Aliyev Nomme Un Nouveau Cabinet

ALIYEV NOMME UN NOUVEAU CABINET

AZERBAIDJAN

Le president azerbaïdjanais Ilham Aliyev a nomme son nouveau cabinet,
trois jours après sa prestation de serment pour un troisième mandat.

Aliyev a signe un decret le 22 Octobre.

Le nouveau cabinet sera dirige par le Premier ministre Arthur Rasizade.

Le changement le plus notable est le remplacement du ministre de la
Defense, Safar Abiyev par Zakir Hasanov, qui a commande les forces
du ministère de l’Interieur.

Abiyev a souvent ete critique par les medias independants et
d’opposition en raison de la corruption generalisee et un nombre
croissant de decès parmi les conscrits dans l’armee.

Hasanov a ete en charge des forces anti-emeutes de la police, qui ont
ete impliquees dans la repression de manifestations de l’opposition,
mais aussi dans la reponse officielle a des emeutes dans la ville
de Quba, près de Bakou, et la ville centrale de Ismayilli plus tôt
cette annee.

jeudi 24 octobre 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

La Lettre A M. Poutine Par Zori Balayan Souleve Des Idees Radicales

LA LETTRE A M. POUTINE PAR ZORI BALAYAN SOULEVE DES IDEES RADICALES SUR LE KARABAGH

ARMENIE

La lettre de Zori Balayan au president russe Vladimir Poutine, qui
semble suggerer que la Russie devrait reconquerir son autorite sur
les regions du Caucase du Sud, y compris le Haut-Karabagh, a suscite
de vives discussions dans la presse et les reseaux sociaux armeniens,
l’allegation etant que ce personnage public agit sur les instructions
des autorites armeniennes.

Dans le reseau social Facebook, où les citoyens expriment leur
rebellion et le mecontentement de manière particulièrement visibles,
les utilisateurs soulignent le fait que la lettre met en exergue
l’interet de la Russie seulement, tandis que les interets et la
dignite de l’Armenie et du Karabagh sont laissees de côte.

Dans sa lettre au president Poutine Zori Balayan apporte de nombreux
arguments en faveur du fait que le conflit du Karabagh n’est pas
la question de l’Armenie, mais plutôt de la Russie car la Russie
est seule a pouvoir le resoudre en reconnaissant la Republique du
Haut-Karabagh comme cela a ete fait dans le Gulistan. Cette annee
marque le 200e anniversaire de l’accord signe au Gulistan en 1813, a la
fin de la guerre russo-persan remporte par la Russie. Selon l’accord,
un grand nombre de regions est passe de la Perse (Iran jour moderne)
a la Russie, y compris le khanat du Karabagh.

” Nous devons rassembler tout notre courage et de la sagesse et, comme
l’a dit Jean Jacques Rousseau, mettre la main sur le” c~ur honnete
“et sincèrement avouer que l’effondrement de notre pays commun a
commence a l’aube d’Octobre avec la violation de l’accord entre le
Gulistan et le Turkmencha … et en prenant en consideration le fait
que, comme l’a dit la meme Rousseau, ” la voie de la verite est une
“, nous devons tous revenir a cette seule route, la forme originaire
Karabagh Gulistan. L’accord, je le repète, a ete signe pour l’eternite
“, a ecrit Balayan a Poutine.

L’ethnographe Hranush Kharatyan a ecrit dans Lragir.am que Balayan
a simplement ete pris au piège.

” Donc, voici Zori Balayan, qui est” activement “concerne par ”
l’avenir de sa patrie “. Realisant que les autorites de la republique
d’Armenie ont perdu de manière irreversible l’avenir de l’Armenie
et de l’Artsakh [Karabagh], pour autant qu’ils sont au pouvoir,
Zori Balayan, a pretendu, en leur nom, envoye une petition a la
” Russie renne ” suggerant que ses frontières ” soient restaures
dès que possible “. Balayan, paraît-il, sait quelque chose sur
l’histoire de la Russie que l’actuel roi de la Russie ne sait pas,
et il se precipite pour rappeler au digne heritier de Ekaterina,
Pierre et Alexandre Ier … que l’Armenie et la Russie … ne sont
pas l’Armenie et la Russie. Ils sont la Russie ” ecrit Kharatyan.

