Author: Andres-Papazian

COLLAPSING BUILDING RESIDENTS’ NEW APARTMENTS PROMISED TO RESIDENTS OF ANOTHER COLLAPSING BUILDING

03.03.2014 18:16 epress.am

At the request of residents of the “level 4 emergency” building at 3
Sisakyan St., Deputy Yerevan Mayor Vahe Nikoyan visited the building
and promised to rehouse 5 families living in the worst part of this
building in the newly constructed building at 22 Sisakyan St. — if
families at 15 Shinararneri St. turn down the apartments offered to
them. This news was conveyed to Epress.am by resident Lilit Kocharyan.

Recall, residents of 3 Sisakyan St. claim the municipality is biased
in its actions by providing new apartments not to those residents
in the worst part of the building, but to those on the other side,
“saying to the others, wait until May 2015, [then] we’ll resolve the
apartment issues.”

A few days ago, a group of disgruntled residents went to the
president’s residence, asking to establish a commission of experts,
to convince them that the apartments were distributed incorrectly.

According to Kocharyan, a group of representatives of city hall and
the president’s office today came to their building, parts of which
collapsed over the past few days.

“Nikoyan came with a group of staff and inspected the site. Everyone
saw that because of the collapsing parts, the Ministry of Emergency
Situations sealed off the building’s courtyard. Convinced that we’re
truly in a desperate situation, he suggested an option. He said if
the remaining 5 families at 15 Shinararneri St. refuse resettlement,
the vacant apartments can be provided to 5 of our families. The
deputy mayor also said he will personally call the residents of the
aforementioned apartment and demand a final solution to the problem:
either the residents move or they continue to refuse and lose the
[new] apartments,” said Kocharyan.

Resident of 15 Shinarneri St. Anush Gasparyan, speaking to the
Epress.am correspondent earlier, said that in their case, the city hall
“resettled building residents with clear violations.”

“I was given a smaller apartment at 22 Sisakyan; meanwhile, several
residents of the building received apartments with greater square
footage. Forging documents, they brought and registered people in
our building then resettled them in the newly constructed building on
Sisakyan street. Naturally, not agreeing to the smaller apartments, our
and another family didn’t agree to leave the building,” Gasparyan said,
adding that they have launched a lawsuit against Yerevan City Hall.

Epress.am today asked Gasparyan to comment on Nikoyan’s proposal.

Gasparyan was not informed that the deputy mayor had made such a
promise. “The municipality’s unfair distribution wasn’t enough,
now [the municipality] is using the language of threats. [If only]
Nikoyan… at least once met with us and heard our demands, then make
a decision. To be honest, at this moment I can’t say anything,” she
said, adding that the municipality, in turn, has launched a lawsuit
against the remaining families in the building.

From: A. Papazian

DINK MURDER PROMPTER IS ARMENIAN – TURKISH HISTORIAN

March 03, 2014 | 13:27

Turkey’s opposition Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) MP, historian
Yusuf Halacoglu stated that Erhan Tuncel, who was accused of prompting
the murder of Hrant Dink–founder and chief editor of Agos Armenian
weekly of Istanbul, who was killed on January 19, 2007 in front of
the weekly’s office–, is Armenian.

Halacoglu, who is known for his statements denying the Armenian
Genocide, claimed that Tuncel, who is in prison at present, is from
Temte village of Turkey’s Elazig [Kharberd, in Armenian] Province,
and he is of Armenian descent, reports Cihan news agency of Turkey.

“For this reason, it should be taken under consideration the fact
that an Armenian has had a role in the killing of an Armenian. Now,
I’m not saying its significance, but this should be taken seriously,”
Yusuf Halacoglu noted.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

From: A. Papazian

THE PAST AND FUTURE OF CRIMEA’S ARMENIAN COMMUNITY

Crimea gave the world many outstanding Armenians, including
world-renowned painter Hovhannes Ayvazovsky.

