Papian: What Occupation Are We Talking About?

Lragir.am

WHAT OCCUPATION ARE WE TALKING ABOUT?

The Tatars of Baku and their overlords, the Turks of Istanbul,
regularly bring up the so-called occupation of a part of the Republic
of Azerbaijan by the Republic of Armenia. These claims are completely
baseless. Proper foundations are necessary to allege such a thing. One
of the bases would be the prevalence of the title to the territories
in question codified by international law. That is, for any part of
any territory of Azerbaijan to be considered occupied by anyone, it is
necessary that Azerbaijan possess and present the international
document by which the title of the Republic of Azerbaijan be
recognised to that allegedly occupied territory. This is a basic
principle of international law, and it is clear. The rightful
possession of any territory by any state is based on the title
codified by a legal international document and by the sovereignty
established over that territory.

Let us briefly take up the title to Nagorno-Karabakh over the course
of the last few centuries. By the Turkish-Persian Treaty of Amasia,
the title to Nagorno-Karabakh was internationally codified in 1555 to
Persia. At the beginning of the 19th century, the eastern part of the
South Caucasus ended up as part of the Russian Empire; accordingly, by
the Treaty of Gyulistan of 1813, the Russian title to Nagorno-Karabakh
was codified. It is indisputable that from 1813 to 1918 the title and
sovereignty of the Russian Empire was unquestionably established over
Karabakh (I include the mountainous parts – Nagorno-Karabakh or
`Highland Karabakh’ – as well as the valleys – `Lowland Karabakh’).
Due to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, although uncertain
circumstances arose in the South Caucasus with to the collapse of the
Russian Empire, things were quite clear until January of 1920 from the
perspective of international law and territorial title, as, until
January of 1920, the international community refused to recognise the
three newly-established states of the South Caucasus, consequently
continuing to recognise the title of the Russian Empire. It was only
in January of 1920 that, by the countries of the Supreme Council of
the Paris Peace Conference – Great Britain, France, and Italy – the
independence of the countries of the South Caucasus was recognised.
So, until then, from May of 1918 to January of 1920, the republics of
Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan remained essentially, as the
contemporary expression goes, merely self-declared republics. It is
important to emphasise that the recognition by the Paris Peace
Conference clearly included a criterion – the borders of the South
Caucasus countries were to be determined in future by the Paris Peace
Conference. It is necessary to stress here that, between the
declaration in May of 1918 to the recognition in January of 1920 of
the republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, not only was there no
recognition of any title of the Republic of Azerbaijan to
Nagorno-Karabakh, the Republic of Azerbaijan did not exercise any
manner of effective control over Nagorno-Karabakh either. What is
more, Karabakh was much more effectively under control of the
locally-established Armenian authorities and forces.

One month after the recognition by the Paris Peace Conference, on the
24th of February, 1920, the Commission for the Delimitation of the
Boundaries of Armenia – with the participation of representatives from
Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, and now already on behalf of
the League of Nations – the principles of delimitation of boundaries
in the South Caucasus were clarified with a joint report. That is, the
boundaries of Armenia and Georgia, and Armenia and Azerbaijan would be
drawn `taking into account, in principle, ethnographic data’.[1] As it
happens, the massacres of Shoushi of March, 1920, were based mostly on
this decision; the Tatars of the Caucasus attempted to alter, in the
style of the Turks, the demographic picture of Nagorno-Karabakh.
However, this decision was not fated to be realised, as Azerbaijan, by
April, 1920, and Armenia, by December, 1920, were already occupied by
the Bolshevik 11th Army, and those states ceased to exist. What
happened next is better known, that the newly-established Soviet
authorities carried out administrative divisions by party decisions
and vast territories with Armenian populations – which, by the
application of the principle of the Paris Peace Conference, would
indisputably have been part of Armenia – were made administratively
subject to Baku. Naturally, there can be no talk of any
internationally-codified title here. No decisions by a political party
can create any legal precedent in international law and codify any
title to any territory. The formerly-independent Georgia, Armenia and
Azerbaijan themselves bore the status of occupied countries from
1920/21 to 1924. Later on, from February of 1924, by the recognition
of the Soviet Union, the annexation of those countries was recognised
in turn. Accordingly, from 1924, the title and sovereignty of the
Soviet Union to the entire South Caucasus, including Nagorno-Karabakh,
was unquestionably recognised.

In 1991, when Azerbaijan declared itself independent of the Soviet
Union, Nagorno-Karabakh was already, de facto, independent. That is to
say, ever since the re-establishment of its independence, the Republic
of Azerbaijan has not held effective control over the territory of the
Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh for even a single day. What is more, as
Azerbaijan declared itself the direct successor state of the first
Republic of Azerbaijan of 1918-1920 on the 18th of October, 1991 by
the Constitutional Act of the Restoration of State Independence, it
essentially nullified by a legal document the administrative ties that
had existed between the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic and the
Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.

So, whereas, upon the collapse of the USSR, the territory of most
former Soviet Socialist Republics saw the establishment of one
independent country each, two states were established on the territory
of the administrative unit of the USSR known as the Azerbaijani Soviet
Socialist Republic – the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of
Nagorno-Karabakh. The Republic of Azerbaijan, having disregarded the
obligation to uphold the principle of self-determination borne by the
Charter of the United Nations, unleashed a ruthless war on its
newly-independent neighbour and suffered ignominious defeat.

By the Declaration on the `Guidelines on the Recognition of New States
in Eastern Europe and in the [territory of the] Soviet Union’ of the
16th of December, 1991 by the foreign ministers of the countries of
the European Community (now the European Union), respect for `the
inviolability of all frontiers’ would be based on upholding `the rule
of law, democracy and human rights’, as well as `guarantees for the
rights of ethnic and national groups and minorities’. None of these
criteria have been fulfilled by the Azerbaijani state.

Consequently, when our neighbours talk about `occupation’, let them be
so kind as to state in which time in history the Republic of
Azerbaijan has exercised effective control over Nagorno-Karabakh and
by which international document Azerbaijan’s title to Nagorno-Karabakh
has been recognised. If that has never been the case and there is no
document in support of the claim – and they evidently do not exist –
then what `occupation’ are we talking about?

Ara Papian
Head of the Modus Vivendi Centre
24 June, 2010

[1] United States National Archives, Records of the Department of
State Relating to Political Relations between Armenia and other
States, 1910-1929, 760J.6715/60-760J.90C/7.

10:42:00 – 26/06/2010

From: A. Papazian

http://www.lragir.am/engsrc/comments-lrahos18357.html

Turkey sounds upbeat about joining EU

Turkey sounds upbeat about joining EU

Associated Press Worldstream

June 23, 2010 Wednesday 3:44 PM GMT
By SELCAN HACAOGLU, Associated Press Writer

ANKARA Turkey

Turkey’s president sounded an optimistic note Wednesday about his
country’s prospects of joining the European Union despite its recent
turn toward the East.

The man in charge of expanding the European Union gave a mixed
response, praising Turkey’s progress in granting more cultural rights
to the Kurdish minority and curbing the influence of the military on
politics but saying the reunification of Cyprus needs urgent
attention. Cyprus was divided into Turkish and Greek sectors after
Turkish troops invaded it in the wake of a coup seeking to unite the
island with Greece in 1974. The Greek-speaking half of the
Mediterranean island entered the EU in 2004.

“Turkey has been making remarkable steps toward membership,” Stefan
Fule, the commissioner for European Union enlargement said on the
sidelines of a Balkan summit in Istanbul. “We trust that Turkey will
give full attention to the Cyprus problem.”

EU membership is still regarded by officials at the highest level of
the Turkish state as the ultimate way of advancing and modernizing the
maturing democracy. Europe is Turkey’s top trading partner and Turkey
has a customs union agreement with the continent. Turkey also hopes to
help reduce Europe’s reliance on Russian energy by supplying gas and
oil from Central Asia and the Middle East.

But there is consistently low enthusiasm about admitting a large, poor
and Muslim nation in much of the EU. The EU and Turkey started
membership negotiations in 2005, but Germany and France have proposed
a special partnership for Turkey that falls short of full membership,
angering Turkish leaders who argue that it violates the principle of
equality for the candidate countries.

Turkey also resents pressure from the West to reckon with the uglier
aspects of its past, by making peace with Armenians and acknowledge
that mass killings of Armenians at the turn of the century were
genocide a claim strongly denied by Turkey. Opponents say Turkey also
has not moved fast enough on promised reforms and should grant more
rights to minority Kurds and withdraw its troops from Cyprus.

“We want the EU to support memberships of countries and to refrain
from taking steps that would delay the process,” Turkish President
Abdullah Gul told the summit at Ciragan Palace, an extravagant Ottoman
palace on the shores of the Bosporus strait. “We started full
membership talks with the approval of France and Germany. Small
disputes will of course occur and they will eventually be resolved.”