Hayk Khanumyan, principal parti de la renaissance nationale de
la Republique du Haut Karabagh, a declare qu’il est temps que des
signatures soient recueillies au Karabagh pour depouiller Balayan de
son titre de heros de la guerre du Karabagh.

Armen Martirosyan du parti Heritage affirme que le sang des Armeniens
a ete verse pour le Karabagh, et que le Karabagh a lutte pour son
independance, par consequent, il ne peut pas etre donne a une tierce
partie.

” J’appelle a l’aide les historiens : il n’existe aucune autre ethnie
ou etat dans ce monde qui donnerait en cadeau a quelqu’un d’autre la
victoire remportee en versant son sang ” a ecrit Martirosyan sur son
mur Facebook.

Le mecontentement de la population a augmente surtout après que
quelques personnalites politiques et publiques, des intellectuels,
ont affirme leur soutien a la lettre de Balayan.

” Oui, s’il y a une telle occasion que le Haut-Karabagh soit annexe par
la Russie, ce serait un règlement acceptable et productif pour moi, car
après avoir rejoint la Russie, il pourrait rejoindre plus facilement
l’Armenie. Si le conflit du Karabagh est regle de cette manière, le
conflit actuel que nous avons avec l’Azerbaïdjan va se resoudre aussi
” a ecrit l’ecrivain-publiciste Razmik Davoyan dans hayeli.am.

Les partisans de Balayan estiment que ce serait le seul moyen d’assurer
la securite du Karabagh, ainsi que sa reconnaissance par la communaute
internationale.

” La securite du Karabagh aujourd’hui ne depend que de nous. Et
qui sommes-nous contre ce pays possedant du petrole [Azerbaïdjan]
ou les Etats-Unis en terme de puissance economique et financière ? ”
a declare le depute republicain Ashot Aghababayn, veteran de la guerre
du Karabagh.

Balayan lui-meme a declare a la presse qu’il ferait plus tard une
declaration publique sur ce qui l’avait pousse a adresser une telle
lettre au president russe.

Par Gayane Lazarian

ArmeniaNow

jeudi 24 octobre 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=93992

Un Programme Vise A Former Le Personnel Des Aeroports Armeniens En C

UN PROGRAMME VISE A FORMER LE PERSONNEL DES AEROPORTS ARMENIENS EN CAS DE CATASTROPHE

ARMENIE

Les aeroports armeniens ont organise une formation speciale sur la
facon de resister aux catastrophes naturelles et la preparation
du personnel des aeroports et des infrastructures pour les defis
logistiques qui accompagnent les catastrophes naturelles.

Deutsche Post DHL a fait une demonstration de son programme Get
Airports Ready for Disaster (GARD) a l’aeroport international de
Zvartnots a Erevan et a Gyumri dans la partie nord-ouest du pays.

Le ministre des Situations d’urgence Haykaram Mkhitaryan a dit que le
tremblement de terre de Spitak il y a 25 ans, qui a coûte la vie de
25.000, aurait cause moins de degâts si les infrastructures avaient
ete mieux preparees.

” Le monde entier a tendu sa main et cela a ete fait principalement
a travers l’aeroport. Aujourd’hui, grâce a nos partenaires, il
nous est donne l’occasion de preparer nos aeroports a fonctionner
de manière optimale dans les situations d’urgence. Je suis certain
que le niveau de preparation de nos aeroports passera a un niveau
different. C’est la première fois qu’un tel programme est realise et
il est très important en termes de reduction des risques de catastrophe
” a explique M.Mkhitaryan.

Ce programme a ete introduit dans deux douzaine d’aeroports a travers
le monde avant d’arriver en Armenie.

Claire Medina, Representante residente adjointe du PNUD en Armenie,
a declare que les catastrophes naturelles defient le monde plus
frequemment et que les lecons du tremblement de terre devastateur
en 1988 ont contraint les autorites nationales a reconsiderer leur
reponse aux catastrophes naturelles.

