BAKU: French ambassador confirms he accompanied human rights activis

Trend, Azerbaijan
May 2 2014

French ambassador confirms he accompanied human rights activist Leyla
Yunus to airport

Baku, Azerbaijan, May 2

By Emin Aliyev – Trend:

The French ambassador to Azerbaijan, Pascal Monnier has confirmed that
he accompanied the Azerbaijani human rights activist Leyla Yunus to
the airport.

“We know well that Leyla Yunus is a human rights activist and as is
known, the activities of human rights defenders are respected around
the world. Leyla Yunus appealed to the French embassy in Azerbaijan
for a visa. And why not to give her a visa?,” Pascal Monnier told
journalists on May 2.

The diplomat pointed out that Leyla Yunus turned to him and his U.S.
colleague asking to accompany her to the airport. “And I accompanied
her,” Monnier said.

The ambassador went on to add that Leyla Yunus has launched a website
jointly with the Armenian partners to create contacts between people.

And it is very important, since the establishment of contacts between
people contributes to the establishment of lasting peace in the
future, Monnier said.

The Investigation Department of Serious Crimes of Azerbaijani
Prosecutor General’s Office had summoned the director of the Institute
for Peace and Democracy Leyla Yunus and her husband Arif Yunus for
questioning as witnesses for the case regarding Azerbaijani
journalist, Rauf Mirkadirov.

The prosecutor’s office said earlier that trying to evade the
investigation, Leyla and Arif Yunus attempted to leave Azerbaijan on
April 28, but their attempt was foiled, the prosecutor’s office said
earlier.

The documents, found during the inspection of Leyla Yunus’ personal
belongings, will be used as evidence, according to the Yasamal
District Court of Baku city.

Searches were conducted at Leyla and Arif Yunus’ residence and work places.

Leyla Yunus was interrogated as a witness, while Arif Yunus was taken
to a hospital due to deterioration of his health.

From: A. Papazian

BAKU: Nagorno-Karabakh conflict to be in focus of OSCE head’s Baku v

AzerNews, Azerbaijan
May 2 2014

Nagorno-Karabakh conflict to be in focus of OSCE head’s Baku visit

2 May 2014, 15:18 (GMT+05:00)
By Jamila Babayeva

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will be the main topic of the
negotiations during OSCE chairman, Swiss Foreign Minister Didier
Burkhalter’s visit to Azerbaijan.

Swiss ambassador to Azerbaijan Pascal Obisher spoke about this while
talking to Trend Agency on May 2.

Burkhalter will pay an official visit to Azerbaijan on June 3.

“During his visit Burkhalter will meet with the leadership of
Azerbaijan, prime minister, foreign minister and other officials of
the country,” Obisher added.

He said the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the prospects
of developing the bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and
Switzerland, the events in the region and Ukraine will be discussed
during the visit.

Armenia occupied over 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s internationally
recognized territory, including Nagorno-Karabakh and seven adjacent
regions, after laying territorial claims against its South Caucasus
neighbor that caused a brutal war in the early 1990s.

The UN Security Council’s four resolutions on Armenian withdrawal have
not been enforced to this day.

Peace talks, mediated by Russia, France and the US and the OSCE Minsk
Group are underway on the basis of a peaceful outline -called Madrid
Principle -proposed by the Minsk Group co-chairs. The negotiations
have been largely fruitless so far.

From: A. Papazian

Eurovision 2014 day 5 – Armenia’s second rehearsal

EuroVisionary
May 2 2014

Eurovision 2014 day 5 – Armenia’s second rehearsal

Posted 2 May, 2014 – 12:33 by Theo Vatmanidis

The second rehearsals start with Armenia and Aram MP3. The Armenian
entry, Not Alone, is rated high in the polls. It will be interesting
to see how this second rehearsal compares to the first one last Monday
when there were a few technical problems.

The first run of the song comes up on the screens of the press centre
halfway through. After three days of rehearsals, there are still
problems with the said screens as, apart from a sun glare making it
difficult to see details at times, some of them switch off
unexpectedly every so often.

The presentation starts with Aram centre stage surrounded by the
bright blue spotlights encircling him. There is an impression of stars
on the dark stage floor that later form part of the backdrop as well.
The stage turns into fiery reds and yellows accentuated by white
flashes of light and pyrotechnic effects from the edge of the stage in
time for the chorus.

