Author: Andres-Papazian

About the ties between the `deep state’ in Turkey and `Ergenekon’

11:28, 3 May, 2011

YEREVAN, MAY 4, ARMENPRESS:

Starting from the 2007 first arrests by “Ergenekon” organization
raised both in the public opinion of the country and in western press
active discussions and speculations over the so-called “deep state”
issue. Part of analysts prefers to see the structure called “deep
state” in “Ergnekon”, and the other part was insisting that even if
the “Ergenekon” could not been fully identified to the deep state,
nevertheless with the elimination of the mentioned institution a
serious blow was caused to the latter. Another group of analysts
joining “Ergenekon”, “Murtch”, “Sauna Mafia” and other revealed secret
organizations forwards the viewpoint that the ruling “Justice and
Development” party carried out a consecutive fight to get rid of deep
state structures of “the heritage of the past” and traditions.

Many of Turkish scientists and journalists are of the opinion that the
“deep state” does not exist in reality and it is a very convenient
reason to ascribe all the injustices and still undisclosed happenings
to it. Another group of scientists prefers using expression “deep
ties” instead of deep state.

What does the “deep state” mean and is it a clearly defined
institution with the necessary divisions? Or we are just speaking of
circles of influence and groups who are being united over a joint
idea. Turkey’s political mind’s “deep state” definition and different
speculations connected with it appeared from 1970s. The Turkish prime
minister of 1970s and 1990s Bülent Ecevit was the first to openly
speak about the deep state existing in Turkey. The 8th president of
Turkey Süleyman Demirel specified it more saying that “the deep state
is militarism”.

In 1990s Turkish political analysts and historians started to
scientifically study the phenomena of deep state, its genesis and
possible role in the most noisy and fatal events.

Currently the majority of the scientists are of the opinion that
though still in Byzantine and Ottoman empires the deep groups and
traditions existed, the formation of deep state in Turkey is agreed
with the period of ruling of young Turks (1908-1918). Inside the
“Unity and Progress” party a “fidayi group” was acting which was known
for the organization of murders of political opponents. On the basis
of the group in 1913-1914 “Special organization” (TeÅ?kilat-ı Mahsusa)
was created. It is known that besides the annihilation of caravans of
the forcibly displaced Armenians during the 1915 Armenian Genocide,
the Special organization played a noticeable role in 1919-1922 in
organization of Turkish nationalistic movement.

This historic tradition of the “deep state” (tradition of young Turks)
developed in the republican Turkey transforming in the eastern states
first of all in the USA in the example of partially secret
organizations out of which in case of Turkey the more influential
became the “Special war department” created in 1950s. The latter,
according to some political analysts during the years of the cold war
was one of the important circles of the deep state.

But like during the reign of the young Turks in the example of doctor
Dr. Nazim and Dr. Behaeddin Shakir tandem, today as well while
speaking about the deep state in Turkey they mean not clearly formed
institution which has its divisions and oversight mechanisms, but
groups of impact, which being concerned with the integrity of the
state and development way unite in the same young Turks’s idea “how to
save this state”. This impact groups consist of big manufacturers,
high staff of the army, masson structures, middle and high circle of
bureaucracy. During the crisis moments the interests of the
influential groups and bands coincide and working out a joint program
of further development or for getting out of the crisis, they carry it
out.

So in 1980 September 12 the military revolution was preceded by the
secret meeting in 1979 in Konia with the participation of the generals
and authoritative businessmen. This gathering approved the idea of
implementing military overturn for taking the state out of the crisis.
By the way this was the demand of the business elite of the state.

In this context, in the case of “Ergenekon” one can note about the
deep state and its forces, which are a mechanism for the
implementation of the adopted decision.

In various periods the forces, used by the deep state, changed and
were noted for their wide spectrum ` from ultra-nationalists to
Islamic religious orders (tarikats).