Recent events in Crimea may complicate the live of the peninsula’s
Armenian population – one of the oldest ones in Russia’s south. The
first Armenians settled in Crimea in the 8th century, with the first
wave of immigration starting in mid-eleventh century.

March 3, 2014

PanARMENIAN.Net – In the 8th century, Crimea was a part of Byzantium,
with Armenians, as its subjects, moving here from various cities of
the empire. The region’s stability allowed them to achieve economic
prosperity not much shaken even in the face of Mongolian invasion.

Hardships in Armenia drove increasing number of Armenians to Crimea,
with Armenians becoming the 2nd biggest ethnic group after Crimean
Tatars. In the 1475, Crimea became part of the Ottoman Empire, with
Christian persecutions starting. Despite strengthening of Islam in
the region, Armenian communities still existed in Kaffa, Karasubazar,
Balaklava, Gezlev, Perekop and Surkhat. From 1778-1779, more than
22,000 Armenians were resettled in the Azov province.

In 1783, the Russian Empire conquered the Crimean khanate. Russian
authorities encouraged the settlement of foreign colonists, including
Armenians, into the Crimea. This led to a fresh wave of Armenian
immigrants, reviving former colonies. In 1913, their numbers totaled
around 9,000 and 14,000-15,000 in 1914. The resettlement of Armenians
to the peninsula lasted until the First World War and the Armenian
Genocide in the Ottoman Empire in 1915-1923. The immigrants of the
19th and 20th centuries were largely from Western Armenia and the
various regions of Ottoman Empire.

In 1944, the Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Soviet Union,
Lavrentiy Beria signed Directorate 5984 to deport 37,000 Bulgarians,
Greeks and Armenians. The Armenians were deported to Perm Oblast,
Sverdlovsk Oblast, Omsk Oblast, Kemerovo Oblast, Bashkortostan,
Tatarstan and Kazakhstan.

In 1989, the communal life of the Crimea’s Armenians was
institutionalized with the formation of one of the peninsula’s first
national-cultural associations, the Armenian Luys (Light) society.

Later, after re-registration in 1996, it was renamed the Crimean
Armenian Society. At present, the Crimean Armenian Society consists
of 14 regional offices, coordinated by the National Council of Crimean
Armenians. The highest governing body is the National Congress, which
convenes at least once every four years. Operational management of
the society is carried out by the executive committee, which functions
in the periods between meetings of the National Council. The society
operates the Luys cultural and ethnographic center and publishes a
monthly newspaper, Dove Masis. The one-hour Armenian-language program
Barev airs twice a month on Crimean television, and radio broadcasts
are made five times a week. There are Armenian churches in Yalta,
Feodosiya and Evpatoria, while the first Armenian secondary school
opened in 1998 in Simferopol.

Armenians living in the Crimea are currently concentrated in the
cities of Armyansk, Simferopol, Evpatoria, Feodosiya, Kerch, Yalta,
Sevastopol, Sudak. The Armenia Diaspora Encyclopedia indicates that
there were 20,000 Armenians living in the region in 2003.

The Armenians were mostly adherents of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

There were a number of churches built in Yalta, Feodosiya and
Yevpatoria. Construction activity took place from the 14th century
and according to one manuscript the monastery of Gamchak had been
built by the fifteenth century in Kafa.

In Kafa, there were a number of Armenian schools, dozens of churches,
banks, trading houses, caravanserai, and craftshops. The town was
served as a spiritual center for the Crimean Armenians, and its
stature grew so prominently that that in 1438 the Armenians of Kafa
were invited to send representatives to the Ferrara-Florence Cathedral
(Florence ecumenical council).

The second largest Armenian population after Kafa in the same period
was Surkhat. The name of Surkhat is probably a distorted form of the
name of the Armenian monastery Surb Khach (Holy Cross). There were
many Armenian churches, schools, neighborhoods here as well. Other
major settlements included Sudak, where until the last quarter of
the 15th century and near the monastery Surb Khach there was a small
Armenian town called Kazarat. Armenian princes kept the troops there
and on a contractual basis to defend Kafa.