Aram is wearing a dark grey coat with shiny (leather looking) lapel
over a black top and trousers. He is sporting cropped leather gloves,
too. His vocal performance is good, but his voice sounds a tad
strained in places and his face looks tense throughout to start with;
that improves for the verse parts as the runs progress.

The song closes with a growing yellow spot on the stage floor, a close
shot of Aram and a final panoramic shot taken from behind him,
standing alone on the stage, towards the audience. This is a good
presentation that goes down well in the hall and press centre. With a
demanding song, Aram should try to keep his voice in good form for the
First Semi Final on Tuesday.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.eurovisionary.com/eurovision-news/eurovision-2014-day-5-armenias-second-rehearsal

Turkey’s 15 minutes of free expression are over

The Globe & Mail, Canada
May 2 2014

Turkey’s 15 minutes of free expression are over Add to …

Amberin Zaman

Saturday, May 3, is World Press Freedom Day. Amberin Zaman is an
Istanbul-based columnist for the independent Turkish daily newspaper
Taraf.

April 24 marked the 99th anniversary of the beginning of the Armenian
Genocide. Civilitas, an Armenian NGO, was providing live coverage of a
slew of commemoration events in Istanbul – until recently, it would
have been unthinkable for Turks to pay homage to the victims, as
discussion of the genocide was taboo.

I navigated to Civilitas to watch their webcast from Taksim Square. A
dull gray window covered with legalese popped up, reminding me that
access to YouTube remains banned.

Welcome to the new Turkey, where freedom of expression is shrinking by
the day and which has more journalists in jail than China or Iran do.

Over the past year, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has overseen
the brutal suppression of mass demonstrations and rammed through
controversial laws that augment the powers of the national spy agency
and censorship of the Internet.

The bulk of these appear to be designed to stifle further
investigation (and debate) of the massive corruption scandal
implicating Mr. Erdogan’s family and close circles, and to ease his
path to the presidency when incumbent Abdullah Gul steps down in
August. Mr. Erdogan’s threats against his perceived enemies have grown
louder since his neo-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP)
thrashed its secular rivals in the March 30 municipal polls.

Is Turkey on the path to becoming another Russia and Mr. Erdogan
another Vladimir Putin? This question is frequently asked these days.

It is easy to forget that Mr. Erdogan was not always a bully and that
Turkey has never been fully free. Over the past half-century, the army
has overthrown four democratically elected governments, and until a
few years ago, many newspaper owners and editors toadied up to the
generals, just as they do to Mr. Erdogan today. Turkey’s uneasy march
toward democracy was long best described as one step forward, two
steps back.

After he and the AKP shot to power in 2002, Mr. Erdogan introduced
sweeping reforms, chipping away at the army’s influence, reaching out
to the Kurds, building new schools and hospitals and transforming
Turkey into a freer, richer place. True, his conservative views caused
the occasional blip, as when he tried to criminalize adultery. But for
the first time, reform outpaced repression and the European Union was
shamed into opening membership talks with Turkey in 2005, its first
with any majority Muslim country.

It was against this backdrop that, in a 2005 interview with Yeni
Safak, a respected pro-Islamic daily newspaper with close ties to the
government, I marvelled about feeling truly free as a journalist, with
no worries about whether my words would land me in trouble, as they so
often had in the past.

Today, as my Twitter feed is inundated with reports of Mr. Erdogan’s
latest excesses as well as threats to “rape” and “kill” me over my
critical coverage, it’s almost as if those days never existed. These
days, repression has overtaken reform, and honest reporting comes at a
price.

While it is possible now to write about the Armenian Genocide and to
defend the Kurds, it is not acceptable to question Mr. Erdogan’s Syria
policy (in my view, disastrous) or to mention government-linked
corruption.

The red lines have merely shifted. They used to be defined by the
generals; now they are defined by Mr. Erdogan.

Any journalist who dares to breach them can end up without a job, as I
did last year when Haberturk, a mainstream Turkish newspaper that
published my biweekly column, sacked me for ignoring editors’ warnings
about my tone. They were bowing to pressure from the Prime Minister’s
office. “Can’t you write about Uruguay or something?” one of my
editors had pleaded. Newspaper owners who do not toe the official line
are slapped with arbitrary tax fines, cut out of lucrative state
contracts, even scolded by Mr. Erdogan himself.