In the 1960-70s mainly the nationalist forces, in particular the
National Movement Party and the Grey Wolves organization, which is
considered the party’s youth wing, yet is a separate establishment,
played such a role. In the 1980s the right-oriented organized crime
godfathers were used for settling a number of political issues,
especially in the fight against ASALA. A “social demand atmosphere”,
where the associations, following Ataturk’s ideas, played a major
role, was created before the February 28, 1997 coup d’état. General
Veli Kucuk and other leaders or members of “Ergenekon” were used in
the fight against “The Workers’ Party of Kurdistan (PKK)” in the
1990s.

There are taboos in Turkey’s political and social life: the majority
is aware of those taboos, yet prefers not to discuss them. The issue
of the forces and persons, used by the deep state, is one of such
taboos.

In the modern Turkish history and literature the symbol of that
situation became Yakub Cemil, activist of the Committee of Union and
Progress. During the 1913 Young Turk Revolution he killed Minister of
War Nazim Pasha and remained unpunished. When underestimating his
power he started 1916 preparation work for a coup, he was detained
immediately and, despite Enver’s order, was shot. Colonel Talat
Aydemir, activist of the May 27, 1960 coup d’état, made 2 unsuccessful
attempts of new coup d’états. After the first attempt he was granted a
pardon, but in the result of a quick trial after the second attempt he
was executed.

Such examples serve as a base for the reality that important and
dangerous for the state trials in Turkey do not last long for not
revealing the connection with the deep state. In Ergenekon’s case that
connection was eliminated with a murder of one person.

In the Republican Turkey history there were cases, when the
organizations and forces, used by the deep state, became strong and
tended to follow their own line of action, as Yakub Cemil and Talat
Aydemir did. In the case of Ergenekon this was done by General Veli
Kucuk. The time of refusing its governance is neither Hrant Dink’s
assassination nor the preparation of anti-governmental actions, but
Kucuk’s statement that he did not recognize the National Oath by
Ataturk and that Azerbaijan, for example, was a Turkish territory for
him.

It is necessary to touch upon the person, who is or considered to be a
link between the deep state and the forces it used, whose name is
mentioned during the trials of the Ergenekon, organizers of Hrant
Dink’s assassination and Major Muzzafer Tekin, who stood behind the
May 17, 2006 Council of State attack. This person was Muhsin
YazıcıoÄ?l, chairman of the Great Union Party (Buyuk Birlik Partisi `
BBP). The party was created on the basis of the Turkey-Islam unity
ultra-ideology. Yasin Hayal, organizer of Hrant Dink’s assassination,
Muzzafer Tekin, and a number of persons, engaged in various trials,
were members of the party and all the threads were connected with one
person ` Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l. After the September 12, 1980 coup d’état
without a court judgment Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l spent 7.5 years in prison
and since then YazıcıoÄ?l was rumored to be used by prominent secret
forces. His name first appeared in the press during the 1979 organized
massacres by nationalists in Istanbul’s Bahchelievler district and
Kahramanmarash city.

During the trials of “Ergenekon”, Hrant Dink’s assassination and the
above-mentioned cases, Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l’s name became widely used and
the links leading to him were revealed. Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l unexpectedly
died in a helicopter accident on March 25, 2009. His death caused many
questions, as an investigation revealed that YazıcıoÄ?l was still alive
after the helicopter collapse, just his leg was broken: the local
authorities, in particular the Governor of Kahramanmarash, had certain
information about it and the approximate site of the accident. However
the remainder of the helicopter, the corpses of YazıcıoÄ?l and his 6
friends, who died of the frost, were found by villagers only 48 hours
later, 115 km far from the site of the search and rescue activities.
The Grand National Assembly of Turkey ad-hoc committee on YazıcıoÄ?l’s
questionable death has not reached any result yet. According to some
Turkish analysts, with YazıcıoÄ?l’s death the link to the Ergenekon was
eliminated.

From: A. Papazian

news.az, Azerbaijan
May 4 2011

Armenian occupation inflicts $45m damage to Azerbaijan’s railway system
Wed 04 May 2011 12:05 GMT | 15:05 Local Time

Azerbaijani Transport Ministry estimates the damage caused to the
country’s railway system by the Armenian occupation to be at $45.06m.

