraft manufacturer since
the fall of the Soviet Union. The airline received the aircraft in
April 2011 and used it for flights from Armenia to Ukraine and to
the Russian cities of Moscow, St. Petersburg and Sochi.

An Armavia spokeswoman told the Arka and RIA Novosti news agencies on
Monday that the airline has decided to return the aircraft because it
was below the previously declared standards and also required repairs.

“We consider it inappropriate to purchase a plane which requires
repairs during its first year in service,” she said.

A source with knowledge about the situation told a Russian newspaper
earlier on Monday that Armavia is a relatively small airline and cannot
afford to make experiments. Armavia President Mikhail Baghdasarov
earlier also expressed discontent over the relationship with Sukhoi
and complained spare parts for the Superjet 100 are more expensive
than similar spare parts for Western aircraft.

Armavia was also scheduled to receive a second Superjet 100 last
year, but the process was dragged out until June of this year when
the airline said it will not buy the second aircraft and instead opt
to purchase a Western aircraft. Both planes are currently at a Sukhoi
flight test facility near Moscow, where the first Armavia aircraft
was undergoing regularly scheduled maintenance.

Armavia’s refusal of the medium-haul aircraft could prove to be a
major blow for Sukhoi, which delivered its tenth production aircraft
to Russian airline Aeroflot late last month. Aeroflot, which operates
all but one of the Superjet 100s currently in operation, previously
ordered a total of 30 Superjet 100 aircraft and intends to buy 10 more.

Sukhoi is still attempting to overcome a deadly crash in May, when a
Superjet 100 crashed into a cliff on Mount Salak near the Indonesian
capital of Jakarta, killing all 45 people on board. The aircraft
was participating in Sukhoi’s “Welcome Asia” roadshow to promote the
Superjet 100 to airlines in a number of Asian countries.

The cause of the accident in May remains unknown, but investigators are
focusing on pilot error and technical failure as two possibilities. If
Indonesian investigators determine the cause to be the latter, demand
for the Superjet 100 could be wiped out.

Sukhoi began the certification process in Indonesia last week, and the
decision by the country’s aviation authority will determine whether
the Superjet 100 will be allowed to operate in Indonesian airspace.

Indonesian airlines Sky Aviation and Kartika have already ordered
42 Superjet 100 aircraft, with the first delivery to Sky Aviation
expected later this year.

The Superjet 100 was also certified by the Aviation Authority of
Mexico in late April, allowing it to operate in the country without
limitations. Mexican airline Interjet signed a contract with Sukhoi
in January 2011 to purchase 15 Superjet 100 aircraft, and the delivery
of the first aircraft is scheduled for the end of this year.

Source: wireupdate.com

From: A. Papazian

THE RUSSIAN WORLD: A PEACEKEEPING ANNIVERSARY AND THE SEARCH FOR A FORMULA FOR A FINAL SETTLEMENT

Politkom.ru
July 30 2012
Russia

by Sergey Markedonov, Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Strategic
and International Studies, Washington, D.C.,

The day 28 July 2012 marked 20 years since the start of the
peacekeeping operation that ended the bloodshed on the Dniester in
1992. Today serving in the joint peacekeeping forces are 402 Russian
troops, 492 troops from the Dniester Region, and 355 Moldovan troops,
as well as 10 military observers from Ukraine, which along with Russia
(beginning in 1997) acts as a country guaranteeing peace and security
in the conflict zone. But the attitude of the parties in conflict
towards the peacekeeping operation differs diametrically…