It is tempting to imagine that once Mr. Erdogan leaves power, Turkey
will revert to “normal.” Such thinking ignores why he continues to be
so popular at the ballot box.

The reason is that most of the people who vote for him care more about
economic prosperity than they do about access to YouTube. Mr. Erdogan
has improved their living standards and his opponents have failed to
convince voters that they can do better. Yet, in Turkey’s polarized
atmosphere, to give the Prime Minister credit for past achievements is
to risk losing your friends.

Indeed, this peer pressure is almost as much a challenge as pressure
from the state. You have to either love Mr. Erdogan or hate him. And
this speaks to the lack of tolerance in Turkish society as a whole.

Mr. Erdogan is not a dictator – he is a big disappointment. He had the
chance to break with the authoritarianism of the past. Instead, he has
embraced it.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe-debate/turkeys-15-minutes-of-free-expression-are-over/article18372818/

Aleppo Diary: Stories from the Front Lines

The Wall Street Journal
May 2 2014

Aleppo Diary: Stories from the Front Lines

ALEPPO, Syria–In late March, I arrived in Aleppo as the battle between
rebels and regime forces for control of the city was in its 21st
month, one of the longest and bloodiest campaigns of Syria’s civil
war. The evening flight from Damascus aboard a small Russian-made,
low-winged Yakovlev Yak-40 was uneventful, though many of the
passengers’ bags, including mine, were left behind because the plane
couldn’t carry all the weight. The real challenge was to get from
Aleppo International Airport to the regime-held west side of the city.

The airport highway, a six-mile drive, wasn’t an option because it cut
through the city’s rebel-held east. The only choice was a treacherous
detour that skirted past battle zones. Bus passengers and a truck
driver on that route had been wounded in mortar and sniper attacks
just hours before, I was warned. So the driver turned off all lights
and followed the faint tail light of the vehicle ahead of us, bringing
me safely to a hotel on the west side about an hour later.

Aleppo is a city physically partitioned and a symbol of what Syria’s
civil war has become: a stalemate in which noncombatants pay the
heaviest price. Since rebels began their assault here in July 2012,
thousands of civilians have been killed or maimed, and hundreds of
thousands have fled.

Pro-regime forces since last fall recaptured territory on the eastern
and southern flanks of the city, allowing the regime to reopen supply
lines to the central city of Homs and onward to Damascus.

The regime has stepped up aerial bombardment on the rebel-held east
side since the start of the year. The United Nations, human rights
groups and activists say those attacks have targeted residential
areas, often with helicopters dropping crude but very destructive
barrel bombs made from large drums packed with explosives and metal
shards. Regime officials have said they are only bombing “terrorists,”
as they call the rebels. Many average Aleppans say they have suffered
at the hands of both pro-regime and rebel forces, and they see little
difference between the two sides.

I spent 10 days reporting on conditions in Aleppo from the
regime-controlled side–I couldn’t make it to the east because the only
direct crossing, at the central neighborhood called Bustan al Qasr,
was subject to frequent sniper fire. Throughout my time in the city, I
was constantly reminded of the terrible physical dangers and
dislocation its people must endure on a daily basis. From my hotel
window, I could see and hear military jets and helicopters dropping
bombs on the east side of the city almost every morning. On the west
side, where I was, the talk was of the “hell’s cannons,” improvised
rockets with canisters of gas attached to their tips, being lobbed by
rebels on regime-controlled neighborhoods. I also saw the aftermath of
such attacks.

A hell’s cannon, on far right with blue gas canister attached, on
display with other ordnance near a checkpoint for regime forces in
Aleppo’s Bab Al Faraj area. Residents of the city’s west side say
their neighborhoods have been targeted by the improvised rockets. Sam
Dagher/The Wall Street Journal

Among the first people I met in Aleppo was Mohammad al-Akkad, the
52-year-old governor of the province. He is a senior member of the
ruling Baath Party and a member of the local security committee.
Portraits, busts and plaques of President Bashar al-Assad and his late
father Hafez, who ruled Syria before him, adorn the corners of his
office in city hall, an 18-story tower near one of the front lines.