There are fears among Turkey’s secular opposition that, with EU
accession moving slowly, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is
steering NATO’s only Muslim member away from the West and jeopardizing
the membership efforts’ chances of ultimate success.

Turkey recently voted “no” to sanctions on Iran at the U.N. Security
Council and defended Tehran’s right to acquire nuclear energy for
peaceful use. Its ties with regional ally Israel are at a new low
after a deadly Israeli commando raid on an aid flotilla headed to
Gaza, left nine pro-Palestinian activists dead, including eight Turks
and an American-Turkish teenager.

On Wednesday, Turkey and 12 other southeastern European countries
issued a joint declaration at the end of a meeting of the Southeast
European Cooperation Process (SEECP) that they want “an impartial,
independent and internationally credible investigation on this
matter.”

Turkey was not alone in complaining from EU’s attitude on Wednesday.

Serbian President Boris Tadic called on the EU to openly tell his
country “without making any excuses” whether it wants Serbia to join
the 27-nation bloc or not.

Associated Press Writer Erol Israfil contributed to this report from Istanbul.

From: A. Papazian

Controversial law could curb Armenian media

Institute for War and Peace Reporting IWPR, UK
Issue 547
June 22 2010

CONTROVERSIAL LAW COULD CURB ARMENIAN MEDIA

Legislation will allow authorities to select favoured broadcasters for
digital licenses, experts warn.

By Karine Asatryan

Serzh Sargsyan has signed off on media legislation that critics at
home and abroad say will restrict freedom of speech in Armenia.

The law was passed by parliament on June 10, and Sargsyan signed it a
week later.

The reason a new law was needed was that Armenia will switch from
analogue to digital broadcasting in 2013. But there are fears that it
could reduce the number of stations licensed to broadcast, and skew
the balance in favour of pro-government outlets.

Media watchdogs and pressure groups say the law was drafted in haste
and without adequate consultation.

`We urge you to refrain from signing the law and instead return it to
the National Assembly and urge them to continue their deliberations
with the aim of bringing any and all amendments into compliance with
Armenia’s international obligations on freedom of expression,’ Holly
Cartner, executive director of Human Rights Watch’s Europe and Asia
division, wrote to the president in an unsuccessful appeal.

Cartner’s comments reflected concern from inside and outside Armenia.
The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, OSCE, also
joined the chorus, saying that the limits on the number of channels,
the nature of the regulatory system, and the right of courts to cancel
broadcasting licenses would all threaten freedom of speech.

“Armenia should not lose the opportunity to adopt forward-looking
media legislation. New technologies, including digital broadcasting,
should be used by governments to strengthen media pluralism,” said
Dunja Mijatovic, OSCE representative on freedom of the media.

The government did organise discussions with journalists and media
rights activists between the first and second readings, but those who
attended say their recommendations were ignored.

`We said 100 times that they should adopt only the section relating to
the shift to digital transmissions,’ said Mesrop Harutyunyan of
Armenia’s Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression.

The number of channels available to broadcasters will be cut from 22
to 18 when analogue transmissions halt in July 2013.

Broadcasting companies will have to bid for ten-year digital licenses
on July 20 this year and again in January 2011.

Experts, including those from Human Rights Watch, worry that the
competition rules will discriminate against new entries into the media
market, as they favour companies with at last three years in
broadcasting behind them. They also believe the tender process is
opaque, and note that the National Television and Radio Commission
will not be required to explain why it turns out a particular bid.

Most officials are currently on holiday, and no one in the economy
ministry, which is overseeing the process, was available to comment on
specific objections.

However, Artak Davtyan, who chairs the parliamentary commission on
education, science and culture, said it was better to have a bad law
than no law at all, and that international organisations had
over-reacted to the changes.

`They say some of the points and elements in it are not in line with
our international obligations. But any section of the law that isn’t
in line with them will not be applied. We understand what they are
saying, but this problem only exists at surface level,’ he said. `We
need to wait for the law to start operating. That will highlight its
strong and weak points. There is no dogma here¦ and it’s possible that
there will be some minor changes in autumn.’

Rights groups were unconvinced by such assurances, and nor was A1+, an
Armenian company which was stripped of its broadcast license in 2002
and has not returned to the airwaves despite a ruling by the European
Court of Human Rights saying the government had deprived it of freedom
of speech.

A1+ said the new law would do nothing to enhance free speech.

`The changes to the law on television and radio are a new song in an
old story, and in actual fact they change nothing,’ said Mesrop
Movsesyan, chairman of A1+.

Noting that A1+ had taken part in 11 tenders since 2002 without being
granted a license, Movsesyan said `it’s been eight years and nothing
has happened’.

He predicted, `They’re going to repeat the way they tried to deal with
A1+. They will say they’re holding a tender, that it’s transparent and
that the same conditions apply to all, but this will all be just for
form’s sake. The Armenian authorities have set themselves the goal of
not letting us back on air. In future, other obstacles will be placed
in our way, but we are ready to overcome them.’

Boris Navasardyan, chairman of the Yerevan Press Club, said parliament
should have spent more time improving the bill, since Armenia will
have to live with the outcome of the new tendering process for the
next decade.

Harutyunyan said he suspected the current government wanted to ensure
it was in control of TV broadcasters as a route to winning the 2012
parliamentary election.

`The 18 [winning] companies will be very pliable and tame, and they’ll
do whatever the government wants during the election campaign,’ he
said.

Karine Asatryan is editor of

From: A. Papazian

www.a1plus.am.

Clinton to visit Eastern Europe, Caucasus next week

Agence France Presse
June 25, 2010 Friday 6:15 PM GMT

Clinton to visit Eastern Europe, Caucasus next week

WASHINGTON, June 25 2010

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will travel to Eastern Europe
and the Caucasus on July 2 for a trip aimed at bolstering bilateral
ties, the State Department said Friday.

In Kiev, the top US diplomat will open the US-Ukrainian Strategic
Partnership Commission, which provides for increased cooperation on a
range of issues, such as economics, energy and trade, security and
defense, reinforcing democracy and cultural exchanges.

She will also meet with President Viktor Yanukovych and Foreign
Minister Kostyantyn Gryshchenko, as well as members of
non-governmental groups and independent media leaders, according to
her spokesman Philip Crowley.

Clinton will then head to Krakow for the 10th anniversary celebration
of the founding of the Community of Democracies, which her predecessor
Madeleine Albright and her Polish counterpart Bronislaw Geremek
initiated in 2000. She will hold talks with Polish Foreign Minister
Radoslaw Sikorski.

Her visit will then take her to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia for
meetings with government officials and civil society leaders to
“discuss bilateral issues, as well as issues related to regional peace
and stability,” Crowley said.

From: A. Papazian

Turkey – Heading eastwards

Sme website, Bratislava, Slovakia
June 23 2010

Turkey – Heading eastwards

Commentary by Peter Morvay

The blockade of Gaza is necessary as long as HAMAS rules there.
However, it must operate differently than until now.

The Israeli government did the right thing when it decided to ease the
Gaza blockade. However, it will also do the right thing if it does not
heed the frequently hypocritical calls from various parts of the world
and does not abolish the blockade completely.

It will be possible to lift the Gaza blockade – which prevents, at
least to some extent, the import of weapons into an area that is
controlled by terrorists – only when the HAMAS movement stops
controlling the Gaza Strip. Or if HAMAS itself changes, its moderate
wing prevails, and the destruction of a neighbouring state will stop
being its main goal.

HAMAS must renounce the endeavour to liquidate Israel and terrorist
methods permanently and not just temporarily for tactical or marketing
reasons (as it has temporarily limited the shelling of Israel with
rockets). The question is whether this is possible and whether a
moderate wing exists in HAMAS in the first place.

Defence or harassment

However, for the blockade to fulfil its purpose and to be justifiable,
it must pursue clear goals and a clear line must be drawn between
legitimate self-defence and unnecessary harassment of the civilian
population of the Gaza Strip. Short of this, it will also not be
possible to fulfil a less frequently conceded goal of the blockade –
making the majority of Palestinians get rid of the terrorists
themselves.

In its previous form, the blockade had been frequently doubtful and
counterproductive. There were far too many items, selected on the
basis of extremely vague criteria, that the Israelis did not allow
into Gaza.

The blockade must become more flexible, more transparent, and more
rational. If the United States and the EU really want to help solve
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, they should – in lieu of general and
nice-sounding calls for an unconditional end to the blockade (which
would only help HAMAS) – help Israel with an effective blockade, one
that would stop only weapons and material that can be used to produce
them, that would operate on the basis of clear rules, and that would
set clear conditions for its termination, also for the Palestinian
side.

Islamic leader

The West should change its approach, all the more so as the disputes
over the supposedly humanitarian Gaza-bound ships are part of a
broader geopolitical game, which the West stands to lose.