Allow me to remind you in brief of the basic outline of the events
of 20 years ago. On 19-21 June 1992, the armed phase of the conflict
between the Republic of Moldova (which after the dissolution of the
USSR had received international recognition) and the unrecognized
Dniester Moldovan Republic (PMR) reached its peak. There was the battle
for Bendery, and Moldovan regular units stormed the city executive
committee defended by the Dniester people. Russian volunteers and the
servicemen of the 14th Army helped the PMR. Then and later on this
made it possible to speak of the “Kremlin’s hand” in the process of
the escalation of the conflict, although at that time Moscow was not
so much directing as not hindering the initiatives “on site.” The
failure of the attack on Bendery (as well as the protests of the
Moldovan oppositionists against civil war) forced Chisinau to see
a way out of the impasse that had come about. In Moscow on 21 July
1992, Russian Federation President Boris Yeltsin and President of the
Republic of Moldova Mircea Snegur, in the presence of Igor Smirnov,
the leader of the PMR, signed the agreement “On the Principles
of Settlement of the Armed Conflict in the Dniester Region of the
Republic of Moldova.” Created in accordance with this document were
trilateral peacekeeping forces that included representatives of the
parties in conflict and Russia. The United Control Commission (OKK),
which was headed by cochairmen from the Russian Federation, Moldova,
and the PMR, was created on 27 July 1992. And finally, on 28 July the
OKK adopted the decision to deploy peacekeepers in the security zone
that had been created to separate the parties.

Since that time a new stage has begun in the Moldovan-Dniester Region
conflict, one that has not ended to this day. The essence of this
stage is the search for a formula for a final peace settlement. Today,
20 years since the end of the armed conflict on the Dniester, serving
in the joint peacekeeping forces are 402 Russian troops, 492 troops
from the Dniester Region, and 355 Moldovan troops, as well as 10
military observers from Ukraine, which along with Russia (beginning
in 1997) acts as a country guaranteeing peace and security in the
conflict zone. But the attitude of the parties in conflict towards the
peacekeeping operation differs diametrically. On the eve of the 20th
anniversary from the moment it started, PMR President Yevgeniy Shevchuk
signed an edict declaring 28 July Peacekeeper Day. In addition to that,
a bridge across the Dniester in the region of Bendery was given the
special name Peacekeepers of Russia Bridge. The Moldovan approach,
in contrast, proceeds from the idea that in 2012 the peacekeeping
operation that started 20 years ago from this day does not correspond
to the new realities. Official Chisinau believes that it would be
wise to transform the present mission (where Russia dominates) into
a civilian format with an international mandate. The Russian side,
however, is in no hurry to bid farewell to its dominant position. In
the opinion of Russian Federation Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs
Grigoriy Karasin, the operation in the Dniester Region can be
considered the “most effective in all European space.”

The Moldovan-Dniester Region conflict differs fundamentally from
other post-Soviet ethno-political confrontations. In the first
place, the ethnic composition of the conflict on the Dniester is more
complicated than in Abkhazia, South Osseti a, or Nagornyy Karabakh. On
the one hand, even the name of the PMR has the word “Moldovan,” and
the Moldovan language (based on Cyrillic) is one of the three state
languages (together with Ukrainian and Russian). On the other hand,
on the right bank of the Dniester, in the Republic of Moldova, the
size of the Russian population based on absolute indicators (200,300
people) without counting the percentage correlation of different ethnic
groups is greater than the number of Russians in the Dniester Region
(168,316). In that way, the ethnic component of the conflict is not
prominent here. Much more important is the struggle for political
self-identification.

In the second place, the armed phase of the conflict on the Dniester
compared with Abkhazia or Nagornyy Karabakh was less intense. It
was not accompanied by ethnic purges and the relocation of masses
of refugees.

In the third place, unlike the two former autonomous bodies of Georgia,
the Russian Federation does not have a direct border with the PMR. The
Dniester Region borders on Ukraine, which often has foreign policy
goals, tasks, and priorities that differ from Russia’s. And these
differences have been manifested more than once. Take just the story
of 2006 when Kiev in effect stood in solidarity with Chisinau in its
policy of economic pressure on the PMR by means of customs regulation
measures.

In the fourth place, the Moldovan-Dniester Region conflict is the only
one of the post-Soviet confrontations that directly abuts the borders
of NATO and the European Union. Moldova borders Romania (which is a
member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European
Union), and the idea of the unification of these two states is being
actively discussed, although it is not in fact on their actual agenda.