Images of President Bashar al-Assad adorn the office of Aleppo’s
governor, Mohammad al-Akkad, seated left. A senior member of the
ruling Baath Party, Mr. Akkad said he had been willing to make deals
with rebel factions to acquire essential goods for the city’s
residents. Sam Dagher/The Wall Street Journal

But if he is the regime’s public face in the city, he is also willing
to make deals with various rebel factions to acquire essential goods
if doing so means meeting the basic needs of its residents in a time
of war. Before the regime opened the supply line to Damascus, he told
me, he managed to procure 1,000 canisters of propane gas, used in
Syria for cooking. To bring the rest of the canisters into the city’s
west, he had to give the rebels half.

“I collaborated with the devils to secure cooking gas, fuel and flour
for the people,” said Mr. Akkad. “My preoccupation is the civilians
who have nothing to do with the war. I have relatives living in areas
under the control of gunmen,” he said, referring to the rebels.

Twice during the interview, he was interrupted by calls from the
director of a power station located in the rebel-controlled
countryside east of the city. Mr. Akkad said the director told him
that rebels based at the facility were taking some equipment out. It
was a violation of “an agreement we signed with them to spare the
power station on the premise it’s for all Syrians,” he explained to
me.

“Call the [military] commander in the area and tell him to bomb them,”
Mr. Akkad told the director.

After the interview, he drove me in a black SUV through the west side.
He had allowed street vendors to set up shop in residential sections
of the city. It was against the rules, he said, but many of these
people were factory and business owners who had lost everything during
the war.

We passed through one such area called Nile Street, where everything
imaginable was for sale. Then I asked him to take me as close as
possible to a front line, and we soon found ourselves in Khalidya,
which faces the rebel-held neighborhood of Bani Zaid. Mr. Akkad
congratulated a vendor for having opened a new kabob restaurant in the
area. A few yards from the restaurant, I could see the front line: a
heap of earth and debris dividing both sides. Suddenly, there was a
loud explosion. People shouted that the area was being hit with
mortars from Bani Zaid.

As we were leaving, Mr. Akkad spotted a man with a carton of fresh
eggs. Where had he gotten them? he asked the man. They were from
Al-Bab, the man said, a town east of Aleppo under the control of one
of the most extreme rebel factions.

“Amazing, very resourceful,” Mr. Akkad said. “May God protect you.”

On the northwestern side of Aleppo, a heap of earth and debris divides
the neighborhood of Khalidya, which is under regime control, from
adjacent rebel-held Bani Zaid. Sam Dagher/The Wall Street Journal

Aleppo abounds with stories of loss and separation, of resilience,
resourcefulness and compromise in the madness of war. The people I met
who were living or working near the front lines were of varying
backgrounds, but it seemed they held in common the determination to
try to go on with their lives in the midst of the mayhem.

Before the war, David Aslanian, a 60-year-old engineer, owned an
industrial laundry business and sprawling car parts and repair
facility. His sons-in-law, Hagop and Sevak, ran family-owned plastics
and molds factories in Arqoub, an industrial zone on the northern side
of the city.

The three men lost everything when their businesses and factories were
either destroyed or looted during the fighting, Mr. Aslanian said.

Although regime forces regained control of Arqoub, the area still sits
on one of the front lines, and few people have ventured back. For now,
they make their living in the predominantly Armenian neighborhood of
Azizya, at a sidewalk kabob stand that has become very popular for its
grilled beef liver marinated in pomegranate molasses, where people can
eat in if they choose.

David Aslanian, at left, sits at his kabob stand in Aleppo’s
predominantly Armenian neighborhood of Azizya. Before the war, the
60-year-old engineer owned laundry and car-parts businesses. Sam
Dagher/The Wall Street Journal

A few tables and chairs are set against the backdrop of a tropical
paradise painted on the wall by an artist friend. An old van painted
in the same motifs is used to store refreshments and drinks. Mr.
Aslanian said it is a refuge for him and his friends and former
business partners and associates.

The war has deeply divided and polarized many Syrians of different
backgrounds. The Christian minority in the country tends to support
Mr. Assad, who like the regime’s other most powerful figures hails
from the Shiite-linked Alawite minority. Nearly all rebels fighting
his regime are Sunni Muslims.

Mr. Aslanian, an Armenian Christian, and others told me they were
trying to transcend these differences and salvage what’s left of this
city’s social fabric.