The social life of the Crimean Armenians surged in the late 19th
and 20th centuries. They organized themselves into community
organizations. Wealthy Armenians and the church tried to “raise”
the nation to the level of modern civilization, and to carry out
charitable activities. The source of money and material welfare of
the church were grants, wills, offering.

The church’s role in the colonies was to some extent becoming
secularized. In 1842, the Catholicos in Crimea lost his position to
the Chief Guardian of the Crimean Armenian churches.

Surb Khach Monastery is a medieval Armenian monastery located on the
Crimean peninsula near Staryi Krym and founded in 1358. It has been
an Armenian spiritual center and a place of pilgrimage for centuries.

Crimea gave the world many outstanding Armenians, including
world-renowned painter Hovhannes Ayvazovsky, composers Alexander
Spendiarov and Christopher Kara-Murza, artist Vardges Sureniants.

At present, no outflow of Armenian population from Crimea has
been noted, with Armenians safe here, as opposed to Syria. However,
considering unpredictability of the development of events in Ukraine,
a negative outcome shouldn’t be precluded in the most pessimistic
and least likely case.

A referendum on the status of the autonomous republic of Crimea was
scheduled for March 30.

From: A. Papazian

TURKEY GOT A CHANCE TO ACT AGAINST ARMENIA

Igor Muradyan, Political Analyst
Comments – Monday, 03 March 2014, 14:25

The paradox is that it is happening when the United States has lost
interest in foreign policy, political and military presence in the
region and the European Union and the leading European states are
sincerely reluctant to deal with modest foreign political tasks. The
Western community tried demonstratively to limit its activity but
the West was suddenly pushed towards intensive isolation and blockade
of Russia.

The policy of isolation and blockade on behalf of the Western
community had a passive and relative character; such a policy could
be referred to as containment (the priority device of the United
States), not isolation. Currently it reminds of the policy of the
United States and the West on Russia at the moment of deployment of
forces in Afghanistan. If a hothead hits a Ukrainian civil plane,
the story of the Korean Boeing will repeat.

There is reason to expect certain instructions and introduction for
the troops on behalf of the command of NATO states. The U.S. and UK
navy will be put in movement towards certain directions. No doubt
Poland and Lithuania will accept such a turn as their star time and
will take efforts to provide military and technical assistance to
Ukraine, and NATO will do it through them.

So far the West has not taken specific and determined actions to
thwart the Russian economy, now all the great powers of the West
are interested in this. A tougher scenario would be the beginning
of a “cold war” in the result of which Russia will be hurled back
socially and economically for decades, will lose opportunities for
economic and social development, will have to consume its natural
and economic resources by an accelerated schedule. The result will
be another collapse of economy, political crisis and historic defeat.

V. Putin or his successor will be arrested and they will follow Mikhail
Gorbachev’s destiny (at best). A lot of Armenians will remember him
as someone who understood their needs and hopes well. In addition,
it is taking place under less favorable political and historical
conditions when the West, like never before, is unanimous in its policy
on Russia. It did not gain partners in the South, and its key stake,
China, hurried to avoid Russia’s hopes, including for SCO.

Russia will require that its vassals in CSTO react adequately,
and Armenia will be most vulnerable. It is possible that Russia
has already demanded something from Armenia, which is acceptable
considering Armenia’s commitments to Russia. It should be noted that
Ukraine has modern rocket systems and could hit the Russian military
base in Gyumri.

In this situation Turkey and Azerbaijan will have every reason to act
analogically and use force against Armenia. Turkey has an opportunity
to “defend” its brotherly Azerbaijani people. Turkey has also received
a powerful leverage to invade Crimea, considering the “threat” to the
Crimean Tatars. Russia will not be able to resist Turkey because the
Turkish navy in the Black Sea has three times more capacity than the
Russian navy.