Another neighbour of the PMR, Ukraine, also has a common border with
several NATO and European Union member countries (Romania, Hungary,
Slovakia, and Poland). That is also a source of the special interest
of the European Union, its main sponsor Germany, and Europe’s main
military partner the United States in a final settlement of the
Moldovan-Dniester Region conflict. Of course not under abstract
but under advantageous conditions. Unfortunately, that does not
mean achieving a formula that would suit the two clashing parties,
but minimizing Russian influence. Not everyone but many people in
the West see this influence itself as the restoration of the Soviet
Union in a soft form or of “Russian imperial influence,” as well as
an important prerequisite for strengthening authoritarian tendencies
inside the Russian Federation. Ignored in the process is the important
fact that all the peacekeeping operations with Russian participation
began in the 1990s (in South Ossetia and the Dniester Region in 1992,
in Abkhazia in 1994, and in Tajikistan in November 1993 already
during the civil war). That is to say, at a time when Russia was
perceived as an example for conducting democratic reforms and market
transformations both in the West and in Eurasia. And despite that,
back in May of 1995 (in other words, before any “Putin vertical
hierarchy”), the OSCE representative, Hungarian diplomat Istvan
Dyarmati, was insisting on expanding this organization’s peacekeeping
mandate and replacing the peacekeeping operation with the kind of
format where an appreciable role would be given to the structure that
he represented at that moment. Let us also not forget that frequently
(deliberately or not), the American and European diplomats mix up
the question of a peacekeeping operation with the problem of Russia’s
military presence on the territory of the PMR (from the formal legal
standpoint on Moldova’s territory). But it is, of course, a matter
of the remnants of the 14th Army and military storehouses in Kolbasnya.

In the meantime, these two problems are of a different nature and
mechanically mixing them up can only make the peace process more
complicated and confuse it.

And the l ast topic. During the settlement of the Moldovan-Dniester
Region conflict, for many years (1994-2003) only on the Dniester
were the parties in conflict discussing the conditions for possible
reintegration rather than the premises for the impossibility of living
together. And only after the failure of the initiative with the signing
of the Memorandum “On the Fundamental Principles of the State System
of a United State” (known as the plan of Dmitriy Kozak, who at that
moment was the first deputy head of the Russian President’s Staff)
in 2003 did Moldova and the PMR go their separate ways. Allow me to
mention in passing that if those same American diplomats had pictured
this situation better and they had not tried to minimize Russian
influence in Eurasia, as a result a single federative Moldova would
exist today, and Russia could have avoided that drastic anti-Western
tilt in its policy that was taken after 2003.

And although in recent months, the negotiating process between Chisinau
and Tiraspol was markedly stepped up, it does not seem possible
to speak of achieving a compromise acceptable to both parties. To
illustrate, based on the outcome of the recent talks in the 5+2
format in Vienna (the two conflicting sides plus an intermediary,
observers, and guarantors), the Dniester Region President Yevgeniy
Shevchuk announced at his press conference: “Questions of status and a
settlement agreement are not being discussed now. It is premature. We
are discussing questions of social-economic cooperation and resolution
of the problems built up in the past.” After the former speaker of
the Supreme Soviet of the unrecognized republic Yevgeniy Shevchuk
scored the victory in the second round of the presidential election
in the PMR in December 2011, there were both phobias and excessive
expectations in Russia and in the West regarding the prospects of the
peace process and settlement of the conflict. During the presidential
campaign, the Kremlin supported Shevchuk’s opponent Anatoliy Kaminskiy,
fearing that “positive reputation” that was created in certain Western
mass media outlets and in expert circles for this politician. But
this reputation itself was based on myths of many years surrounding
the Dniester Region. And the most important one of them is the idea
of the unrecognized republic on the Dniester as a kind of “Communist
Vendee” headed always by Igor Smirnov, who was at times compared with
Lukashenka and at times with other authoritarian leaders (each to his
own taste). An ordinary personification of Dniester Region politics
occurred where the PMR’s status as a political actor was denied (or
to be more succinct, identified with the Kremlin’s will), while the
difficulties of the peace process were linked with the personality
of the uncomfortable and ambitious Smirnov. But last year the PMR
got a new leader. However, no decisive “breakthrough” in resolving
the conflict is foreseen at this point. In this context one should
also mention a certain “warming” in Moscow’s attitude towards Shevchuk.