When I spoke with him on a breezy, cool afternoon, he was sitting with
his friend Abdul-Hamid Msadi, a Sunni Muslim Arab.

“Here or there, it’s civilians who are being crushed,” Mr. Aslanian
said, referring to both sides of the city. “We come here and sit with
our dear friends. We commiserate, laugh, cry a lot and then go home
and sleep.”

Ghassan Subaie, a 37-year-old Sunni, lives rent free with his wife and
two children aged six and nine at a residence for Greek Catholic nuns
in Jdaideh, a predominantly Christian area adjacent to the old quarter
of Aleppo and on a front line. The nuns have moved out to a relatively
safer part of the city.

Mr. Subaie was displaced from a neighborhood on the east side and lost
his leather goods workshop on Hatab Square in Jdaideh.

“I have known the Greek Catholic priests for 25 years and they put me
up at the residence when I told them that I have no money and need a
place to live,” said Mr. Subaie.

Like many Aleppans, Mr. Subaie sees no end in sight for the war and is
desperate to leave. He has tried several times to reach Sweden, where
many Syrians have gotten asylum. The last attempt was in May of last
year when he travelled to the Turkish port city of Izmir. There, he
said, smugglers promised to take him to Greece for $4,000. He arrived
at the rendezvous site at midnight with his family. The boat, which
can carry only 20 people, had 45 aboard already, he said.

“I said to myself ‘we are going to drown for sure and my wife and
children can’t swim’ so we went back,” he said.

Ghassan Subaie, a 37-year-old Sunni, lives with his family at a
residence for Greek Catholic nuns. Like many here, he sees no end to
the war and is desperate to leave. Sam Dagher/The Wall Street Journal

To keep busy and make some income, he rented a space near Jdaideh and
set up a workshop making handbags. “Before I used to make 1,000 pieces
a day for export to all Arab countries; now it’s 50 a day just for the
local market,” he said.

He apologized for the sight of young boys at the workshop helping
stitch handbags. “Normally this should not happen, but what to do?
Most kids are out of school,” he said.

Indeed, everywhere in Aleppo these days, young children can be seen
working on the streets and in markets and shops. Many say they have
been displaced by the war and have become breadwinners for their
families.

Some of the displaced can be found in schools like Suleiman Khater
elementary, which sits on the front line in Salahuddin, a
working-class neighborhood on the southwestern side of the city. It
was one of the first areas captured by rebels when they launched their
offensive. Since then, the regime has retaken a small section of it.

Everything here is a reminder of war. Checkpoints prevent vehicles
from entering the area for fear of car bombs. Several storefronts have
been converted into military outposts. Mounds of earth, rusting
barrels and large plastic sheets separate rebels from regime forces.

Principal Sobhi Abdul-Aziz told me that more than half of his nearly
1,300 students had been displaced from the rebel-held east.

The walls of his school are sprayed with bullet holes. Nearby are
residential buildings with entire floors collapsed due to shelling and
bombardment.

Bullet holes riddle the walls of the Suleiman Khater elementary school
in Salahuddin, a working-class neighborhood in southwestern Aleppo.
“We are trying to make kids forget guns,” says the school’s principal,
Sobhi Abdul-Aziz. Sam Dagher/The Wall Street Journal

Syria’s daily flag raising and national anthem ceremony is still
mandatory at all schools in regime-held parts of the country, but Mr.
Abdul-Aziz said he skips the ritual in order not to antagonize rebels
hunkered down a few yards away. He also limits the time children spend
in the courtyard, fearing they may be caught in the crossfire.

“We are trying to make kids forget guns,” the 55-year-old said. “Our
goal is to try to save an entire generation from being completely
lost.”

From: A. Papazian

http://blogs.wsj.com/dispatch/2014/05/02/aleppo-diary-stories-from-the-front-lines/

Bergen residents recall Armenian Genocide victims

Northern Valley Suburbanite (Bergen, North Jersey)
May 1, 2014

Bergen residents recall Armenian Genocide victims

Chris Perez

HACKENSACK – Friends, families, and neighbors gathered on April 24 in
front of the Bergen County Courthouse on the anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide for a day of remembrance and reflection.