” Pendant presque une decennie, le PNUD a appuye ses homologues
nationaux a accroître la sensibilisation, a promouvoir la preparation
aux catastrophes et la reduction des risques, a mettre en place le
concept de gestion nationale des catastrophes, ainsi que changer les
cadres institutionnels, juridiques et reglementaires ” a declare
Claire Medina. ” Des progrès substantiels ont ete realises – une
strategie de reduction des risques de catastrophe nationale et un
plan d’actions ont ete elabores et une plate-forme nationale a ete
officiellement adopte par le gouvernement “.

Edward Kaspersky, directeur general de DHL Armenie, a declare que
le programme vise a un traitement rapide et efficace des secours. Le
programme est mene par des formateurs experimentes et des experts en
logistique de Deutsche Post DHL.

Par Gayane Lazarian

ArmeniaNow

jeudi 24 octobre 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

‘Something Broke Inside Me’: Armenians Who Fled Azerbaijan Speak

‘SOMETHING BROKE INSIDE ME’: ARMENIANS WHO FLED AZERBAIJAN SPEAK

By Erin Henk // October 23, 2013

The Armenian Weekly August 2013 Magazine

The woman sitting across from me stopped speaking. Tilting her chin
downward she closed her eyes and shook her head slightly.

No.

Oh, I said, startled as I looked up from my notebook. I saw there
were tears running down her face.Oh, it’s OK. You don’t have to go
on. I turned to my interpreter. Please tell her she doesn’t have to
continue if she doesn’t feel comfortable. I wanted to reach across the
table and place my hand on her arm, to offer a reassuring touch. A
sign of consolation. A pause. She nodded through the tears. A stiff
smile crossed her face for a second, revealing a trace of relief. Her
hands in her lap, she remained motionless.

I’m so sorry, I said. Please tell her I didn’t mean to make her
uncomfortable.

The woman had stopped herself midsentence, choking up while recounting
the story of her neighbor in Baku. They had lived in the same
apartment building for years. It was where, in the courtyard, the
resident families would hold cookouts during warm summer evenings,
where their children would play together, and where they would
share meals during the holidays. It was the same building where she
and her husband spent years remodeling the floors, the bathroom,
and the kitchen to make it truly comfortable. And it was where one
night a group of angry Azerbaijanis broke down her neighbor’s door,
grabbed her by the arms, and threw her from the window, four stories
to her death on the concrete below. Then, in some twisted final act,
the Azerbaijani men combined their might to hurl her large wooden
bureau out of the window so that it landed on top of her.

I took a breath. Where to go from here? I thought.

This woman was one of the many displaced Armenians from Baku who
I interviewed for my master’s thesis. The quest to complete the
thesis was bumpy, to say the least; I switched topics at least three
times over the course of several months before settling on one that
continues to fascinate me-the human face of violence and war. I did
so by focusing on the Nagorno Karabagh conflict, specifically the
pogroms of Baku, and the Armenians who fled Azerbaijan because of them.

Setting out on an equally trying road of finding people to interview,
I spent weeks searching, traveling up and down the East Coast to
interview those who were forced from a place that their families
had called home for generations. Through my interviews I tried
to figure out how conflict-induced displacement had impacted the
cultural identity of some of Baku’s Armenians, now members of the
Armenian Diaspora. I set out to explore the way people relate to
others within their own ethnic group and their sense of belonging to
that group. And while I focused on how this group of people expressed
their identities through symbolic ethnicity-like language and the
Armenian Church, for example-what moved me the most was much of
the material I didn’t include in the final product: the stories of
abrupt and horrific violence, the heart-wrenching and shocking tales
of neighbors turning against neighbors, incredible loss, struggle,
survival, and subsequent rebirth.

After some silence the woman suddenly surprised me by continuing.

After that, I hid, all night long in a closet and then again for
the entire next day. As soon as I could, I left on the ferry to
Turkmenistan.