‘About 240.4 km of railway has been left under occupation as a result
of Armenian aggression against Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan has suffered a
damage worth $45.06m,’ Transport Minister Ziya Mammadov said in an
interview with Yeni Azerbaijan, newspaper owned by the ruling New
Azerbaijan Party.

Total investments in road sector of the country amounted to $7bn in
2006-2010, $5bn accounting for budget funds and $2b for the loans
attracted, the minister added.

Interfax-Azerbaijan

From: A. Papazian

« Un jardin pour Ilan » par Meïr Waintrater
Publié le : 06-05-2011

Info Collectif VAN – – « Le lundi 2 mai, nous
étions réunis dans un petit jardin public situé rue de Fécamp, dans le
XIIe arrondissement de Paris. Il y avait là le maire de Paris,
l’ambassadeur d’Israël, et diverses personnalités – certaines juives,
d’autres pas. Et il y avait Ruth Halimi, puisque l’occasion de ce
rassemblement était l’inauguration de la plaque indiquant que le
jardin s’appelle désormais «Jardin Ilan Halimi». (…) Pourquoi ne
veut-on pas comprendre que l’antisémitisme est un crime contre
l’humanité, et que dénoncer l’antisémitisme c’est défendre l’humanité?
La plaque qui porte le nom d’Ilan Halimi protège désormais tous les
enfants qui jouent dans le jardin de la rue de Fécamp. Tous les
enfants, sans exception. » Le Collectif VAN reproduit ici le billet
diffusé par Meïr Waintrater sur RCJ le 4 mai 2011. Avec l’aimable
autorisation de l’auteur.

Billet diffusé sur RCJ le 4 mai 2011

Le lundi 2 mai, nous étions réunis dans un petit jardin public situé
rue de Fécamp, dans le XIIe arrondissement de Paris. Il y avait là le
maire de Paris, l’ambassadeur d’Israël, et diverses personnalités –
certaines juives, d’autres pas. Et il y avait Ruth Halimi, puisque
l’occasion de ce rassemblement était l’inauguration de la plaque
indiquant que le jardin s’appelle désormais «Jardin Ilan Halimi».

Le lien avec Yom Hashoah était évident. Il fut souligné par Bertrand
Delanoë dans son discours, et d’ailleurs la plaque disait clairement
les choses: «Jardin Ilan Halimi. Jeune Parisien du XIIe
arrondissement. Victime de l’antisémitisme».

Oui, victime de l’antisémitisme.

Les circonstances, les acteurs et les discours étaient certes
différents. Mais la folie meurtrière qui a causé la mort de six
millions de Juifs au cours de la seconde guerre mondiale est la même
qui armait jadis les bras des pogromistes, et qui anima, il a cinq
ans, les assassins d’Ilan Halimi.

Nous avons encore en mémoire les propos, certains maladroits et
d’autres indécents, qui furent tenus après l’assassinat, puis autour
du procès de Fofana et de ses complices, pour minimiser la nature
antisémite du crime. Pourtant, il n’y a aucun doute: Ilan Halimi
n’aurait pas été enlevé s’il n’avait pas été juif, il n’aurait pas été
torturé s’il n’avait pas été juif, il n’aurait pas été assassiné s’il
n’avait pas été juif. La reconnaissance publique de cette vérité,
telle qu’on l’a entendue encore une fois de la bouche du maire de
Paris, est nécessaire non pas pour oublier – on n’oublie jamais – mais
pour donner une chance à l’avenir.

Dans ce jardin, au c`ur du quartier où Ilan a grandi, des enfants
jouent aujourd’hui. Des enfants de toutes origines, de toutes les
couleurs, de toutes les religions. Des enfants qui apprennent au
quotidien le sens de la fraternité. Et afin que cet apprentissage soit
effectif, qu’il soit chargé de sens, il faut dire et faire savoir que
le racisme est un crime, que le racisme tue, qu’il a tué Ilan Halimi
et qu’il peut tuer encore.