Evidence of this is the allocation of an instalment of 500 million
roubles. But that is not the crucial problem. Unlike Smirnov, Shevchuk
is a man and a politician who grew up and was formed not in the USSR
but in conditions of the PMR. If there were no PMR, his political
career would perhaps not have even begun at all. It was formed
specifically in conditions of unrecognized statehood and disputed
sovereignty. To risk it for the sake of the illusory prospects of
universal world recognition is, of course, possible but hard. The
advantages and possible acquisitions from radical concessions are
not obvious.

[translated from Russian]

From: A. Papazian

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr.Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Director
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

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Houston (U.S.A. – Texas) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 12:00:00 Noon
Salt Lake City (U.S.A. – Utah) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 11:00:00 AM
Montpelier (U.S.A. – Vermont) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 1:00:00 PM
Richmond (U.S.A. – Virginia) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 1:00:00 PM
Seattle (U.S.A. – Washington) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 10:00:00 AM
Madison (U.S.A. – Wisconsin) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 12:00:00 Noon
Cheyenne (U.S.A. – Wyoming) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 11:00:00 AM
Abu Dhabi (United Arab Emirates – Abu Dhabi) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at
9:00:00 PM
Dubai (United Arab Emirates – Dubai) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 9:00:00 PM
Montevideo (Uruguay) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 2:00:00 PM
Vatican City (Vatican City State) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 7:00:00 PM
Caracas (Venezuela) Saturday, August 11, 2012 at 12:30:00 PM

From: A. Papazian

WOMAN DIES AFTER FALLING OUT OF MOVING BUS IN ARMENIA

tert.am
08.08.12

A 45-year-old woman Marine Mirabyan fell out from a moving Paz-model
bus heading from Yerevan to Armavir today at about 8 a.m.

Photo reporter Gagik Shamshyan told Tert.am, the woman fell out from
the door, which the driver left open while driving. Mirabyan was
rushed to hospital but died after an hour. The driver of the bus fled
the scene.

The police officers have later identified the driver – resident of
Arshaluys village of Armenia’s Armavir province, 56-year-old Grisha
Martirosyan – and took him to the Vagharshapat police division.

From: A. Papazian

ITALIAN SPECIALISTS TO PARTICIPATE IN ODZUN CHURCH RESTORATION WORKS

ARMENPRESS
8 August, 2012
YEREVAN

YEREVAN, AUGUST 8, Armenpress: Italian specialists are going to
provide advisory consultancy to their Armenian partners in the course
of the restoration of Saint Mariam Astvatsatsin Church located in
Lori province’s Odzun village.

As “Hovhannes Imastaser Catholicos Odznetsi” Benevolent Fund executive
director Vanush Sharmazanyan informs restoration works launched still
on July 23 are set to end in three year.

The project is being carried out in accordance with the memorandum
that was signed between the Armenian Apostolic Church, the Ministry of
Culture of the Republic of Armenia and “Hovhannes Imastaser Catholicos
Odznetsi” Benevolent Fund , Armenpress reports.

Design works have been conducted by Ministry of Culture, finance
issues are commissioned by the Fund. Currently preparatory works are
in the process. Felsitic type tuf is set to be used during recovery
works of columns , the slopes and hood in their turn will be covered
by red andesitic basalt .

From: A. Papazian

EREBUNI PRESERVE- MUSEUM TREASURES NOT FULLY REVEALED TO THE WORLD

ARMENPRESS
8 August, 2012
YEREVAN

YEREVAN, AUGUST 8, ARMENPRESS: Erebuni historical – archeological
preserve- museum is the single one available to be visited by the
people, as well as most important Urartu study center around the
region. Archeological wealth of Erebuni fortress dating 782 BC by
Argishti First is not completely revealed.