County officials and local members of the Armenian community,
including The Knights and Daughters of Vartan, were in attendance to
remember the 1.5 million lives that were lost at the hands of the
Ottoman Turks between 1915 and 1920.

Every year, Armenians of Bergen County have held a requiem service at
the Genocide Memorial in Hackensack in remembrance of those who lost
their lives.

This is the 24th meeting since the memorial was dedicated in the
summer of 1990, and is the 99th anniversary of the day these events
took place.

“The Armenian Genocide should not be forgotten,” said John Lawrence
Shahdanian, past commander of the Knights of Vartan. “We have to speak
about it, we have to tell the story, and we have to let others know.”

Beginning on April 24, 1915, this genocide, which forced countless
numbers of people from their homes and into prison, was the first of
the 20th century.

The systematic destruction took place during and after World War 1,
and forced people to march hundreds of miles without food or water,
where they were ultimately massacred indiscriminately of age or
gender.

“Everyone has a story, and it’s important to keep the story alive,”
Shahdanian said. “If we forget, it’s going to happen again.”

Shahdanian opened the program with the story of his grandfather, a
U.S. citizen who had been murdered during the genocide.

“He was taken from his home, thrown into jail with other Armenians in
Turkey, and one day, he just wasn’t there anymore,” he said. “The word
was they had taken them into a field and shot them all. They were
never found, they were never buried.”

At that point, Shahdanian said his father, who was 9 years old, had
convinced his mother to leave the area and relocate to a family
business in Istanbul.

“The most important thing we can do is remember our ancestors and what
happened to them so our children don’t forget and so the world doesn’t
forget,” he said.

The keynote speaker for the event was Khatchig Mouradian, an adjunct
professor at Rutgers University and editor of the Armenian Weekly.

“There is an importance in our environment for recognizing injustice,”
Mouradian told the crowd. “If we can find time to dedicate ourselves
to truth and justice, the world would be a better place.”

After the program, Mouradian said that events like these are great
opportunities to once again renew their call for the United States and
eventually Turkey to recognize the Armenian Genocide.

“These atrocities, these crimes against humanity, are part of our
national and international history,” he said. “They should be a part
of national and public consciousness.”

For the sixth straight year, President Obama observed the massacre of
the Armenian people, but refused to use the word “genocide,” failing
to uphold his 2008 campaign promise to do so.

“A full, frank and just acknowledgement of the facts is in all of our
interests,” the President said Thursday. “Peoples and nations grow
stronger, and build a foundation for a more just and tolerant future,
by acknowledging and reckoning with painful elements of the past.”

As a senator, Obama co-sponsored a resolution calling for the use of
the term “genocide” when discussing the Armenian tragedy.

“My firmly held conviction is that the Armenian Genocide is not an
allegation, a personal opinion, or a point of view, but rather a
widely documented fact supported by an overwhelming body of historical
evidence,” Obama said in 2008.

Mouradian believes that the United States, which has hosted and
embraced many survivors of this tragedy, has a duty to recognize the
Armenian Genocide on the federal level.

“We must acknowledge the stories of the children and grandchildren who
are gathered here today and who are first-hand witnesses to the
stories of the survivors,” Mouradian said.

River Vale resident Sona Manuelian has been attending the day of
remembrance for many years and continues to recognize the need to
never forget what happened.

“We’re all connected, and this is our heritage,” she said. “My husband
lost his grandfather when he went out for candy cigarettes one day and
never came home. His parents were also victims of the genocide.”

The program concluded with a requiem service held in front of the
Genocide memorial. The Armenian clergy led guests in prayer, sang
hymns and laid red carnations in front of the memorial stone in
remembrance of those who lost their lives.

“This years day of remembrance has been another testament of the
commitment of the Armenian American community to see recognition and
justice for the Armenian Genocide,” Mouradian said. “Here in the
United States, the freedoms that we have put us in greater
responsibility to help out with the struggles and rights of people
around the world, and also the responsibility to acknowledge and
confront crimes that have taken place in the past regardless of
politics or outside pressures.”

From: A. Papazian

Washington Intends Russia’s Demise

Washington Intends Russia’s Demise

By Paul Craig Roberts

May 02, 2014 “ICH ” – Washington
has no intention of allowing the crisis in Ukraine to be resolved. Having
failed to seize the country and evict Russia from its Black Sea naval base,
Washington sees new opportunities in the crisis.