The long-simmering dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan over
Nagorno-Karabagh finally erupted into violent clashes in 1988 when
pogroms were waged against Armenians by Azerbaijanis, first in the
small industrial city of Sumgait, located about 20 miles outside of
Baku. While tensions had culminated in several episodes of violence
around Armenia and Azerbaijan up until that point, they were nothing
compared to the gruesome violence of Sumgait. When about 50 people
assembled in Sumgait’s Lenin Square for a rally protesting Karabagh’s
unification with Armenia and demanded that Armenians leave Azerbaijan,
violence exploded on a seemingly unimaginable scale, engulfing
the city as gangs tore through, vandalizing property, looting and
destroying homes, and smashing and burning cars. People were hacked
to death with axes. Metal pipes were used as crude weapons. Homes
were destroyed. Women were gang raped in public. Some people were
dismembered, some were set on fire. Thirty-two people died in the
Sumgait pogroms-26 Armenians and six Azerbaijanis.

Many Bakvetsis were incredulous; the violence that struck Sumgait
was atrocious, so horrifying, that most never believed it would be
able to permeate a multicultural, downright cosmopolitan

city like Baku-where Russians, Jews, Ukrainians, Azerbaijanis, and
Armenians not only intermingled but were friends. While discrimination
was embedded in the social strata, the differences between these
ethnic groups were mostly overlooked in daily life.

In no other capital in the Soviet Union were people as proud as they
were of being from Baku. After the genocide took place, these were
the people who accepted us. Azeris were the people who accepted us,
one man told me.

There were streets named after Armenians in Baku, there were Armenian
schools and churches, and a specific neighborhood in the center of the
city called Armenikend, or “Armenian Village.” Armenians for the most
part considered themselves integral to the history and the strength
of the city.

Life in Baku, it was beautiful, many of them told me. Parties.

Concerts. Barbeques. Family gatherings. Some had salvaged photos,
which they spread out across coffee tables and in their dining rooms,
showing me life as they had once known it. Birthday cakes. Singing
around pianos. Vacations to the Black Sea in the summer, sunlight
dripping off the palm trees. Sure, Armenianswere second-class citizens,
but everyone was friends with everyone else for the most part, they
told me. Life was rich.

After Sumgait happened, Baku was relatively quiet until a certain
tension and fear gripped the streets, permeating the fabric of the
city. It’s not going to happen in Baku. It’s never going to happen
in Baku, was what many of the people I interviewed said they thought
after Sumgait. Itcould never happen here.

Then it all changed.

Things continued to shift, Armenians were targeted more and more. They
feared for their safety when they were outside. Some were followed
by Azerbaijanis and forced to make a quick escape by hiding in nearby
buildings. Mobs of Azerbaijanis, sometimes as big as 30 or 40 people,
would comb the city, pulling people off of buses and out of crowds in
an attempt to “catch” Armenians. If they couldn’t identify Armenians
based on physical characteristics, the Azerbaijanis would also run
“tests” of shibboleths, like the pronunciation of the Azeri word
for “hazelnut,” (fundukh), which Armenians tended to say with a “p”
instead of an “f” sound.

Eventually, a curfew was imposed. Threats increased. Many Armenians
began to trade their apartments and sell their belongings in
preparation for a way out of Azerbaijan.

In January 1990, rallies eventually broke out in the north of the
country and in Baku following the decision of the Armenian Parliament
to include Karabagh in its budget. When a list of Armenians’
addresses was posted on the front door of the Azerbaijani Popular
Front headquarters in public view, violence erupted in Baku. Ninety
people died in the pogroms, known as “Black January,” in violence
just as horrific as Sumgait.

For one week, it was a bloodbath with no one to stop it, one man
told me.

Azerbaijanis would break into homes, searching for Armenians,
vandalizing everything. Once again, people were assaulted, killed,
raped, and mutilated.

For many Armenians fearing for their lives, the acquaintances and the
neighbors they had known for years turned their backs on them. There
were those who helped, too, of course, like the Azerbaijani neighbor
who harbored one woman and her daughter in his apartment for days
until they could finally be evacuated by a relative in the KGB, who
escorted them out with the Russian families being evacuated from Baku.

And there was the young group of Azerbaijanis who saved one of their
friends from an inquisitive mob, insisting he was just one of them-a
Tartar who couldn’t speak Azeri. Or the kind neighbor who hid her
Armenian friends in her closets and under her bed while Azerbaijanis
raided her apartment building.

We are left with broken hearts, one woman told me. My students asked
me, ‘Why did you leave?’ I tell them that it’s not like they knocked
on my door nicely and said, ‘Go.’ They killed and they raped.