It is no coincidence that it is mainly Turkey that is attacking Israel
and dispatching ships to Gaza today (making use also of all kinds of
naive activists), a country that is increasingly turning away from the
West, chumming up to the Iranian and Syrian dictatorships, and
flirting with the role of the Islamic world’s new leader. At the same
time, Turkey cannot be bothered that it punishes references to the
genocide of Armenians, occupies a part of Cyprus, and its soldiers at
home are killing Kurdish civilians.

Istanbul feels rightly offended that Brussels did not play a fair game
with it when it kept talking about the possibility of EU entry but did
not clearly say that the main obstacle to membership is not the
country’s Islamic character but, for example, the serious democracy
deficit of its own ruling elite.

Nevertheless, Brussels is right when it insists on some conditions. A
country that did not want former Danish Prime Minister Rasmussen to
head NATO because he did not forbid Danish media outlets to publish
caricatures of Prophet Muhammad can hardly be considered democratic.

Turkey’s new heading towards the East, and its search for allies other
than the West, are thus logical in a way. If this reorientation
becomes confirmed, however, it will have serious repercussions for
international security. The West may lose many illusions about the
possibility of cooperation with Muslim countries embarking on the path
of democratization and should start getting ready for this
alternative.

[translated from Slovak]

From: A. Papazian

Yerevan does not violate agreements: Interview with FM Nalbandian

Nezavisimaya Gazeta , Russia
June 21 2010

Yerevan does not violate agreements

Interview with Edvard Nalbandian, Armenian Minister of Foreign
Affairs, by Yuriy Simonyan, NG correspondent; 20 June 2010

Armenia will push the agreements forward if the partners in the
negotiations are in the mood for this.

In the days of the economic forum in St Petersburg, a trilateral
meeting, devoted to the Karabakh settlement, was held between the
presidents of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. In the estimation of the
majority of experts, it proved to be unsuccessful. At the same time,
in Nagorno-Karabakh, the forces of the NKR [Nagorno-Karabakh Republic]
defence army stopped the diversionary sortie of the Azerbaijan side.
In this case, both sides incurred losses. The day before, Edvard
Nalbandian, the Armenian Republic’s minister of Foreign Affairs,
shared his opinion on the state of affairs in the South Caucasus with
NG correspondent Yuriy Simonyan.

[Simonyan] The sensational Armenian-Turkish reconciliation has simply
never taken place. How great is the likelihood that the process will,
all the same, move forward in the near future?

[Nalbandian] When Armenian president Serge Sargsian initiated the
process of normalizing Armenian-Turkish relations in September 2008,
they were deadlocked. One of the reasons for this lay in the
preliminary conditions proposed by the Turkish side, which made it
virtually impossible to conduct serious negotiations. In September
2008, the sides agreed to start the process without preliminary
conditions. It was with this general understanding that we began,
conducted negotiations, and arrived at agreements. Naturally, there
were no preliminary conditions in the protocols signed in October 2009
in Zurich. If the Turkish side is today taking a step backward and
returning to the language of the preconditions that it was talking
about before the start of this process, and if it makes this a
condition of the ratification and implementation of the protocols
concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement – this is an obvious and
gross violation of the agreements reached. In this case the Turkish
side’s claims that Turkey respects the principle of racta sund
servanda sound very strange. Here we have present an obvious conflict
with the causes.

We have heard, not only from Yerevan, but also repeatedly from Moscow,
Brussels, Washington, Paris and other capitals, that there can be no
linkage between the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement and Armenian-Turkish
normalization, and that attempts at this linkage may be detrimental to
both processes. Well then, as far as the likelihood of the advancement
of the process in the near future is concerned, as the Armenian
president stated, we will be prepared to move ahead when Ankara is
again prepared to normalize relations without any preliminary
conditions.

[Simonyan] Isn’t the rapprochement observed between Russia and Turkey
dangerous for Armenia, in light of the fact that Ankara, let us put it
this way, by speculating in high-volume economic projects that are
attractive to the Russians, may prevail upon Moscow to bring pressure
to bear on its strategic partner – Yerevan, let us say, with respect
to the Karabakh question or other irritants to Turkey – in the
international campaign of the Armenian side for recognition of the
genocide?

[Nalbandian] From time immemorial, Armenia and Russia have been linked
by these strong ties of friendship, these fraternal bonds that have
grown into allied, strategic relations, that the hypothetical
scenarios being introduced simply make no sense. These are different
relations. Our two nations have throughout history never been on
different sides of the barricades, they have always fought against
common enemies. Our friendship has been tempered in a joint struggle
in periods of serious trials. It has been tested by time.
International recognition of the genocide of the Armenians is not only
a matter of the Armenian people, but one that has an international
dimension and significance that is common to all mankind. Recognition
of the first genocide of the 20th century is a pledge of the
prevention of new crimes against humanity.

As for the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement, we are grateful to Russia for
that weighty contribution and positive role that it is playing in the
regional processes, and especially in the settlement of the
Nagorno-Karabakh problem, extremely important for Armenia, as one of
the co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group. Russian president Dmitriy
Medvedev is making great efforts to help the sides settle this
problem. It is thanks to his personal efforts that several important
meetings were held between the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan,
and with his mediation, in November 2008 the Maindorf Declaration was
signed – the first document signed between Azerbaijan and Armenia
after the trilateral (Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia)
cease-fire agreement, also established with Russia’s mediation in
1994. Russia has repeatedly stated that it is impossible to pressure
the sides, and that they themselves should resolve the conflict.

[Simonyan] Azerbaijan charges Armenia with being unwilling to resort
to concessions. Let us for a moment leave aside the circumstance that
Azerbaijan itself does not intend to back down in the Karabakh
process…. In what, specifically, can the Armenian side resort to
concessions in the negotiating process?

[Nalbandian] I think that it would be more correct to talk about
compromises, and not about concessions. But let us talk about
everything in the proper order. As we know, today the negotiating
process is taking place on the basis of the Madrid document presented
by the co-chairmen of the Minsk Group in November 2007. Armenia
accepted this document as the basis for negotiations more than two
years ago. Azerbaijan in general denied the existence of this document
– the Madrid proposals – and now, two years later, is trying to
pretend that it is allegedly accepting something. What is Azerbaijan
accepting? The key question in settling the conflict, and naturally,
in the negotiation process, is realizing the right of the nation of
Nagorno-Karabakh to self-government. Attesting to this are certain
principles, published after the statement of the presidents of Russia,
the United States and France (the countries of the co-chairmen of the
OSCE Minsk Group) in July of last year at Aqua Ville, that are
contained in the Madrid Document, which says that the status of
Nagorno-Karabakh is to be determined through a legally binding free
direct expression of the will of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh.
Stating their readiness to grant Nagorno-Karabakh the high status of
autonomy within Azerbaijan, its leaders are attempting to predetermine
the outcome of the statement of will, thus essentially refuting the
principle of self-determination. This principle is one of the three
basic principles of the Madrid proposals, yet again confirmed by the
ministers of foreign affairs of the 56 member-countries of the OSCE in
December 2009 in Athens. Azerbaijan is rejecting, and what is more, is
grossly violating, the second of the abovementioned basic principles –
the principle of the inapplicability of force or threats of using
force. Azerbaijan is refusing to conclude an agreement on observing
this principle and is turning down the proposals of the OSCE on
adopting measures to strengthen the cease-fire, and on the withdrawal
of snipers. After the passage of the Maindorf Declaration,
Azerbaijan’s leaders stated that the provision recorded in the
document on settling the conflict by peaceful means does not signify a
commitment not to use force. As they say – no comment. Threats of
using force are heard from Baku every day. They are apparently not
made in order to cause the negotiations to collapse. Azerbaijan is
clinging to just one principle – the principle of territorial
wholeness, and even then, in its own interpretation. It is hard to
convince anyone that you accept the Madrid proposals, if you refute
the largest part of them.

[Simonyan] In the Stepanakert demand, heard increasingly often, to
return to the negotiating table – it is confirmed that without its
participation the fate of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic will not be
decided. How realistic is it that representatives of the unrecognized
republic will join in to the negotiation process?

[Nalbandian] It is, of course, impossible to solve anything without
the full participation of Nagorno-Karabakh, especially since this is
stipulated by the mandate of conduct of the Minsk conference on
settlement. It is the statement of the will of the people of
Nagorno-Karabakh that should determine the status of Nagorno-Karabakh.
This is the cornerstone of the resolution of the conflict. The
co-chairmen of the Minsk Group have repeatedly spoken in public about
the importance of and the need for the participation of the
representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh in the negotiations. I remember
that the reconciliation achieved with Russia’s mediation – in 1994 –
was also approved and signed by the Karabakh side. No agreement makes
sense without the participation and signature of Nagorno-Karabakh.

[Simonyan] How do you characterize Armenia’s relations with two other
neighbours – Iran and Georgia? It seems that relations with Iran might
be more dynamic and quicker to develop – with Georgia, however, time
and again petty, but sensitive problems arise….