One is to restart the Cold War by forcing the Russian government to occupy
the Russian-speaking areas of present day Ukraine where protesters are
objecting to the stooge anti-Russian government installed in Kiev by the
American coup. These areas of Ukraine are former constituent parts of
Russia herself. They were attached to Ukraine by Soviet leaders in the 20th
century when both Ukraine and Russia were part of the same country, the
USSR.

Essentially, the protesters have established independent governments in the
cities. The police and military units sent to suppress the protesters,
called `terrorists’ in the American fashion, for the most part have until
now defected to the protesters.

With Obama’s incompetent White House and State Department having botched
Washington’s takeover of Ukraine, Washington has been at work shifting the
blame to Russia. According to Washington and its presstitute media, the
protests are orchestrated by the Russian government and have no sincere
basis. If Russia sends in military units to protect the Russian citizens in
the former Russian territories, the act will be used by Washington to
confirm Washington’s propaganda of a Russian invasion (as in the case of
Georgia), and Russia will be further demonized.

The Russian government is in a predicament. Moscow does not want financial
responsibility for these territories but cannot stand aside and permit
Russians to be put down by force. The Russian government has attempted to
keep Ukraine intact, relying on the forthcoming elections in Ukraine to
bring to office more realistic leaders than the stooges installed by
Washington.

However, Washington does not want an election that might replace its
stooges and return to cooperating with Russia to resolve the situation.
There is a good chance that Washington will tell its stooges in Kiev to
declare that the crisis brought to Ukraine by Russia prevents an election.
Washington’s NATO puppet states would back up this claim.

It is almost certain that despite the Russian government’s hopes, the
Russian government is faced with the continuation of both the crisis and
the Washington puppet government in Ukraine.

On May 1 Washington’s former ambassador to Russia, now NATO’s
`second-in-command’ but the person who, being American, calls the shots,
has declared Russia to no longer be a partner but an enemy. The American,
Alexander Vershbow, told journalists that NATO has given up on `drawing
Moscow closer’ and soon will deploy a large number of combat forces in
Eastern Europe. Vershbow called this aggressive policy deployment of
`defensive assets to the region.’

In other words, here we have again the lie that the Russian government is
going to forget all about its difficulties in Ukraine and launch attacks on
Poland, the Baltic States, Romania., Moldova, and on the central Asian
states of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The dissembler Vershbow wants
to modernize the militaries of these American puppet states and `seize the
opportunity to create the reality on the ground by accepting membership of
aspirant countries into NATO.’

What Vershbow has told the Russian government is that you just keep on
relying on Western good will and reasonableness while we set up sufficient
military forces to prevent Russia from coming to the aid of its oppressed
citizens in Ukraine. Our demonization of Russia is working. It has made you
hesitant to act during the short period when you could preempt us and seize
your former territories. By waiting you give us time to mass forces on your
borders from the Baltic Sea to Central Asia. That will distract you and
keep you from the Ukraine. The oppression we will inflict on your Russians
in Ukraine will discredit you, and the NGOs we finance in the Russian
Federation will appeal to nationalist sentiments and overthrow your
government for failing to come to the aid of Russians and failing to
protect Russia’s strategic interests.

Washington is licking its chops, seeing an opportunity to gain Russia as a
puppet state.

Will Putin sit there with his hopes awaiting the West’s good will to work
out a solution while Washington attempts to engineer his fall?

The time is approaching when Russia will either have to act to terminate
the crisis or accept an ongoing crisis and distraction in its backyard.
Kiev has launched military airstrikes on protesters in Slavyansk. On May 2
Russian government spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that Kiev’s resort
to
violence had destroyed the hope for the Geneva agreement on de-escalating
the crisis. Yet, the Russian government spokesman again expressed the hope
of the Russian government that European governments and Washington will put
a stop to the military strikes and pressure the Kiev government to
accommodate the protesters in a way that keeps Ukraine together and
restores friendly relations with Russia.

This is a false hope. It assumes that the Wolfowitz doctrine is just words,
but it is not. The Wolfowitz doctrine is the basis of US policy toward
Russia (and China). The doctrine regards any power sufficiently strong to
remain independent of Washington’s influence to be `hostile.’ The doctrine
states:

`Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, either
on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere, that poses a
threat on the order of that posed formerly by the Soviet Union. This is a
dominant consideration underlying the new regional defense strategy and
requires that we endeavor to prevent any hostile power from dominating a
region whose resources would, under consolidated control, be sufficient to
generate global power.’