Something broke inside me.

The violence in Baku essentially drove the rest of the Armenian
population out of Azerbaijan. Most-about 200,000-had left by the
end of 1989 and had resettled in Armenia, Russia, and other former
Soviet republics. Over the course of several days during and after the
pogroms, theArmenians of Baku fled for their lives, gathering up their
families and whatever few possessions they could to leave by plane or
by train or by truck or ferry. They left everything behind, and their
stomachs were weighed down with the horrible feeling that they were
probably never going to come back. The 18 Armenians that I interviewed
went to Armenia, and Moscow or southern Russia, primarily because
they had some kind of personal connection to someone living in the
country at the time, some family or friends who could provide support.

Eventually, these 18 people came to the United States, primarily as
refugees, where they started over a second time.

For some, seeking refuge in their historic homeland, Armenia, after
the pogroms seemed logical. Even though they spoke Russian at home
instead of Armenian, and even if they had no family members to host
them, they thought they would have the space and the support to
rebuild their lives in Armenia, and the shock of displacement would
be lessened. For some it was a source of pride. This was our land,
our soil. We’re going to have our roots there, they said.

Sometimes it was viewed as the only option. We left Azerbaijan to
go to Armenia because we had no other choice, one told me. There was
nowhere else we could go. But it wasn’t always the easiest experience.

For some, life in Armenia meant struggle, and they were treated as
outsiders. Some were criticized for having lived so far from the
motherland or for not being able to speak Armenian. Others told me
of being yelled at or even spit on, being called “Turks” or shortvatz
(flipped) Armenians who had been happy living with the enemy.

Having come from a cosmopolitan city like Baku, many were in shock
when they suddenly found themselves living in refugee housing in rural
areas, where they were forced to grow their own food or wash their
laundry by hand. Our house became a refugee camp, said one person
whose three-room apartment in Abovyan was typically filled with 17
displaced relatives at any given time.

Others had similar experiences living in Russia, where they were called
“black,” a derogatory name for people from the Caucasus, or where they
were physically assaulted simply because they were perceived as being
different. This discrimination grew more persistent after the fall
of the Soviet Union, concurrent with the rise of Russian nationalism.

During the 1990s, the United States allowed those fleeing persecution
in the Soviet Union to come to the U.S. as refugees. Many Armenians-up
to 100,000-came to the United States between 1989 and 1996, and many
received priority refugee status in the early 1990s. Most of the
people I interviewed arrived on U.S. soil with next to nothing-broken
suitcases and no more than $300 in their pockets. As adults who
had established themselves as engineers, teachers, musicians, and
scientists back in Baku, they had to reinvent themselves.

Some took jobs in factories or cafeterias while they tried to learn
English. Others pursued their educations and tried to get ahead.

Struggles continued for some, and lasted longer than expected. And
often, a question arose: Did we make the right

decision to come here?

For most I spoke with, the answer is yes. Armenians are no strangers
to collective trauma and violence. It’s no surprise these 18 people
displayed the resiliency and the strength needed to not only rebuild
their lives, but to succeed after being affected both directly and
indirectly by violence that is so often the consequence of geopolitics.

I’ve lived in Azerbaijan. I’ve lived in Armenia, Russia, and now I
live in America. Obviously I can adapt, one participant said. You
have to lose part of you to become part of something else.

Over the course of more than two decades they have turned themselves
back into engineers and teachers. Some have become activists and
writers in places like New Jersey and Boston and Washington. Some have
become mothers and fathers and grandparents. Some have connected more
to their Armenian roots. Others say they are indifferent.

Those I interviewed had many ways of describing how they thought
of Baku now: a shut door, a closed page, a home erased, just as
evidence of the Armenian presence in Baku has been washed away with
the defacement and destruction of monuments and cemeteries.

For many, Baku is now just a piece of their history, the memories
of which remain in the recesses of their minds. Perhaps that’s what
happens when there is really no way of going back home. Very few said
they would ever go back, even if they were allowed to.

There is no such place, one woman told me. That’s all. It’s gone.