[Nalbandian] Armenia attaches important significance to relations with
those of its direct neighbour states with whom our partnership is in
the nature of friendly cooperation. Armenia and Iran are tied by
traditionally friendly relations. We carry out numerous mutually
profitable projects, particularly in the energy and transport spheres.
New economic projects are on the agenda. We are keeping close track of
the development of events concerning Iran’s nuclear programme, and we
think that all the disputed problems should be solved through
negotiations. Let us also hope that as a result of the future efforts
of Iran and the international community, it will be possible to
achieve a coordinated solution of the problem.

With Georgia, however, I think that there are no problems that we
could not solve through joint efforts. Armenia is one of the countries
that is extremely interested in a stable, safe and prosperous Georgia.
Not only because about 70 per cent of our commodity turnover goes
through Georgia and there is a very large Armenian diaspora, but also
because our two countries are connected by age-old ties of friendship
and good-neighbourliness.

[translated from Turkish]

From: A. Papazian

Israel’s Freedom Fries Moment

The Forward
June 25, 2010

Israel’s Freedom Fries Moment;
On Language

It was, I suppose, predictable. In Israel there is now a movement to
change the name of Turkish coffee, or kafey turki, as it is known in
Hebrew. Bad enough, the movement’s proponents say, to be insulted by
the Turkish government, denounced by its prime minister and have one’s
flag burned by Turkish demonstrators without also having to drink the
Turks’ coffee especially since they never invented it in the first
place.

Although kafey turki is likely to remain kafey turki in Israel, just
as French fries remained French fries in America despite efforts to
rename them when France criticized the American invasion of Iraq, the
antis have a point. The Turks were not the originators of Turkish
coffee which, for those of you who may never have drunk it, is
prepared by heating water, finely ground coffee beans, and (unless you
prefer it bitter) sugar in a beaker, bringing the mixture to a boil,
quickly removing it from the fire to prevent it from overflowing, and
repeating the procedure several times. After the final boiling, the
beaker must be left alone for a while to let the coffee grounds settle
to the bottom. Even then, the coffee should be poured slowly and
gently to keep the grounds from spilling out into the cup.

This is the simplest and almost certainly the oldest method of making
coffee, whose beans originally came from a plant indigenous to the
highlands of Ethiopia, where they were probably first drunk in
powdered form somewhere between 600 and 1,000 years ago. The
Ethiopians called the coffee plant bun, and when, in the 15th and 16th
centuries, its consumption, and, eventually, its cultivation crossed
the Gulf of Eden to Yemen and traveled from there to other Arab
countries, the drink was called by the Arabs qahwat el-bun, the elixir
of the bun. . In time, this was shortened shortqahwa, to qahwa, from
which our English coffee ultimately derives.

To this day, Turkish coffee is, other than in cafés and hotels
designed for tourists, the only coffee prepared in Arab countries,
where it is simply called qahwa with no need for a qualifying
adjective.

Why, then, have the Turks gotten credit for it in many of the
languages of Europe? The obvious answer would seem to be that it was
the coffeehouses of the Ottoman Empire that spread the drinking of
coffee to Greece and the Balkans, from which it reached the rest of
Europe. Coffee’s diffusion took place quickly. First drunk in Istanbul
in the 1550s (The Turks, who do not have a w sound, called it kahve,
and the voiced v changed in most European languages to an unvoiced
f.), it arrived in Western Europe a hundred years later. The first
English coffeehouse was established in London in 1654, and by the end
of the 17th century, coffee was a widespread drink throughout Europe.

And yet the obvious answer to why credit accrues to the Turks is wrong

because the term Turkish coffee did not appear in European languages
until relatively recently. Not only, for example, won’t you find it in
the unabridged Oxford English Dictionary, whose 12th and last volume
was published in 1895, you won’t even find it in the OED’s 1933
supplement, although you will find Turkish bath, Turkish delight and
Turkish towel.

This really shouldn’t be so surprising. After all, well into the 19th
century, coffee in Europe was what it still is in the Arab world
today: boiled in a beaker. There being only one kind, it was known
everywhere simply as coffee.

Non-Turkish coffee is a largely20th-century development. Although the
first percolator was designed by the American inventor Benjamin
Thompson (1753-1814), commercial percolators were not introduced into
the United States until the late 19th century. The first espresso
machine dates to 1901. The first paper filter was created in Germany
in 1908. (It is possible to make, under duress, palatable filter
coffee by using an ordinary sock, too, but I doubt whether socks were
ever widely resorted to). The first French press coffee maker was
patented in 1929.

It was only when such alternative coffee-making techniques became
popular, eventually supplanting the older method throughout Europe and
the Americas, that a name for this method became imperative. Turkish
coffee was the one given it because, even though it was an Ethiopian
and Arab invention, many fewer Europeans had been to Ethiopia or Arab
lands than to Tu r k e y, and boiled-beaker coffee was known primarily
as a Turkish drink.

And yet it is not only the Arabs who still don’t call Turkish coffee
Turkish coffee. The Greeks, who used to call it that, began saying
Greek coffee after the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, while the
Armenians, who have even less reason to like the Turks than do the
Greeks, call it Armenian coffee. (In fact, I was nearly thrown out of
an Armenian restaurant in New York for asking for Turkish coffee at
the end of my meal.) Hopefully,

Turkish-Israeli relations will not deteriorate to the point where
Israelis feel the same way. And even if they should, Turkish coffee in
Israel is largely an Arab drink. Most Jews prefer espresso or other
forms of coffee and drink kafey turki only when camping or roughing
it.

Israeli coffee it will never be called, even if diplomacy fails.

From: A. Papazian

The EU, Turkey, and the Islamization of Europe

Gates of Vienna
June 25, 2010 Friday 2:12 PM EST

The EU, Turkey, and the Islamization of Europe

by Baron Bodissey

Jun. 25, 2010 (Gates of Vienna delivered by Newstex) —

The article below by the Austrian scholar Harald Fiegl was posted on
May 15 at EuropeNews. Many thanks to JLH for translating it from the
original German.

The EU, Turkey, and the Islamization of Europe
by Dr. Harald Fiegl

A drastic change for the worse. What do Islam and full EU membership
for Turkey mean for the European model of life?

The EU regards itself as a community of values, a region of security,
freedom, prosperity and law and as a unique peace project. The
Christian-Western value base is not considered a Å`settled norm, but
the moral sensibility and cultural inheritance are a condensation of
Christianity and Enlightenment. As such, it is in stark contrast to
Islamic and oriental-patriarchal lifestyles with their group identity.

Seen from the outside, despite its economic difficulties, the EU is
still an economic partner and an immigration destination. It is also
in demand as a source for financing developmental aid projects. A
place where human rights receive more recognition than in other parts
of the world. It is not, however, a political power, a Å`global player.
Furthermore, it lacks a common domestic and foreign security policy,
and so a common demeanor.

The new European foreign service (EAD) with its 8,000 (?) employees
and 130 delegations will only be capable of a united front when the
common external and security policy (GASP) materializes.

Economic significance with political weakness makes the EU an object
of desire for other political powers. At the head of the line stands
the Islamization of Europe in combination with Turkeys intent to
dominate Europe ‘ specifically the EU. This country is preparing the
way for itself. There is no Å`give-and-take exchange. Turkey wants a
Turkish Europe!

The EU is in the same position as Byzantium before its conquest by the
Turks. Then as now, an opponent fighting with all means at its
disposal was facing a disunited, absolutely self destructive entity.*
The

Islamization of the entire world is being pursued by Muslims with
determination at all levels. As an Islamic country, Turkey strengthens
this tendency by adding its own expansive nationalism.

How Can These Claims Be Perceived?

By the structure of the EU
By the structure of Turkey and the worldwide spread of Islam
By the claims of hegemony in the community of nations
The Structure of the EU

At every opportunity, there is talk of commonalities and the
unification, indeed re-unification of Europe and with that, the
absolutely imperative expansion of the EU to a minimum of 40 members.
In fact, however, these commonalities are absent and so is the
prerequisite for a successful expansion. In the absence of common
successes, it appears that the EU is seeking its salvation in
expansion, even if the expansion finds little agreement in the
European population. that is brought on by the expansion. Add to that
the fact that the will of the majority of the European population has
no voice in the decisions of the EU organs of governance. Is the EU
just a cornucopia for skilled lobbyists and a high level employment
agency?

This is especially true of the decision to accept Turkey as a full member.

In other words, the oft-mentioned Å`European Spirit is moribund. But
only something like it can create a self-conscious Europe which will
play a decisive role in the world.