It is not ruled out that Azerbaijan will turn to Turkey for military
help and protection to which Ankara will react adequately. And in
this case Russia will not have the ability to resist Turkey except
provoking Karabakh War II. Iran will try to activate its presence in
the South Caucasus, fearing that Turkey will fill in the vacuum when
Russia will not fancy handling the region.

In this situation Russia expects Armenia’s membership to the Customs
Union with “huge enthusiasm and brotherly feelings”. However, Armenia
will run into isolation, and all the implications of the next round of
blockades will await it. Therefore, it is time to buy kersey boots,
canned fish and beef (canned pork is not good enough), all kinds of
cereals and beans, oil, matches and salt. The offices of pro-Russian
newspapers and TV companies will be battered, pro-Russian journalists
and commentators paid by Gazprom will be beaten severely (with baseball
bats). Apparently, the “right sector” has already emerged in Yerevan,
and the addresses and usual itineraries of “Gazprom’s people” of the
mass media are well-known.

However, a different scenario is possible. Benefitting from the fuss
on the international area, Russia will try to change the regime
of Armenia which is not sufficiently convincingly pro-Russian and
bring the “Gazprom’s people” to power. In that case, they will
not beat “Gazprom’s people”, while a horrible political terror and
repressions will be launched against the anti-colonial groups but one
will nevertheless have to buy canned food and kersey boots. This is
for sure.

– See more at:

From: A. Papazian

HENRIKH MKHITARYAN :

From: A. Papazian

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 2 2014

‘I came to die in Turkey, my homeland,’ says Armenian actor

Kevork Malikyan is a humble and sincere actor. He has an extraordinary
story which started in Diyarbakır and later continued in İstanbul and
London.

Malikyan is now in Turkey, his homeland. Since his return to Turkey
two years ago, he has been involved in three major film projects. His
filmography is fairly extensive and rich and includes movies in which
he worked with famous directors such as Steven Spielberg and Ridley
Scott and with popular actors such as Dustin Hoffman and Christian
Bale.

Malikyan’s story is an unusual one. An archbishop decided to open a
religious seminary in Ã`sküdar, Ä°stanbul, with the intention of taking
in the poor children of Armenian parents from various parts of Turkey
and raising them as priests. Malikyan was questioned by a priest who
wanted to determine whether or not he was a good candidate for the
priesthood. His father told him to go to the seminary because he
couldn’t afford to give him an education due to the financial
problems. He was just 10. Though he was worried because he had no
friends in Ä°stanbul and he had to leave his parents behind, Malikyan
traveled to the city to become a priest.

He was sent to the Karagözyan Orphanage in Å?iÅ?li where he spent two
years before attending the religious seminary in Ã`sküdar. In the
seminary, there was a small stage where the students acted in Turkish
and Armenian. When he was 16, an Anglican priest was invited to the
school to teach them English. He was an Oxford graduate who wrote
history books. He was fond of acting and had prepared `Richard III’ by
Shakespeare in English wherein Malikyan played Richard. The priest
must have liked Malikyan’s acting because he told the headmaster of
the school that Malikyan should become an actor rather than a priest.
The patriarch asked Malikyan his opinion on this matter but Malikyan
was unsure because of financial concerns. Father Harding, a British
priest, found him a scholarship in Britain.

His parents did not object to his decision to go to the UK. The last
time Malikyan saw his father was in 1961. After graduating, he did not
have time to visit his parents. Malikyan left Ä°stanbul on a ship and
first arrived in Marseilles before heading to London by train. He had
no knowledge of English. Malikyan stayed with a British family that
Father Harding knew. He continued to write letters to his father, who
told him that they would meet some day. After completing his studies
at a drama school, he bought a house to bring his parents over.
However, his father died in 1974; Malikyan was unable to even attend
his funeral. His brothers later moved to Germany and 10 years later,
his mother died. Malikyan took care of her funeral arrangements.