” Regular excavations both by local Armenian and international
expedition groups are being conducted here, yet the entire
archeological wealth of the settlement is not disclosed” Erebuni
historical archeological preserve- museum researcher Mikael Badalyan
told in the briefing with Armenpress.

Preserve- Museum not full closure has got some reasons. The first
excavations in the ancient settlement date back to 1950, when the
number of the archeologists was scares to completely discover the
area. “Several excavations were carried out during Soviet times yet in
short period of time, while it is known that archeological researches
must not be done in hasty way” Badalyan dwelled on.

Modern technologies enable a chance to discover new and remarkable
details about the civilization of the ancient settlement.

The scientific worker tells that years ago German physicist Jorg
Fazbinder studies conducted by a device defining underground rocks’
layout made clear 120 meter long structure was left in south-east
under the hill.

The archeologist is convinced that investment of new technology expands
the possibilities of archeology. “Young archeologist” school adjacent
to “Erebuni historical archeological preserve- museum, established
in 2011 increases the love of Armenians towards the archeology.

Each year thousands of citizens of the Republic of Armenia as well
as foreign tourists are visiting the museum, putting down their
impressions about the museum in the memorial.

Annually museum welcomes 15 000- 18 000 visitors.

“Erebuni ” museum was founded in 1968, October 19, on 1750 anniversary
of Yerevan establishment. Museum building resembles Urartu palace
structure.

Viewed 195 times

From: A. Papazian

CANDLE LIGHTING AND MARCH

Story from Lragir.am News:

Published: 10:32:07 – 08/08/2012

Candle lighting initiated by Vahe Avetyan movement was held yesterday
evening in memory of Vahe Avetyan, the military doctor beaten up to
death in Harsnakar restaurant.

40th day of Vahe Avetyan’s death marked on August 7.

Before the candle lighting action, the police had surrounded Harsnakar
restaurant owned by MP Ruben Hairapetyan where his bodyguards beat
up to death Vahe.

Political figures, activists from different civil initiatives, parties
and individuals were there to honor the memory of the military doctor
and to protest against violence.

The candle lighting was followed by a march up to Avan district
of Yerevan where Ruben Hairapetyan’s house is situated. But, the
protesters didn’t stop at his house but marched across the district.

No clashes with the police or other incidents were reported.

During their march in Avan, the protesters chanted “Nemets murderer”.

After the march, a small rally was held in Avan which was addressed
by some participants who condemned the violence.

From: A. Papazian

LE MONASTERE D’ODZUN VA ETRE RENOVE
Stephane

armenews.com
mercredi 8 aout 2012

La Societe LevGug renovera l’Eglise Saint Marie Mère de Dieu du
village d’Odzun en Armenie.

La Societe s’est engagee a renover l’Eglise datant des 5 et 6 ème
siècle en trois ans. Le projet est estime a 320 millions de drams
(approximativement. 793 285 $).

Huit societes de construction armeniennes avaient soumis des offres
pour l’offre de restauration de l’Eglise et la Societe LevGug a ete
declaree gagnante de l’appel d’offres.

A noter que ce projet deviendra le premier exemple de la cooperation
entre l’etat armenien et le secteur privee.

From: A. Papazian

WOMAN ATTEMPTED TO COMMIT SUICIDE IN ARMENIA’S VANADZOR

news.am
August 07, 2012 | 01:52

VANADZOR. – A Vanadzor resident 53-year-old Silvard M., in Armenia’s
Lori Region, has drunk 20 diabetic pills attempting to commit a
suicide and was hospitalized in the Vanadzor medical center, Armenian
News-NEWS.am source reports.

Police information service confirmed information for the Armenian
News-NEWS.am adding an investigation is underway. The woman suffers
from diabetes.

The recent suicide attempt was registered in Yerevan on Aug. 3. A
15-year-old girl attempted to commit a suicide, which was prevented
by the passers-by. The girl wanted to jump off the Victory Bridge
in Yerevan.

From: A. Papazian