After the fall of the Iron Curtain, the EU did not make lasting use of
the possibilities for new and independent connections with Russia, and
thus supported the return of the Russian mindset to its own
geopolitical claims. Russia sees expansion of the EU as part of the US
encirclement policy, of which Ukraine and Georgia are especially
blatant examples.
The independent policy of French president Sarkozy is a vivid example
of national interests. Sarkozy is thinking French and not European,
when he speaks of the Mediterranean Union and when he promotes French
military alliances or treaties over nuclear cooperation with countries
of the Mediterranean region.
The new members from Eastern Europe see their foreign policy support
in the USA and align their foreign policy with US wishes.
Great Britain sails in the wake of the USA.
Expansion ‘ together with globalization ‘ has brought heightened
pressure on the majority of the European population to produce, often
combined with lower income to the point of financial starvation. Jobs
are lost, foreign capital is decisive in European industry (China,
Libya and other Arabic countries). For a large part of the European
population, the EU now offers a very modest living standard.

The Å`Lisbon Goal is a true declaration of bankruptcy. The EU was
supposed to be the most innovative and economically significant area
of the world. Now that the impossibility of this plan is obvious, the
goal is being postponed by 10 years and summarily re-named Strategy
2020.

Though the EU still comes up trumps through comparatively significant
economic successes in international tests of strength, disillusion has
set in this area too, through accumulation of debt across the entire
EU, especially in the PIGS ‘ Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain.
Dramatically rising unemployment ‘ caused not least by outsourcing ‘
intensifies this disenchantment.

The Special Case of Turkey

Between US-NATO wishes and a split of interests in member states,
Turkey was granted membership in the Council of Europe in 1999 in a
confidential paper which was not available to the public. In December
2004, 407 representatives in the EU parliament voted for negotiations
with no further delay. Only 262 voted against. On October 3, 2005,
negotiations began with the goal of full membership. (This
counterintuitive position has been held to this day with no regard for
public opinion. The granting of asylum to Turkish citizens is not seen
as a contradictory indicator.)
Despite a lack of progress in meeting entry requirements, Turkey
continues to receive signals of a foreseeable time for entry.
In the beginning of 2010, the Turk, Mevlüt Cavusoglu was elected chair
of the parliamentary assembly of the Council of European.
Istanbul was chosen as the cultural capital of Europe for 2010. The
festival city, Salzburg, has a sponsor from Turkey.
Critical remarks in progress reports continue to have no consequences
(e.g., Cyprus, religious freedom).
In its judgment of Turkey, the EU for instance, disregards the fact:
– – – – – – – – –
That Turkey has great deficits in human rights and therefore does not
fulfill the basic requirements for acceptance. (In contrast to these
criteria, Turkey was granted Å`sufficient fulfillment of basic
requirements.)
That special role of the army and religious authority, which is
anchored in the constitution of the (national-religious) unity
government is EU adverse and so Turkey is not and cannot become a
democracy in the Western sense.
That the public life of Turkey is determined by Islam, in other words,
by ideological basics which are the exact opposite of the Western
model of life.
That a full membership for Turkey means an entry with fulfilling the
requirements and, in consideration of the size and otherness of this
land, plainly means the final abandonment of the feeling of
togetherness and the end of the work of European integration.
That the entry of Turkey brings with it an enormous financial burden
for the EU and, aided by this financing, all the Turkish EU
contradictions, including military ambitions, are bolstered.
That the EU, in the absence of any foreign policy of its own, would
stumble in the wake of Turkish interests into Turkeys conflicts with
its neighbors.
The foreign policy of the EU is a reflection of national interests and
accordingly not in a position to counteract US hegemonic moves. It
must eventually come to the realization that, despite all criticism of
the USA. it is the only Å`player in the Western world.

European Navel-Gazing Is No World Policy

Although EU deficits become ever more visible, and negative polls and
warning voices of important personalities are not lacking, all EU
governmental organs are celebrating the accomplishments of the work of
integration with events and brochures.

The message of all these Å`events is clothed in catchphrases and
tranquilizer words. Take for example the following vocabulary of
deception and clouding of the mind:

Abrahamic religions: the patriarch Abraham connects all monotheistic
religions. (Why are the obvious differences in the way the religions
are lived and practiced not addressed? A common ancestral father does
not help us live together. Common rules of play will do that.)
Islam is a peace-loving religion; you must distinguish between Islam
and Islamism; there is no unified Islam; the head scarf is an ordinary
article of clothing; there are prejudices against Islam, even
Islamophobia.
Turkey is a functioning democracy; Turkey is a secular state; Erdogan
and his party are Å`moderately Islamist. This is per se a contradiction
in terms.
Negotiations open to results; in a plebiscite the people will have the
last word. (President Fischer rightly noted that a plebiscite requires
a law which can only be determined after completion of negotiations
and ratification by parliament. Thus, the promise of a plebiscite
proves to be a placebo, since no political force to speak of can nor
will come through for such an illogical procedure ex post facto.)
During the last Austrian presidency, there was even the slogan: Å`The
EU ought to be fun!
Like the sorcerers apprentice, the EU is moving rapidly toward its
self-immolation. Criticism is declared to be prejudice and the concept
of prejudice is deformed to be an advantage.

It does not escape the notice of the critically thinking citizen that
all these statements from the media, the authorities and from the EU
describe a fairy tale world, from which there will someday be a rude
awakening.

The Islamization of Our Lives

The Islamization of Europe (and the whole world) is not only the
result of Muslim immigration since WW II, but has been a declared goal
of Islam since the time of Mohammed. Right from the beginning, war in
Islam has been a part of spreading the faith, and is therefore Å`just.

The Crusades were all concerned with the re-taking of Palestine and
other Christian areas from the Muslims and were in no way
imperialistic projects. They were reactions to Muslim attacks. Without
the Crusades, Europe would have been subjugated by Islam centuries
ago.

The de-hellenization of Asia Minor began with the appearance of the
Turks (Seljuks) in the Byzantine Empire (1071). The dream of Ottoman
(Turkish) world empire led to the conquest of Constantinople and the
Balkans came to a close over about three centuries with the sieges of
Vienna in 1529 and 1683 and the succeeding Å`Turkish wars.
This dream of a Turkish world empire has become reality again at this
time through acceptance into the EU ‘ without fulfilling a single
condition.
The technological and consequent military superiority of Christian
countries beginning in the 16th century ultimately led a counterweight
to the Muslim military
Finally, the Islamic world fell behind and was even occupied by
Christian countries. This enabled the Christian countries to function
as protective powers for Christian minorities living in Muslim
countries.
Weakened by two world wars, Europe lost its leadership role in the
world. Today, non-European countries determine what happens.
Consequently, European values and culture exist merely as one variant
in a worldwide offering. European culture and values are already
judged negatively in many places. There is no longer any question of
being a role model.
A particular milestone in this development is the first oil crisis of
the 1970s. Europes dependence on oil led to the Europe-Arabic Dialogue
(Eurabia). This is an exchange of oil for good will toward
Arabic-Islamic interests and/or values. That gave rise to Å`the Islam
prohibition.

The fact is that Muslim countries treat Western countries with
unaccustomed disrespect, of which the conflict of Switzerland with
Libya is a clear example. The indifference of Somali authorities to
the piracy of mercantile shipping and the attitude of Iran in the
question of nuclear armament are two further examples.

Completely unperturbed by Western criticism, Iran supports Hizbullah
with modern weapons. Without any objection, the West learns of the
Islamization of Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina and other regions by means
of Saudi Arabian funds.

The January 2010 EU parliament resolution concerning incidents against
Christians in Egypt and Malaysia as well as the proposed resolution of
the Austrian parliament in July, 2008 on the worldwide discrimination,
repression and persecution of Christians underline the precarious
situation of Christians (non-Muslims) in Muslim countries. There were
no repercussions. We are contemporary witnesses to the greatest
persecution of Christians of all times. Persecution of Christians is
not some reminiscence from the age of Rome.

The Islam Prohibition can be traced at the international as well as
the national level. It consists of a ban on putting critical questions
to Islam. In the dialogue, each and every discussion is ended by the
discussion-stopping arguments Å`general suspicion and Å`racism. The
order of the day is twisting the facts by Muslim authorities and
compliant Western Å`helpers.

An especially striking example is the portrayal of Islam as the
Å`religion of peace, even though Islam was conceived as an immutably
battle-ready ideology. (Indeed, it should be noted that peace in
Islamic terms means the state of the world after its total
Islamization. To that extent, the designation Å`religion of peace is no
contradiction even if Islam ‘ legitimately by its own standards ‘
employs violence. The non-Muslim has the choice of conversion,
emigration, or death.)

The UN human rights declaration is commemorated every year on Human
Rights Day, the 10th of December. Thus, the allegedly universal
validity of this socio-political accomplishment is recalled. Not
commemorated is the fact that, for Muslims, the 1990 Cairo Declaration
of Human Rights in Islam applies ‘ sharia, Islamic law.

The Å`Western idea is that human rights coincide with the concept of
individual freedom. That includes religious freedom, understood as the
freedom of the individual to choose his religious perspective, or to
reject it.