In London, auditions were arranged in three different schools. The
director at Rose Bruford College made Malikyan promise that he would
attend Rosa Bruford College and not audition aat the two other
schools. He agreed but his English was poor. He took English lessons
three days a week, all paid for by the school, which was affiliated
with the University of Kent. Malikyan later received diplomas for
acting and teaching from the school.

Malikyan taught diction courses for a while but later started acting.
He was lucky because he found a job just two days after graduating.
His first play was `Macbeth.’ Then he took parts in TV series and
acted in plays where he generally played a foreigner (Italian or
French). But he was unable to obtain lead roles in British plays. Some
15 to 20 years later, he told his manager that he wanted to get parts
in theater and wanted to stay away from TV series. Malikyan signed a
contract with the Royal Shakespeare Company while acting in series by
TV stations, like the BBC. He played different roles and then moved on
to the Royal National Theater. Malikyan also played in Shakespeare’s
theater, the Globe, for three years where he was in renowned plays
such as `King Lear,’ `Henry IV’ and `Front Line.’

Malikyan met Spielberg and Scott via his manager. His manager had
called and told him that Spielberg had wanted to see him. Spielberg
told Malikyan that even though he did some excellent work, he wanted
to know more about his work, which was known in the US. Malikyan
referred to `Midnight Express,’ where he put an American in jail, a
performance which Spielberg remembered. Malikyan later waited for a
few months; during this period, he even rejected offers by the BBC.
Spielberg later called him up and Malikyan got a part in `Indiana
Jones and the Last Crusade.’ Malikyan also worked with Scott recently.
His manager sent him a script of the movie and Malikyan made a tape in
Ä°stanbul and sent it back. He got the part and is now in the movie
`Exodus.’

Malikyan decided to move back to his home country because he felt
lonely. In addition, his parents’ graves are in Turkey. Two of his
brothers died in Germany in different cities while his sister is in
France. He thought at least one of them should be in Turkey. His wife
moved to Cyprus and his daughter to Tunisia. This left him alone in
London. He initially thought he would be buried in a British cemetery
when he died but eventually decided to move to Turkey because he
wanted to die here.

Five years ago, he noticed there was going to be a festival at the
Globe with the participation of actors from 38 different countries who
would play 38 Shakespeare plays. He asked the creative director of the
theater if they were inviting Turkey and Armenia. The director asked
Malikyan if there was a theater in these countries. Malikyan
remembered Haluk Bilginer; they had met on the set of a play, `Half
Moon Street,’ in the late 1970s. Malikyan later watched their play in
Turkey and Haluk Bilginer asked him to be part of the play. Malikyan
decided to play a brief role and as a result, he moved to Turkey.

His manager told him one day that Reha Erdem wanted to see him., He
was familiar with American, British, German, Russian and Italian
movies while in London but not with Turkish cinema. He had only heard
about Yılmaz Güney and Fatih Akın. Malikyan met with Erdem, saw his
work and after a lengthy discussion, agreed to be involved in Erdem’s
projects. He was also a part of `Yozgat Blues’ by Mahmut Fazıl as
well.Malikyan experienced some minor hardships while adapting to
Turkey. He spent many years in Britain and speaks English fluently. He
is able to speak Kurdish due to his childhood in Diyarbakır. In the
beginning, he was worried while working on his earlier projects
because of his strong accent. Directors even warned him about this
problem sometimes. Regardless of the language problems, Malikyan feels
he belongs here because of the cultural affinity and closeness.

He is also teaching at the moment. Bilginer recommended that Malikyan
teach since he has a diploma in teaching. He now teaches at Kadir Has
University once a week on Shakespeare and his contemporaries.

From: A. Papazian

The Price for Empire

Igor Muradyan, Political Analyst
Comments – Friday, 28 February 2014, 16:29

Moscow is anxious and hurt. It is trying every method, including
military blackmail. The Russians want to resemble the Americans,
borrowing their style and approaches to regional policy, and they
think it is enough to use the American political technologies and
success is guaranteed.