While researching this topic, I found that while the violence of the
pogroms was recorded, the long-term impact they had on the Armenians
from Baku had scarcely been touched. More than once I was asked why I
was interested in this topic. No one really cares about this anymore
anyway, some said. Still, I was fascinated. And perhaps at the very
least, I hoped to make some contribution to documenting stories that
haven’t really been told.

Toward the end of my interviews, one woman made a remark about how
Baku Armenians are a dying people. My generation, that’s it. Our
kids-they won’t remember, they won’t know. I will try to pass the
memories, though. We still remember my dad’s aunt. She was a Genocide
survivor. She was 8 or 10 years old and they escaped the Genocide. We
still remember her telling us about it. So we will probably do the
same with our kids.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.armenianweekly.com/2013/10/23/sumgait/

US Stops Financing Armenian Centre For Strategic And National Resear

US STOPS FINANCING ARMENIAN CENTRE FOR STRATEGIC AND NATIONAL RESEARCH

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Oct 23 2013

23 October 2013 – 6:42pm
The United States has stopped financing Armenia’s Centre for Strategic
and National Research founded by Raffi Ovannisyan. The centre is now
expected to be closed, the Zhamanak newspaper writes.

Many experts have already left the centre.

From: A. Papazian

Turkish Deputy PM Addresses LAWAC, Spreads Lies

TURKISH DEPUTY PM ADDRESSES LAWAC, SPREADS LIES

October 23, 2013 – 09:56 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – On Monday, Oct 21, Turkish Deputy Prime Minister
Ali Babacan addressed the Los Angeles World Affairs Council, where
he lied throughout his presentation about Turkey’s economic progress,
regional role as a so-called power player and made never-before-heard
allegations regarding the Armenia-Turkey protocols process all in an
attempt to paint a favorable picture of his country to the more than
150 in attendance, Asbarez reports.

In response to a question from the audience posed by Armenian National
Committee of American Advisory Board member Levon Kirakossian, Babacan
characterized the Armenia-Turkey Protocols process as one that from
the onset was a three-pronged approach that involved the resolution
of the Karabakh conflict. The actual document of the Protocols and
all statements made during that time indicated that the normalization
of relations between Turkey and Armenia would have no preconditions.

He explained to the audience that secret talks between Armenia and
Turkey began in 2007 and were mediated by Switzerland, expressing
that the two countries expressly agreed to the establishment of a
commission that would “review the events of 1915.”

Babacan explained that in the absence of an agreement between Armenia
and Azerbaijan, which would have resulted in a regional normalization
agreement, the process had stalled.

Asbarez said it contacted the Armenian Foreign Ministry regarding the
revelations made by Babacan. The Foreign Ministry referred Asbarez to
an op-ed piece published in October 2010 in the Wall Street Journal
and authored by Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian, in which he said
“Turkey has backtracked from the agreements. Not only has it refrained
from ratifying the protocols, but Ankara has returned to the language
of preconditions that it had used before the beginning of the process.”

In the piece, Nalbandian also said that while Turkey claims “they
have no preconditions… they simply demand that we fulfill this or
that before they can proceed with the ratification. Does this mean
they have no preconditions?”

Babacan went on to say that there were tragic events that took place
in 1915 during World War I, but the government of Turkey does not
possess any proof to deem those events Genocide.

Babacan’s remarks were tailored to appease what he thought was an
unsuspecting audience. However, the extent of questions from the
audience indicated that they were more aware of current trends in
Turkish politics.

Questions ranging from the revelation of an Israeli spy ring in Iran,
as retaliation for the Mavi Marmara incident to the ill-treatment
and oppression of opposition forces, especially during the Gezi Park
demonstrations were all treated with one response. Babacan told the
audience that they should not rely on information they read in papers
and they should be aware that in all instances “illegal organizations”
were at the center of those issues.

Throughout his remarks, Babacan emphasized the continued inroads
Turkey has made in advancing democratic principles, attributing
the country’s economic growth to Turkey adherence to those norms
and ignoring continued international criticism of its treatment of
journalists, minorities and dissidents.

While commenting that the Los Angeles World Affairs Council is a forum
for open discussion, its president Terry McCarthy praised Turkey’s
so-called economic growth and highlighted the decision to hire Kobe
Bryant to be the face of Turkish Airlines.