Nous a-t-on assez accusés, nous les Juifs, de parler de nos malheurs:
les pogromes, la Shoah, l’assassinat d’Ilan Halimi ont été autant
d’occasions où entonner cette vieille rengaine. Mais pourquoi ne
veut-on pas comprendre que l’antisémitisme est un crime contre
l’humanité, et que dénoncer l’antisémitisme c’est défendre l’humanité?
La plaque qui porte le nom d’Ilan Halimi protège désormais tous les
enfants qui jouent dans le jardin de la rue de Fécamp. Tous les
enfants, sans exception.

Retour à la rubrique

From: A. Papazian

La Turquie rénove les églises arméniennes d’Ani

Publié le : 06-05-2011

Info Collectif VAN – – Le gouvernement turc
souffle le chaud et le froid. Après l’ordre de destruction du monument
de Kars dédié à la « réconciliation » arméno-turque, voici qu’il
annonce la rénovation de l’une des églises de l’ancienne capitale
arménienne d’Ani, située à la frontière avec l’Arménie. La Turquie a
déjà restauré l’église d’Aghtamar située sur une île rocheuse du lac
de Van, une église du Xe siècle qu’elle a transformée arbitrairement
en musée. Plus récemment, la restauration de l’église de Tigran
Honents et celle de la mosquée de Manucehr, une église convertie en
mosquée lors de l’invasion des Turcs Seldjoukides à Ani, ont été
achevées. Le nouveau projet est lancé en partenariat avec le Fonds
Mondial des Monuments afin de conserver les ruines de la cathédrale et
église du Saint Sauveur à Ani, situé à 40 kilomètres de la ville
turque orientale de Kars. Ankara a compris que la restauration du
fabuleux patrimoine architectural de l’Arménie occidentale pouvait lui
être profitable à bien des égards : redorer l’image de la Turquie
auprès de l’Union européenne, améliorer les relations avec l’Arménie
voisine, amadouer la diaspora arménienne, et surtout attirer des
touristes [très souvent issus de cette même diaspora] et en tirer des
bénéfices économiques conséquents. Mais n’oublions pas que des
centaines de nationalistes du MHP avaient été autorisés par le même
gouvernement AKP à faire leurs prières islamiques (Namaz) du vendredi
1er octobre 2010 en la Cathédrale arménienne de la Sainte Vierge à
Ani. Cette profanation ?légale` avait été organisée en signe de
protestation contre la première et unique liturgie annuelle qui
s’était tenue peu auparavant en l’église arménienne d’Aghtamar… Oui,
décidément, le gouvernement turc souffle le chaud et le froid. Le
Collectif VAN vous propose la traduction d’un article en anglais du
journal turc Hurriyet Daily News publié le 5 mai 2011.

Photo : L’église du Saint Sauveur à Ani, à la frontière entre la
Turquie et l’Arménie dans la province de Kars.

Pour faire un geste, la Turquie rénove un monument arménien

Jeudi 5 mai 2011
ANKARA, Turquie – The Associated Press

La Turquie et l’Arménie sont enferrées dans un pre conflit depuis des
décennies concernant les massacres d’Arméniens qui ont eu lieu dans
les dernières années de l’Empire ottoman [Nota CVAN : le journaliste
ne connaît pas l’usage du mot génocide…]. Les efforts de normalisation
des relations ont subi un revers en raison du conflit entre l’Arménie
et l’Azerbaïdjan sur la question du Haut-Karabagh. L’Azerbaïdjan est
un allié proche de la Turquie.

La Turquie, cependant, dit qu’elle s’est engagée à améliorer les liens
avec l’Arménie et elle a déjà restauré l’église d’Aghtamar [Nota CVAN
: en fait, le journaliste utilise l’orthographe turque « Akdamar » qui
change le sens du nom et efface son origine arménienne], qui date du
10ème siècle, située sur une île rocheuse du lac de Van, en Turquie
orientale. Elle a aussi permis qu’une fois par an une messe y soit
célébrée, un geste envers l’Arménie et sa propre minorité ethnique
arménienne.