The Islamic idea is that religious freedom is the unrestricted right
of Islam to expand as a collective (umma) and displace all other
religions and lifestyles. Islam is an alliance of religion and
politics!

In this sense, the following points should be seen as closely
connected and as steps to the Islamization of Europe (the world).

Since the 1970s ‘ approximately contemporary with the first oil crisis
‘ some Islamic states have been attempting to submit human rights to
moral relativism by referencing cultural and religious traditions.
In 1990, Pakistan proposed a ban on defamation of Islam to the UN
Human rights Council. The proposal was expanded to Å`religions and also
accepted as well by the UN General Assembly.
As a consequence, the Å`Viennese World Conference on Human Rights in
1963 struck a compromise. Since that time, Å`various historic, cultural
and religious conditions are recognized.
In the human rights year 1998, at the proposal of Iran, the UN General
Assembly declared 2001 the Å`UN year of dialogue between civilizations
and thereby introduced the process of recognizing multiplicity as
enrichment in a globalized world (creative diversity). Austria was
host of one of the meetings in 2001.
On December 10, 2007, the speaker of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference declared in the UN human rights council that the Cairo
Human Rights Declaration of 1990 supplements the UN human rights
declaration of 1948 since it is concerned with the cultural and
religious features of Muslim countries. (Thereby, Islamic law was de
facto recognized, even though it contradicts Western ideas of rights.)
The speaker of the OIC declared simultaneously that discussions of
sharia in the framework of the UN human rights council are an insult
to Islam and therefore impermissible.
Following up on this suggestion, the UN human rights council decided
in June, 2008, that religious discussions could be led only by
academics.
Therefore, recognition of special features, respect and tolerance is
the basis for relations between civilizations. That is the opposite of
integration.

The EU agency for basic rights tracks racism and xenophobia. Combating
Islamophobia is a primary concern. Christophobia is not mentioned,
although the repression and persecution of Christians have grown to
the point where they are impossible to miss.
In 2005, Europeans made Islamophobia equal to anti-Semitism and thus
made it a crime.
In the Council of Europe resolution 1605 of April 15, 2008, a
distinction is made between Islam and Islamic fundamentalism, whereby
discussion of Islam and its ideology of war becomes taboo.
The president of the parliamentary assembly of the Council of Europe,
the Turk Mevlut Cavusoglu, said in his inaugural address in January
2010 that intercultural and inter-religious dialogue must be
strengthened. All kinds of racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism and all
other kinds of similar phobias which lead to discrimination and
intolerance must be stamped out. Of hostility to Christians, which we
experience daily, there was not a word.
This stress on Islamophobia is especially questionable since there is
no legal definition and the following standards presumably invoke the
Islam Prohibition:

The Council of Europes Framework Resolution 2008/913/JI of November
28, 2008 on legally enforced combating of particular forms and
expressions of racism and xenophobia provides, in article 1 that the
following intentional acts be made punishable by law (official crime)

Å`public incitement to violence or hate against a person or group of
persons or member of that group defined according to race, skin color,
religion, ancestry, national or ethnic origin
As a direct result of the Islam Prohibition, we can explain why, at
the demand of the Muslims, or in eager anticipation of obeying them,
the majority society is considerate of alien lifestyles and ideas and
thus fully accepts segregation. (The practice of sharia in British
jurisprudence can be seen as abandonment of self, a submission to
Islam):

No pork or alcohol
Gender separation in school and in public. Knowledge of
psychoanalysis, e.g., of Sigmund Freud is not considered.
Women may only appear in public in the company of their husbands or
only with a head covering.
Crosses removed from schools and hotel rooms.
Refusal to salute the flag in the army and extensive special treatment
of Muslim recruits.
Consideration for the effects of the month of fasting.
Consideration for the Islamic prohibition against interest (Islamic
banking). Banking may not charge interest nor deal in businesses that
are repugnant to Islam (alcohol, pork, gambling, etc.) All these are
signs of a progressive Islamization of all aspects of life. In truth,
a systematic and unconditional discrimination against all things not
Muslim!
Almost exclusively, the non-Muslims answer to this threatening
situation is dialogue. Since Vatican II, even the Vatican believes in
dialogue.

In countless interrreligious/intercultural dialogues, Christianity and
the West are equated and this prevents the interpretive power of our
laws from being placed beyond all doubt. Anyone who feels connected to
neither Christianity nor Islam (syncretists, agnostics, atheists)
justifiably asks: Å`Who is representing me in all the interreligious
dialogues and why is my philosophy of life and the separation of
religion and state of less value than religious belief, especially
Islamic?

This applies, for instance, to the president. He describes himself as
an agnostic. Also never heard from are those who are in contact with
Muslims in the course of their everyday lives and must experience the
difficulties of integration, in the police, emergency services,
hospitals and schools.

In many places, Islamic ideas are fully accommodated, from Muslim work
clothes in the municipality of Vienna to the complete prohibition on
discussing Muslim moral concepts. Neither the ORF, the theater nor the
churches ask critical questions. They are content with Å`playful
encounters like hiking or soccer.

The exchange of thoughts is without intellectual depth and corresponds
to a wine-tasting or the exchange of recipes. Some representatives of
the church even see Islam as an ally against secularization.

With respect to the proclamation Å`demand and encouragement, the
measures taken by the administration to further integration are
content with the encouragement. By this means, the parallel society is
anchored still more firmly. Even the requirement to learn German is
weakened by a multitude of foreign language translations and
translation services. So learning German is actually no longer
necessary in many places in Austria.

The result of this attitude is the Muslim parallel society which is
not integrated nor willing to integrate and frequently has no respect
for the indigenous population. There is hatred for the West. The law
of the state has no effect in the parallel society. The police have no
reach. Justice is determined by local ‘ mostly Muslim ‘ patterns.

Consider too, that a society is acting Å`positively in terms of racism,
when it does not insist upon its own standards from immigrants and
closes one eye instead of helping.

What Does All This Mean for Coexistence With the Muslims?

Can western lifestyle (secular individualism with free will, voluntary
religious practice and individual identity) even persist against
Islamic and oriental-patriarchal lifestyles (group identity and
nationalism)?

The basic elements of this Western lifestyle are being seriously
challenged by Islam, even though these elements are the result of a
long, at times painful, hard fought process of consciousness raising
and are regarded by Western civilization as an achievement. These are,
above all

Separation of religion and state
Religious freedom, freedom of expression even to its extreme
Religion and sexuality are private affairs
Art is allowed anything
Gender equality
Islam was recognized as a religion in Austria with the Islam Law of
1912. The requirement for recognition was Å`compatibility with the laws
of the state. Despite all warnings, this has not been checked for a
long time. Persecution of Christians in non-Western countries, of
secular immigrants, and Islamic writings (fatwas) inimical to the West
could not bring an end to this turning of a blind eye.

The government is required to make clear its interpretive authority
vs. Islam and to do away with Islams deviations from the laws on
religious freedom. Put simply, the authorities must actualize the
Å`explanatory remarks and the Å`report of the special commission
concerning the law of 1912. This task has been waiting for nearly 100
years!

It is unacceptable that Islamic values have not been dealt with in the
ordinary course of parliamentary discussions but has been demanded
Å`from outside.

The authorities must also clarify whether the concept Å`infidel, by
which Islam designates all non-Muslims as second-class people, is, in
the sense of the above-mentioned framework resolution Å`public
incitement to violence or hate against a group or member of a group of
persons defined as a religion according to the criteria.

The Structure of Turkey

Turkey is a regional power with a targeted domestic and foreign
policy, by means of which it confronts a split EU foreign policy with
great pertinacity. It pursues its own interest exclusively, often
blatantly in contradiction to EU interests. Completely in tune with
this foreign policy opportunism is the direction of its foreign policy
with regard to the EU/Europe, but also the Islamic and central Asian
area.

There is also no shortage of military interventions to effect its
foreign policy goals. There have been ca. 3,000 Turkish soldiers
stationed on Cyprus since 1974, although the grounds for intervention
(overthrow of the Greek military regime) have been gone for years.
Turkey also intervenes everywhere where it wants to assert its
interests, not militarily, but with substantial political and economic
pressure.

That includes diplomatic actions in the USA and the EU in regard to
the Armenian genocide and the Kurdish separatist movement PKK. Still
fresh in memory is the Turkish intervention against the installation
of the Danish president as NATO general secretary. Freedom is not
important to Turkey; Muslim sensibilities are. Nonetheless, it was
rewarded for this extortion by a strengthening of US good will.