In what was he later said was a joke-in poor taste and in an affront
to the Armenian-American community-Mc Carthy told the audience that
the group of demonstrators outside the hotel “probably thought Kobe
would be in attendance.”

Some 200 community members gathered outside of the InterContinental
Hotel in Century City, where the event was taking place, to demonstrate
Turkey’s lies.

From: A. Papazian

Postanjyan’s Absence From PACE Delegation Will Have Negative Impact

POSTANJYAN’S ABSENCE FROM PACE DELEGATION WILL HAVE NEGATIVE IMPACT – ARF DASHNAKTSUTYUN

October 23, 2013 | 15:48

YEREVAN. – ARF Dadshnaktsutyun faction leader regrets that Zaruhi
Postanjyan has been removed from the Armenian delegation to PACE,
as it will have a negative impact.

The task of the Armenian delegation to PACE is to voice statements,
to submit proposals for the adoption of various resolutions, which also
provides for the collection of signatures, Rustamyan told reporters.

He also noted that the collection of signatures is not an easy task,
and Postanjian worked better than anyone.

“In such cases, we have to work with the MPs who are not in the best
of terms with us. She coped with it better than anyone. No one has
been able to do it better than her so far,” ARF member said.

Nevertheless, Rustamyan noted the speaker of the parliament has the
right to form a delegation by holding consultations with parliamentary
factions.

“The MPs are not supposed to influence his decision. The PACE
regulations allow the speaker to form a delegation,” he resumed.

From: A. Papazian

http://news.am/eng/news/177348.html

Gallup: 74% Of Armenia’s Citizens View Government Corruption As Wide

GALLUP: 74% OF ARMENIA’S CITIZENS VIEW GOVERNMENT CORRUPTION AS WIDESPREAD

by Marianna Lazarian

Tuesday, October 22, 17:53

People in countries worldwide perceive government corruption as a
widespread problem, Gallup says. This includes countries with a free
press — an indicator of good governance and development — and those
where media freedom is limited. Among countries with a free press,
the percentage of adults who say corruption is widespread in their
government reaches as high as 94% in the Czech Republic and as low
as 14% in Sweden.

According to the report, among the South Caucasus countries the most
favorable situation is in Georgia (only 25% view government corruption
as widespread). In Azerbaijan this index made up 62%.

Questions about corruption are so sensitive in some countries that even
if Gallup is allowed to ask them, the results may reflect residents’
reluctance to criticize their government. This is particularly true
in countries where media freedom is restricted, which is why it is
appropriate to look at perceptions through lenses such as Freedom
House’s Press Freedom rankings. However, regardless of their press
freedom, Gallup’s latest Global States of Mind report shows majorities
in 108 out of 129 countries surveyed in 2012 say corruption is
widespread in their government.

Among the group of countries whose press is not free (including
Armenia – 74%), residents of Rwanda (5%) and Singapore (15%) are the
least likely to say corruption is widespread in their governments.

Both countries are often regarded as role models when it comes to
fighting graft. In Belarus 36% of the respondents said corruption is
widespread in their government, while in Russia this index made up 80%.

Among countries with a partly free press, residents of Georgia (25%)
and Hong Kong (30%) are the least likely to say that corruption is
widespread in their government. In Turkey this index made up 53%.

Tanzania, Kenya and Greece are the most likely to say that corruption
is widespread in their government – 95%, 93% and 92%, respectively.

Results are based on face-to-face and telephone interviews with
approximately 1,000 adults per country, aged 15 and older, conducted
in 2012 in 129 countries. For results based on the total samples,
one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling
error ranges from +1.7 percentage points to +5.6 percentage points.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.arminfo.am/index.cfm?objectid=4AFA6410-3B21-11E3-92420EB7C0D21663

Soccer: Armenia Urge Manager U-Turn In Letter

ARMENIA URGE MANAGER U-TURN IN LETTER

Soccerway
Oct 22 2013

22 October 2013

Members of the Armenian national football team have sent outgoing
manager Vardan Minasyan a letter asking him to reconsider his
resignation.