Le ministre de la Culture, Ertugrul Günay, a dit mardi que le nouveau
projet était lancé en partenariat avec le Fonds Mondial des Monuments
afin de conserver les ruines de la cathédrale et église du Saint
Sauveur à Ani, situé à 40 kilomètres de la ville turque orientale de
Kars.

Selon le Fonds Mondial des Monuments basé à New York, Ani, “L’une des
grandes villes du monde au 10ème siècle” – fut un jour un site
abritant des centaines de btiments religieux, des palais, des
fortifications et autres structures. Aujourd’hui, c’est une ville
abandonnée et les ruines de ses btiments sont dans un état précaire.
Le site, situé dans une zone de tremblement de terre, est inscrit au
World Monuments Watch depuis 1996.

“Ani, qui a une importance mondiale, présente des défis
particulièrement compliqués,” a dit Günay. “Nous espérons que le fait
de donner une nouvelle vie aux ruines de ce qui furent des btiments
splendides, comme la cathédrale d’Ani et l’église, apportera de
nouvelles opportunités économiques à la région.”

Le gouvernement turc a récemment achevé la restauration de l’église de
Tigran Honents et de la mosquée de Manucehr, une église convertie en
mosquée lors de l’invasion des Turcs Seldjoukides à Ani, située
directement à la frontière turco-arménienne.

Le secteur a été longtemps interdit car situé dans une zone
militarisée, qui a progressivement été démilitarisée, depuis la chute
de l’Union soviétique. Aujourd’hui, il attire des touristes du monde
entier. “Le nouveau travail de conservation a comme objectif principal
de renforcer la cathédrale d’Ani et l’église du Saint Sauveur contre
les tremblements de terre”, a dit Bonnie Burnham, président du WMF.

Le ministre de la Culture n’a pas dit si la Turquie permettrait aussi
la célébration d’une messe à Ani une fois la restauration achevée.

Osman Kavala, le responsable de l’Anadolu Kültür, une organisation
culturelle non gouvernementale qui aide à coordonner le partenariat
avec le WMF, a dit que les préparatifs pour la restauration
s’élèveraient à un million de dollars. Il a déclaré que la
restauration commencerait probablement dès 2012 et devrait durer
quatre ans.

©Traduction de l’anglais C.Gardon pour le Collectif VAN – 6 mai 2011 –
07:15 –

Lire aussi :
Turquie : profanation d’une église arménienne
Turquie : une messe comme instrument de séduction
Turquie: Sous le nom `Akdamar’ rendez ce qui appartient à Aghtamar

Retour à la rubrique
Source/Lien : Hurriyet Daily News

From: A. Papazian

Prices of purchased products should be determined when contracts
concluded: President

YEREVAN, May 5. / ARKA /. Prices of products purchased from the
farmers should be determined when contracts with processing companies
are concluded, President Serzh Sargsyan said Thursday during a meeting
with top managers of processing companies, Sargsyan’s press office
reported.

“It is unacceptable when processing companies sign contracts with
farmers, and then, depending on the situation, the amount of harvest
and so on, they start negotiating prices,” said the president.

According to the president, another strange picture is observed when
prices of agricultural goods in two adjacent areas are different.

“I think it’s wrong. In my opinion, the best approach is one when
signing contracts, it is clear to people what price they will get for
their products, “said Sargsyan.

According to him, if not this, then next year, it is necessary that
all economic entities are able to give their preliminary estimates
about how much of crops they could buy and conclude contracts with
that in mind.

He noted also that the number of processing companies is gradually
increasing along with rising demand.