Turkeys anti-Western positions are, of themselves, no surprise. In the
OIC, Turkey appoints the general secretary and therefore functions as
the important spokesman in the controversy between Islam and the West.
That was true in the clash over the Mohammed cartoons and applies
presently to the OICs efforts to subordinate the UN human rights
declaration to sharia. By this means, criticism of the Islamic
perception of human rights is to be stopped. Turkey has long since
visibly returned to the Islamic camp. There is no question of a bridge
between cultures. Atatürk and his secular orientation are nothing any
more than lip service,

Turkey has a constitution adverse to the EU: political life and
religious practice are under the purview of the military, even though
the Islamic regime is working to reduce this influence. Religious
practice and religious adherence are not a private matter as they are
in the Western world.

The religious authority, Diyanet, regulates religious life for Sunni
Islam, the majority faith. Other sects are disadvantaged. The once
flourishing Christian community has shrunk to numerical
insignificance. Even 20 million (Islamic?) Alewites are hampered in
their religious practice by the Sunni majority.

Diyanet names the imams and sends them into countries with Turkish or
Turkish-descended populations, for example, Germany and Austria. In
both countries, Diyanet maintains branch offices like a colonial
administration, to encourage the religious and national connections to
Turkey ‘ but not integration. From this grows a state within a state
with the purpose of land acquisition. In Austria, this branch is
called ATIB = Ayrupa-Türk Islam Birligi = Turkish Islamic Union for
Cultural Cooperation (literally, European-Turkish Islamic Unification
with no reference to cultural cooperation).

The Turkish laicité was decreed from above. It did not grow from the
bottom up as in the West. The comparison with France is misleading.
The Turkish state is not religion-neutral like France. On the
contrary, it advantages Sunni Islam and discriminates against all
other religions and beliefs.

The founder of the Turkish republic, Kemal Atatürk, introduced
separation of religion ad state ca. 80 years ago. The military was
established as the guardian of this lay establishment, which led to
the more recent past and then to the ban on parties.

Despite all efforts at control, Å`Kemalism, with its attempt to implant
laicism in the population, has failed. To this day, there are two
antagonistic groups in the population: the rural, religious people,
including those who migrated to the cities and the secularly oriented
city dwellers, whose numbers are dwindling.

Practically speaking, Turkey is in a culture war. Head-covering
remains an ideologically highly explosive question. The ban on action
for the ruling party the president and many other politicians because
of misinterpretation of laicism found no majority with the
constitutional judges.

Misunderstanding the facts, the EU took the side of an Islamic state
and applauded the process. One resource for this cultural conflict is
the influx of capital from Muslim sources. Anyone who practices Islam
can count on financial support. This applies not only to residence,
work, school and groceries, but also to entrepreneurs in finance and
contracting.

The Å`moderate Islamist government is taking Turkey step-by-step to an
Islamic theocracy and in managing this is completing the necessary
ideological re-orientation.

The Turkish constitution foresees not only the special role of the
military and religious authorities but also the ethnic-religious
centralized state. Accordingly, Turkeys constitution recognizes no
ethnic minorities, including, for instance, 12 million Kurds.

A striking nationalism is quickening in Turkey and protected by
criminal laws (no insulting of Turkey, no criticism of official
positions on Armenians, Cyprus). Testifying to this nationalism are
the ubiquitous Atatürk posters and statues together with the
country-wide motto, seen everywhere: Å`Everyone who is a Turk is
fortunate. This nationalism plus Islam explains the unwillingness and
incapacity of Turks to integrate in Europe (Turkish organizations
declared during the Å`Islam conference of former interior minister
Schäuble that they did not adhere to German values).

A horrifying demonstration of this religio-nationalistic attitude is
the murder of three fellow employees in a bible print shop in Malatya
in 2007. The perpetrators justified themselves with their battle
against enemies of the faith and of the Turkish nation. SPD EU
representative, Turkish-born Vural ?-ger, poured oil on the fire by
placing the blame on the EU because of its push for reform in Turkish
law.

An accommodation of the Turkish constitution to the EU would mean
relinquishing these two pillars and thus the end of Atatürks Turkey.
On the other hand, it is obvious that a similar process in the
Å`negotiations, would lead the EU to accept a military dictatorship or
a theocracy into its ranks. In either case, it will become a plaything
of Turkish politics. Reconciliation policy, which aims at an
improvement in relations with neighbors, is contained within tight
boundaries. The Armenian-Turkish thaw was followed quickly by a cold
front.

Unperturbed by all these contradictions, Turkey steps forth with
absolutely incomprehensible declarations and demands and talks about
an entry date of 2013-15 in the following ways:

We have fulfilled all entry requirements and have a right to full membership.
The EU has no right to reject Turkey. Turkey reproaches the EU in the
coarsest terms as being a Christian club, but is not above
participating significantly in the OIC, an organization of exclusively
Muslim countries. There is no Christian equivalent of the OIC.
As far as the Turkish president is concerned, the Balkans extends into
Turkey, when it is a question of integrating the Balkans. He
interprets the continuing visa requirement for Bosnia as an example of
the disadvantaging of a Muslim country, compared to Serbia, for which
the requirement was lifted recently.

Even in the European council, The (proposal of a) European flag with
the cross ‘ modeled on the pan-European movement ‘ failed because of
Turkeys resistance.
Turkey accuses the EU of discrimination and complains about
admonitions. In truth, it is getting special treatment like no member
country has gotten until now. Even Croatia was treated more harshly.
Turkey is oblivious and, like an invading army, ignores the
sensitivities of the population of the EU.
Turkey is blazing its trail into the EU. It extorts agreement and
shows no willingness to fulfill the entry requirements. It is
following its usual extortionist negotiating tactics: flatter, be
insulted, threaten. It wants a Turkish Europe, as expressed clearly in
February, 2008 by the Turkish president, when he appeared in Cologne.
Serbia was invited to apply on the basis of a Brussels decision.
Turkey made its application at the time against the recommendation of
the EU.

As a result of this unfair and tenacious negotiating tactic, Turkey is
well represented in the committees and PR apparatus of the EU and is
shaping its Å`own entry requirements. Together with Spain, it is
setting the tone in the UN initiative, Å`Alliance of Civilizations. A
tactically feeble EU confronts this Turkish determination, backed by
the hegemonic interests of the USA. This explains why

All warning voices ‘ no matter how high-ranking or competent ‘ echo unheard.
The organs of the EU do not recognize that a full membership for
Turkey does not bring a single advantage for most of the European
population. Rather, exclusively substantial disadvantages.
The official organs of the EU consider their own population their
greatest enemy and avoid polls and plebiscites.
All Å`pro arguments are distortions of fact as, for example,

Turkey is the realization of the union of Islam and democracy and is a
bridge to the Islamic world.

Based on its constitution, it is not a democracy in the Western sense
of the word. It is a daily showplace of conflict between Islam and
secularity. The Islamic world sees Turkey either as a lever and a part
of its Islamization program or, because of its military pact with
Israel, as an enemy.
The geopolitical position of Turkey and its military power would
enhance the role of the EU in the Western world.

Quite the contrary: since the EU has no intervention policy of its
own, Turkey would use the EU for its own purposes. In any case, the EU
would be drawn into Turkeys conflicts with its neighbors and
destabilized along with it.
With the NABUCO gas pipeline, Turkey has a key role in providing for
Europes energy needs.

Actually, it is not clear what gas will be fed into it.
The EU promised entry and Turkey has been waiting 40 years.

There is no democratically legitimized promise. During this time,
Turkey has developed in a direction away from Europe. Indeed, in the
1970s, it expressly turned its back on the EU and/or Europe.
Without entry, the reforms in Turkey will collapse.

For European council charter member Turkey, the reforms are an
obligation overdue for 10 years and were supposed to demonstrate
Turkish self-interest. The EU has no obligation to grant a reward.
The EU needs Turkeys economic potential for further development.

Entry is not based on economic special interests, especially if market
potential can only be appreciated by means of financing by the
investor and considerable risk and corruption exist. Turkey is one of
the IMFs biggest debtors, a developing country with typical
characteristics, like greater participation in agriculture (about
30%), high unemployment (also among youth) and illegal employment, low
per capita income, child labor, insufficient patent protection and
unreliable law enforcement. On the basis of the existing customs
union, there is already close economic linkage between the EU and
Turkey. A full entry offers no additional economic possibilities.
EU ‘ pardon me? What is that? The EU does not exist! A sacrifice of
the intellect?

Hegemonic Claims Within the Community of Nations

Who determines the direction of things?

With no claim to thoroughness, and conscious of the remarks above, let
the following picture apply: whoever separates from European
navel-gazing and sees the world from outside, recognizes that, besides
several countries active in world politics, Islam and international
capital flow combined with providing energy and raw material are the
hand on the tiller.

The USA as leading world power is presumably at the head. Its foreign
policy is energy. China is noticeable by its securing of raw materials
in Africa and elsewhere. In this race of world powers for oil and raw
materials it is often unnoticed that the Islamic world is pursuing not
only economic, but ideological interests ‘ namely the Islamization of
the world.