However, no matter how hard they try, in this situation they will not
achieve what the Americans achieved in the warm seas and deserts of
the east. The actions of Russians in the regions will always achieve
results that will be similar to Czechoslovakia, Hungary and
Afghanistan.

The mass media informed that Russia has launched some unplanned
military maneuvers close to the Ukrainian border. What next? Invasion,
bloodshed, thousands of victims and an eternal deadlock, guaranteed
blockade in the Western direction.

Apparently, Moscow hopes to get the support of the Russian-speaking
population of the Left Bank and Novorossiya. It is complete
profanation based on the traditional typing of the Ukrainian people
living in the Russian consciousness and perceptions.

The establishment of the state of Moscow and formation of the
political space of the Russian empire took place with the
participation and partnership of different peoples, first of all
Ukrainians. The Ukrainians made the basic ethnicity of emergence of
Kazaks, which was a crucial factor of the establishment of the empire,
defense of the boundless areas of the steppe and Siberia. The Russian
state was unable to defend these territories without the Kazaks.

In all times the Russian elite, including generals, scientists and
manufacturers were Ukrainians (remember the names of marshals and
generals of World War II). In the result of enlargement of the empire,
not only Siberia, Ural, Far East, North Caucasus and Central Asia, but
also the region of Donetsk and the Black Sea territories were
populated by Russians and Ukrainians.

When the Republic of Ukraine was being set up, Pavel Skoropadsky,
Mykhailo Hrushevskyi and others did not pretend to Novorossiya and
Tavria, as well as Donetsk. In the soviet period, however, territorial
division was based on ethnic and geopolitical principles.

Currently Ukrainians are a minority in Crimea but half of the
population of Donetsk and Lugansk regions distinguished for their
pro-Russian sentiment is Ukrainian.

Certainly, Crimea, Odessa are part of Russia in ethnic, cultural,
linguistic and historical terms but it is hard to tell the same about
other regions of the country.

Currently, Moscow’s bet on the Russian-speaking population is an
illusion. The Ukrainian population of the southeast mostly support
close relations with Russia but will never agree to the division or
collapse of the country or unification of those regions with Russia.

The developments in Ukraine show that the process of collapse of the
USSR is not over, and the lightness and simplicity of collapse at the
beginning of the 1990s was a delayed-action mine. It would be stupid
to ascribe such strategic thinking to Yeltzin’s team but the “mine”
was planted there when the soviet states were being formed in the
1920s, not at the time of the collapse.

One way or another, Russia will achieve a compromise with Ukraine, and
Ukraine may have to concede some territories, such as Crimea, and gain
great external independence. At the same time, Ukraine will hardly
trade off its right to join the European Union and NATO.

The sooner Russia settles it up, the earlier it will rid of the burden
that is beyond the empire, paying for it with its own aspirations.

– See more at:

From: A. Papazian

Prosperous Armenia must decide if it is real opposition – Richard Giragosian

12:18 * 02.03.14

In response to a question about the lessons Armenia has drawn from
‘March 1,” Richard Giragosian, Founding Director of the Regional
Studies Center (RSC), says that Armenia’s authorities can draw
numerous lessons.

According to him, the authorities must realize the fact that ignoring
society’s demand for reforms is most dangerous.

As regards the opposition, it needs a change. Life has shown that
old-style opposition is in the past, and people need changes. So the
Prosperous Armenia Party (PAP) must take concrete steps.

Mr Giragosian, what lessons have the authorities drawn from ‘March 1’?

There are many, but the main point is whether we have learned the
lessons. This lesson must be most important for the government – that
ignoring society’s demand for reforms is most dangerous. As regards
the opposition, the lesson is that it needs a change. Life has shown
that old-style opposition is in the past, and people need changes. It
is a challenge not only to the authorities, but also to the
opposition. It needs to change its tactics and needs to develop a
relevant strategy. As regards ‘March 1′, it is a black spot in
Armenia’s history. Unfortunately, consequences have followed.