“Your mission is to stimulate increased production of agricultural
products not only for processing at canneries and making profits, but
also because increased agricultural output will have a significant
impact on inflation,”- said Sargsyan. -0-

From: A. Papazian

Revue de presse N°1 – 06/05/11 – Collectif VAN
Publié le : 06-05-2011

Info Collectif VAN – – Le Collectif VAN
[Vigilance Arménienne contre le Négationnisme] vous propose une revue
de presse des informations parues dans la presse francophone, sur les
thèmes concernant la Turquie, le génocide arménien, la Shoah, le
génocide des Tutsi, le Darfour, le négationnisme, l’Union européenne,
Chypre, etc… Nous vous suggérons également de prendre le temps de
lire ou de relire les informations et traductions mises en ligne dans
notre rubrique
Par ailleurs, certains articles en anglais, allemand, turc, etc, ne
sont disponibles que dans la newsletter Word que nous générons chaque
jour. Pour la recevoir, abonnez-vous à la Veille-Média : c’est gratuit
! Vous recevrez le document du lundi au vendredi dans votre boîte
email. Bonne lecture.

La Turquie rénove les églises arméniennes d’Ani
Info Collectif VAN – – Le gouvernement turc
souffle le chaud et le froid. Après l’ordre de destruction du monument
de Kars dédié à la « réconciliation » arméno-turque, voici qu’il
annonce la rénovation de l’une des églises de l’ancienne capitale
arménienne d’Ani, située à la frontière avec l’Arménie. La Turquie a
déjà restauré l’église d’Aghtamar située sur une île rocheuse du lac
de Van, une église du Xe siècle qu’elle a transformée arbitrairement
en musée. Plus récemment, la restauration de l’église de Tigran
Honents et celle de la mosquée de Manucehr, une église convertie en
mosquée lors de l’invasion des Turcs Seldjoukides à Ani, ont été
achevées. Le nouveau projet est lancé en partenariat avec le Fonds
Mondial des Monuments afin de conserver les ruines de la cathédrale et
église du Saint Sauveur à Ani, situé à 40 kilomètres de la ville
turque orientale de Kars. Ankara a compris que la restauration du
fabuleux patrimoine architectural de l’Arménie occidentale pouvait lui
être profitable à bien des égards : redorer l’image de la Turquie
auprès de l’Union européenne, améliorer les relations avec l’Arménie
voisine, amadouer la diaspora arménienne, et surtout attirer des
touristes [très souvent issus de cette même diaspora] et en tirer des
bénéfices économiques conséquents. Mais n’oublions pas que des
centaines de nationalistes du MHP avaient été autorisés par le même
gouvernement AKP à faire leurs prières islamiques (Namaz) du vendredi
1er octobre 2010 en la Cathédrale arménienne de la Sainte Vierge à
Ani. Cette profanation ?légale` avait été organisée en signe de
protestation contre la première et unique liturgie annuelle qui
s’était tenue peu auparavant en l’église arménienne d’Aghtamar… Oui,
décidément, le gouvernement turc souffle le chaud et le froid. Le
Collectif VAN vous propose la traduction d’un article en anglais du
journal turc Hurriyet Daily News publié le 5 mai 2011.

Arménie – Hayastan au Salon du livre de Genève
Info Collectif VAN – – « L’Arménie était l’hôte
d’honneur du 25ème Salon International du Livre et de la Presse qui
s’est déroulé à Genève du 29 avril au 3 mai 2011. Selon Meda
Khachatourian, coordinatrice du pavillon arménien “Tout se déroule
bien, mis à part le premier jour où des représentants azéris sont
venus voir les stands et prendre des photos. Ils ont demandé aux
organisateurs du Salon et à l’Ambassade arménienne de retirer certains
livres et des cartes géographiques, mais bien entendu, cela a été
refusé.” Organisé en collaboration entre le Ministère de la culture
arménien et la Fondation Hagop D. Topalian, le pavillon arménien a
permis de lancer les festivités du 500ème anniversaire de l’imprimerie
arménienne qui verront leur apogée en 2012 avec la désignation par
l’UNESCO de Erevan comme capitale mondiale du livre en 2012. » Le
Collectif VAN remercie Malik Berkati pour son reportage papier et ses
photos que nous diffusons ici.