How much this Islamization has been strengthened is seen in the
positive signals President Obama is sending the Muslim world. In his
speech at Cairo University, he extended his hand to the Muslim world.
Even the unconditional support of Israel is no longer his policy.

An international net of capital streams beyond the control of national
governments, and also international organizations spans the entire
world and makes its own decisions. Wall Street plays a prominent role.
The motto: the financial position must remain attractive and that
determines all other policies! That also applies to President Obamas
financial package.

The question arises: what the individual must and can do in this
situation, especially those who feel a loyalty to European values.

The burden of our history compels us not only to reflect on what is
past and vow Å`Never again, but also to vigilance about the spirit of
the times, the Å`mainstream. In art, in many media, in the churches, in
scholarship and in many political parties it is in style to turn a
blind eye to the subjects Islam and Turkey. Restricted freedom of
expression and fear of speaking out are dominant.

Making middle class society and Christianity ‘ especially the Catholic
Church ‘ objects of contempt, the attack on the family, the demand for
Å`gender mainstreaming and equal standing for homosexual relationships
are no substitute. Individual boundaries need to be set. Our
civilization must not be the Å`show and tell of a directionless good
time society.

As in the past, so also today, looking at the truth and speaking out
publicly is necessary. Especially because the past burdens our life to
the present day. Whoever wants to learn the truth, will learn it.
Excuses after the fact will mean nothing. Even if many people say; Å`My
mind is made up. Dont confuse me with facts.

Perhaps this time, with sufficient perseverance and courage, it will
be possible to create a counterweight to the spirit of the times and
to explain that 2 plus 2 equals 4 and not something else.

Or mankind may follow the path of greed, betrayal and indifference to
apocalyptic conditions. The worldwide economic difficulties should be
a warning that it is high time for a reversal. The Rhine maidens are
demanding the return of the Rhine gold.

Requests to speak, letters to the editor, commentaries in newspapers,
speeches and the like can, in sufficient number, can cause change.
Perhaps the above comments will be able to help with that. Whoever
fights can win; whoever does not fight has already lost. If future
generations are to have any respect for us, we must intervene for
truth and against looking the other way ‘ to the point of civil
disobedience.

Out future will be decided not only by the achievements of the past,
but by a conscious intervention of European society on behalf of it
own values ‘ especially family values and economic solidarity.

Isolation of the individual and increase of the precarious economic
conditions could give impetus to a slogan like Å`Islam is the answer.
Unalloyed individualism will bring a swift dissolution to any society.

Famous names tell us:

Indifference is the mildest form of intolerance. (Karl Jaspers)
What you inherited from your ancestors ‘ work to earn and possess it. (Goethe)
In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary
act. (Orwell)
When tolerance becomes a one-way street, it leads to cultural suicide.
(Lieutenant Colonel Allen West)
Freedom is never more than one generation from extinction. We didnt
pass it to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for,
protected, and handed on for them to do the same. (Ronald Reagan)
My greatest disappointment is the recognition that humanity does not
learn from experience. (Doris Lessing)
Difficulties are not overcome by not talking about them. (Berthold Brecht)
Reason becomes nonsense, blessing becomes plague. (Goethe)
Truth is the most precious thing we have. Let us deal with it
frugally. (Mark Twain)
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Notes:

* Pascal Bruckner, 2008, Å`The Guilt Complex: Å`All modern thinking can
be reduced to the schematic denunciation of the West, with emphasis on
hypocrisy, violence and heinousness.The European bad conscience, based
on imperialism, fascism and racism has gripped the continent, and is
destroying its creativity, its feeling of self-worth, and is
decimating its optimism.

From: A. Papazian

Orange Armenia Pledges $62-Mil Investment in 2010, Doubles 3G Speeds

World Markets Research Centre
Global Insight
June 25, 2010

Orange Armenia Pledges US$62-Mil. Investment in 2010, Doubles 3G Speeds

BYLINE: Michael Lacquiere

The France Telecom unit has experienced a strong proportion of mobile
internet users within its subscriber base.

France Telecom’s Armenian unit, Orange Armenia, has made a number of
strategic announcements. The operator has indicated that it is
doubling the maximum speed of its mobile internet with the launch of
new 3G modems supporting HSPA technology. The operator is doubling its
mobile internet speed from 7.2 Mbps to 14.4 Mbps.

IHS Global Insight Perspective: Orange Armenia is doubling its top
mobile internet speed from 7.2 Mbps to 14.4 Mbps.

Significance: Orange Armenia has noted that around 40% of its revenues
in the country comes from mobile internet services, a figure much
higher than the broader group average of around 10-15% of revenues.

Implications: With mobile penetration in Armenia at 98% at end-2009,
it is understandable that the operator is investing in mobile internet
and interest in 4G services may yet follow.

Outlook: Orange has also launched High-Definition (HD) voice services
in Armenia, offering improved voice quality on its mobile networks.
HD-compatible handsets have been imported to Armenia and are currently
available in Orange shops. Armenia has become the second country in
which Orange offers HD voice following the launch of similar services
in Moldova. However, Orange has ruled out the possibility of entering
Armenia’s fixed-line voice market. Orange has reiterated that its
investments in Armenia in 2010 will total almost 50 million euro
(US$61.6 million) following investments of 140 million euro in 2009.

Outlook and Implications

Continued Orange Enthusiasm in Armenia: Orange’s enthusiastic foray
into Armenia shows no sign of abating. Having gained its 2G and 3G
licences in October 2008, it launched commercial services in November
2009, even though mobile penetration in the country at end-2009 was
around 98%, leaving very limited scope for it to make an impression on
the country’s subscriber market. Similarly, the operator’s launch of
3G services came over a year after the service was pioneered by the
country’s dominant duopoly. However, its investment in 2009 was
US$61.6 million, compared to capital expenditure (capex) of US$46.7
million from the country’s largest mobile operator by subscriber
numbers, K-Telecom, owned by Russia’s Mobile TeleSystems (MTS), while
the country’s second-largest operator, VimpelCom’s Armentel, reported
capex of only US$9.2 million in 2009. With operations in several dozen
countries, France Telecom’s
Armenian unit helps to expand its footprint and generates
opportunities through roaming and international calls. Orange Armenia
therefore compliments the existing international scale of France
Telecom’soperations, rather than being a standalone unit aimed at
dominating the Armenian market.

Strong Mobile Internet Demand: Orange Armenia has noted that around
40% of its revenues in the country come from mobile internet services,
a figure much higher than the broader group average of around 10-15%
of revenues. The statistic suggests that although a relatively minor
player in terms of subscriber numbers in Armenia, Orange has sought to
target a smaller niche of high-end customers. The provision of HD
voice services also suggests that the provision of high-quality
services is being prioritised over mass-market uptake of lower-end
services. Such a strategy gives grounds to believe that Orange would
also be interested in 4G LTE services when the licences for such
services eventually become available in Armenia. K-Telecom is
currently the only operator to have confirmed that it has plans for
such a service launch, but the popularity of mobile internet in
Armenia, coupled with the high 2G penetration rate, suggests that 4G
will prove popular.

From: A. Papazian

BAKU: Surrendering positions, Armenia resorts to provocation

Trend, Azerbaijan
June 25 2010

Azerbaijani official: Surrendering positions, Armenia resorts to
provocation on front line

Azerbaijan, Baku, June 25 / Trend T.Hajiyev /

Recognizing its weakening positions in the negotiation process over
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution, Armenia resorted to the
provocations on the front line, Ruling New Azerbaijan Party (NAP)
Deputy Chairman, MP Ali Ahmadov said.

“The Armenian side, adequately to weakening of its position in the
negotiation process began to intensively violate the ceasefire. OSCE
Minsk Group Co-chairs submitted to the sides the updated Madrid
principles. In response to the updated Madrid principles, Armenia
holds provocation on the front lines,” Ahmadov said today.

Immediately after the Azerbaijani, Russian and Armenian presidents –
Ilham Aliyev and Dmitry Medvedev and Serzh Sargsyan – met in St.
Petersburg, a series of skirmishes along the contact line led to a
number of casualties in both the Azerbaijani and Armenian military
forces. Azerbaijani soldier Mubariz Ibrahimov was killed as a result.

Ahmadov said the international organizations recognize the
inevitability of the liberation of the Azerbaijani lands, as Armenia
has already exhausted all the arguments in the negotiation process.
“Knowing this, the Armenians have nothing more but to resort to
provocations, “he said.

The conflict between the two South Caucasus countries began in 1988
when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Armenian
armed forces have occupied 20 percent of Azerbaijan since 1992,
including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and 7 surrounding districts.

Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a ceasefire agreement in 1994. The
co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group – Russia, France, and the U.S. – are
currently holding the peace negotiations.

Armenia has not yet implemented the U.N. Security Council’s four
resolutions on the liberation of the Nagorno-Karabakh region and the
occupied territories.

From: A. Papazian