Do you think the authorities are aware of the need for changes? And
will they resort to reforms?

Yes, and so-called reforms are being actually carried out. But they
are either in the wrong directions or too slow. That is, my speaking
of reforms and “changes” is in a negative sense as well. For example,
the Customs Union.

The Prosperous Armenia Party (PAP), which once was part of the ruling
coalition, is now raising the issue of solving the March 1 crimes. PAP
members in Armenia’s Parliament even noted with sarcasm that Robert
Kocharyan might come to Freedom Square and demand solution of the
crimes.

Robert Kocharyan is primarily responsible for the March 1 events. At
the same time, the system interests are to blame as well. But
Prosperous Armenia should do much more to be taken more seriously.

What concrete steps does it have to make?

They have to finally decide whether they become real opposition or
take the authorities’ side again.

Levon Ter-Petrosyan said that Gagik Tsarukyan was not at all inferior
to Bidzina Ivanishvili. Is the Georgian scenario possible? But what
about the rumors that Robert Kocharyan is behind the Prosperous
Armenia Party?

Yes, and it is a threat.

Is Armenian Maidan possible?

Ukraine is much different from Armenia, but we can draw lessons.
Ukrainian citizens rose and struggled for their rights and for
independence. We can see it in Armenia as well, but it is only the
start. It must have an end.

Will Russia take a softer line on Armenia after the Ukraine developments?

The Armenian authorities’ main problem is that they are too serious
about what Moscow thinks and what it may do in different
circumstances. We must make decisions in Armenia’s interests.

The premier tried to explain in four points why an Armenian Maidan was
impossible. Specifically, he said, because our people is not against
Russia or the Customs Union.

I do not listen to Armenia’s premier at all, especially after his
decision in favor of the Customs Union following his activities.

Armenian News – Tert.am

From: A. Papazian

World Bulletin, Turkey
March 1 2014

Armenians urged to lean towards Russia

The leader of the opposition Armenian National Congress coalition,
former President Levon Ter-Petrossian, also called the Armenian people
to lean toward Russia after saying that joining the European Union
does not appear to feasible.

World Bulletin / News Desk

Armenia has pledged to join a Russian-led CIS Customs Union along with
Belarus and Kazakhstan, according to Amrenia’s deputy Foreign Minister
Shavarsh Kocharian.

Kocharian promised to meet the union’s standards within weeks, on time
for the approval of the document by Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan.

The leader of the opposition Armenian National Congress coalition,
former President Levon Ter-Petrossian, also called the Armenian people
to lean toward Russia after saying that joining the European Union
does not appear to feasible.

Ter-Petrossian’s speech to crowds in Yerevan comes after the Armenian
government opted out of an Association Agreement with the European
Union in November.

From: A. Papazian

Aram Manukyan: Responsible for March 1 events must be punished, it is
a matter of dignity

March 01, 2014 | 15:43

YEREVAN. – Either Armenians will achieve punishment of those guilty of
March 1 events or we are not a nation, ANC parliamentary group
secretary Aram Manukyan told the participants of the opposition rally.

Manukyan said investigation into March 1 events is not only a
political issue but a matter of dignity.

“Whenever it happens, the crimes must be solved. The same refers to
October 27 Armenian parliament shooting,” he emphasized.

Manukyan informed of police actions preventing residents of the
regions from entering the capital city, at the same time adding that
one cannot stop “civil movement”.

A rally dedicated to the sixth anniversary of the March 1, 2008 events
is being held in Liberty Square. Leader of ANC and first president
Levon Ter-Petrosyan is expected to address the demonstrators.

As a result of clashes between authorities and opposition, 8
demonstrators and 2 law enforcers were killed on March 1, 2008. No one
has been held accountable for their deaths.

From: A. Papazian