The Wolfowitz doctrine justifies Washington’s dominance of all regions. It
is consistent with the neoconservative ideology of the US as the
`indispensable’ and `exceptional’ country entitled to world hegemony.

Russia and China are in the way of US world hegemony. Unless the Wolfowitz
doctrine is abandoned, nuclear war is the likely outcome.

Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic
Policy and associate editor of the Wall Street Journal. He was columnist
for Business Week, Scripps Howard News Service, and Creators Syndicate. He
has had many university appointments. His internet columns have attracted a
worldwide following. His latest books are, The Failure of Laissez Faire
Capitalism and How America Was Lost.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/

Remember the Armenian dead

Remember the Armenian dead

Thursday 1 May 2014

The Independent should be commended for taking the lead in lifting the
fog of misinformation and feeble rationale offered by successive
British governments defending the idea that present-day Turkey has
nothing to answer for over the genocide of Armenians by Ottoman Turkey
during the First World War (`The Turkish Holocaust begins’, 29 April).

The centenary commemoration will be on 24 April 2015. The recent
turn-around by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey, in
offering sympathies to the Armenians for their dead undercuts the
basis for the British Government’s support for Turkish denialism.

Armen Sahakian, Armenian Genocide Centenary Commemoration Committee,
Chessington, Surrey

From: A. Papazian

http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/letters/letters-9313350.html#commentReference

Azerbaijanis Protest Turkey City Mayor For Condemning Armenian Genoc

AZERBAIJANIS PROTEST TURKEY CITY MAYOR FOR CONDEMNING ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

May 01, 2014 | 10:10

Serdar Unsal, who heads the Azerbaijan Home association inIgdir,
Turkey, has protested the city mayor’s statement in connection with
April 24.

Unsal said that Igdir Mayor Saziye Onder issued a statement, by way
of the media, and condemned the Armenian Genocide in Turkey.

The Azerbaijani activist stressed that making such a statement in
Igdir pursues other objectives, and claimed that the Armenians had
committed genocide against the Turks in Igdir.

Igdir’s Kurdish Mayor Saziye Onder had released a statement on the
99th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, condemned the latter,
and stressed that the Turkish authorities’ anti-Armenian policy also
continued after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.

The mayor of Igdir had noted that not only were the Armenians
slaughtered en masse during the Genocide, but their schools, churches
and cemeteries were destroyed, and the Armenian’s belongings were
plundered.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

From: A. Papazian

Pension Reform Leads Salaries To Shadow – Armenian Union Of Employer

PENSION REFORM LEADS SALARIES TO SHADOW – ARMENIAN UNION OF EMPLOYERS

May 01, 2014 | 14:22

YEREVAN. – The pension reform inArmenia aims to legalize the people’s
income yet the opposite occurred; the salaries remain in the shadow.

Economist Gagik Makaryan, who is also Chairman of the Republican Union
of Employers of Armenia, stated the aforesaid at a press conference
on Thursday,

In his view, now numerous employees in Armenia are asking their
employers not to formally register their salaries, so as not to have
pension deductions from their wages.

“The social situation in Armenia is such that the people are prepared
to even forego accumulating work experience just to receive the salary
in full,” Makaryan stated.

That is why, he added, the funded pension system is premature for
Armenia.

The new funded pension plan formally came into force in Armenia on
January 1, 2014 for those born in and after 1974. In line with this
plan, 5 to 10 percent of the monthly salaries in Armenia will be
deducted and be allocated to cumulative pension funds; the latter
will be reimbursed as pensions once a person turns 63 years old.

On April 2, however, the Constitutional Court of Armenia declared
unconstitutional a whole series of articles in the new Law on
Funded Pensions, and gave the parliament and the government until
September 30 to amend the aforesaid law’s provisions that were deemed
unconstitutional.

Subsequently, the new government formed by newly appointed PM
Hovik Abrahamyan announced its willingness to temporarily leave the
aforesaid pension deductions on voluntary basis, and to prepare a
new bill before the September 30 deadline.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

From: A. Papazian