The 39-year-old stepped down from his position following the side’s
unsuccessful FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign, which ended with a
creditable 2-2 draw with Italy in Naples.

The most recent FIFA rankings show Armenia in a record-high 38th
position, and the players feel Minasyan is the man to take them
forward.

“We certainly respect Vardan Minasyan’s decision, but we would like
him to forego from it,” reads the letter, according to Armenian news
agency Armenpress.

“We have gone along a difficult road with him for four years and we
were able to create a united team and make our fans happy.

“Also, we have gone along a good professional road with him and
we would like to jointly book the spot to the finals in the new
qualification stage.

“We await the decision by our head coach.”

Armenia finished fifth in Group B of European qualification for the
World Cup, but were just three points adrift of second-placed Denmark.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.soccerway.com/news/2013/October/22/armenia-urge-manager-u-turn-in-letter/n242983/

Vineland And Burbank: Armenian Bakeries, "Perfect" Doughnuts + Great

VINELAND AND BURBANK: ARMENIAN BAKERIES, “PERFECT” DOUGHNUTS + GREAT LEBANESE FOOD

LA Weekly, CA
Oct 21 2013

By Farley Elliott

Vineland Ave. and Burbank Blvd. in North Hollywood is a famous
intersection, at least to some. The perfectly silly Circus Liquor is
there, with its overbearing polka dotted clown sign lording it over
everything else in sight. Of course, that sign (and its parking lot)
gained a bit of notoriety in the mid-’90s as the spot where Alicia
Silverstone’s character in Clueless was mugged.

Nowadays, you’ll find a lot more than just Circus Liquors at
Vineland and Burbank. For one, there’s a big brown strip mall on the
northwestern corner, with a Fatburger right up front, beckoning in
the hungry and disoriented. There are further delights inside the B-V
Shopping Center, like a Middle Eastern borek shop with just a single
table, some fantastic Lebanese food and a Korean barbecue/noodle/sushi
shop, all rolled into one.

Circus Liquor’s Valley-famous signage will always rule this
intersection, but peek around the corners of the adjacent strip mall,
and you might find some pretty damn good eats there too.

Sis Bakery Sis is a storefront only bakery that specializes in Armenian
delights like maneishe and lahmajun, the almost pita-sandwich-like
treat that is traditionally topped with ground beef or lamb. There’s
basically nothing else to order from the cash only counter, unless
you include those boreks, which are soft, filling and a steal at $3
or less.

Those in the know — read, the large Armenian community of the Valley
— call ahead to order the boreks, maneishe or lahmajun by the box, or
spring for the mini versions to take to a party. Considering there’s
literally only one table with a chair haphazardly pushed into the
front window area, you shouldn’t be hanging out at Sis Bakery anyway.

That is, unless you want to bask in the glow of the cold drink cooler,
where GazÅ~Mz sodas are plentiful and you can by your yogurt drink by
the gallon. Sis Bakery is open daily from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., except on
Sundays when they close at 3:30 p.m. They do not accept credit cards.

11009 Burbank Blvd. #123, North Hollywood; 818-760-7520.

Arabkir Pastry Bakery Just down the way is Arabkir Pastry Bakery,
which focuses on the sweeter stuff. Glass cases take up nearly the
entire room, with a small rack for breads and any day old stuff in the
corner against the window. There is, of course, lots of baklava to be
found, along with an impressive array of cream-filled delights. Cookies
abound and fruit tarts line the bottom shelves, bright and shiny from
their sweetened glaze.

See also: Slauson and Crenshaw: Barbecue, A Fish Fry + Hungry Hot
Dogs in South L.A.

If you’re looking for something more substantial, the cake case to the
left has you covered. As with Sis, this is a takeaway place that does
a pretty heavy call ahead business, so don’t expect to sit and enjoy,
unless you’re excited by the prospect of getting flakes of pastry on
your shirt while you sit in your car with the air conditioning on.

Arabkir is open Monday through Saturday, 8 a.m. to 8 p.m., Sundays
until 6 p.m. and is cash only. 11009 Burbank Blvd. #120, North
Hollywood; 818-508-5222.

From: A. Papazian

http://blogs.laweekly.com/squidink/2013/10/vineland_and_burbank_armenian.php