« Un jardin pour Ilan » par Meïr Waintrater
Info Collectif VAN – – « Le lundi 2 mai, nous
étions réunis dans un petit jardin public situé rue de Fécamp, dans le
XIIe arrondissement de Paris. Il y avait là le maire de Paris,
l’ambassadeur d’Israël, et diverses personnalités – certaines juives,
d’autres pas. Et il y avait Ruth Halimi, puisque l’occasion de ce
rassemblement était l’inauguration de la plaque indiquant que le
jardin s’appelle désormais «Jardin Ilan Halimi». (…) Pourquoi ne
veut-on pas comprendre que l’antisémitisme est un crime contre
l’humanité, et que dénoncer l’antisémitisme c’est défendre l’humanité?
La plaque qui porte le nom d’Ilan Halimi protège désormais tous les
enfants qui jouent dans le jardin de la rue de Fécamp. Tous les
enfants, sans exception. » Le Collectif VAN reproduit ici le billet
diffusé par Meïr Waintrater sur RCJ le 4 mai 2011. Avec l’aimable
autorisation de l’auteur.

Serge Sarkissian appelle une reconnaissance internationale plus large
du génocide arménien
Le président Serge Sarkissian a recommandé mardi vivement à tous les
pays de reconnaître les massacres des Arméniens pendant le Première
guerre mondiale comme un génocide, disant que cela n’endommagera pas
leurs relations avec la Turquie.

Le procès de Sandor Kepiro est “un moment historique pour la Hongrie”
Acteur-clé du procès de l’ancien nazi hongrois présumé Sandor Kepiro
(photo) qui débute ce jeudi, Efraim Zuroff, directeur du Centre
Simon-Wiesenthal de Jérusalem, explique à FRANCE 24 l’importance de
cet épisode judiciaire.

Article du journal franco-turc Zaman – 05/05/2011 – 1
Le Collectif VAN relaye ici les articles du journal franco-turc Zaman
(équivalent du Today’s Zaman en langue anglaise, diffusé en Turquie).
Attention : ces articles ne sont pas commentés de notre part. Il
s’agit pour l’essentiel de traductions des versions turque et anglaise
du Zaman, journal proche du parti au pouvoir (AKP). “L’ICFJ, à
Washington, dirige le programme de rapprochement des journalistes
turcs et arméniens. Des journalistes turcs et arméniens ont participé
ensemble aux Etats-Unis à un programme visant à renforcer les liens
entre les deux communautés. Une première qui pourrait changer le
regard de deux peuples aussi proches culturellement que
géographiquement.”

Triste printemps rwandais
Le voici enfin terminé, ce terrible, cet horrible mois d’avril qui, au
Rwanda, marque le temps du génocide de 1994 et, désormais, celui de sa
commémoration. Entamée il y a dix-sept ans, un 7 avril, la tentative
d’élimination totale des Tutsi et de ceux qui, parmi les Hutu,
s’opposaient à ce projet a duré cent jours, s’interrompant en juillet,
alors qu’environ 800 000 personnes étaient tuées.

Pascal Chamassian/ Arménie : `C’est un affront de la part des
sénateurs de la république’
Hier devant le Sénat, se sont rassemblés un demi-millier de
manifestants environ, pour soutenir une proposition de loi, visant à
pénaliser la négation du génocide Arménien. Une loi votée en première
instance par l’Assemblée Nationale, il y a déjà 5 ans. Le vote des
sénateurs, a abouti à un rejet de la loi, 194 ayant voté contre, 74
pour.

La Turquie et l’Iran travaillent sur une nouvelle feuille de route énergétique
Le ministre turc de l’Energie, Taner Yildiz, a déclaré mardi que la
Turquie et l’Iran travaillent sur une nouvelle feuille de route pour
les investissements énergétiques.

Article du journal franco-turc Zaman – 05/05/2011 – 1
Le Collectif VAN relaye ici les articles du journal franco-turc Zaman
(équivalent du Today’s Zaman en langue anglaise, diffusé en Turquie).
Attention : ces articles ne sont pas commentés de notre part. Il
s’agit pour l’essentiel de traductions des versions turque et anglaise
du Zaman, journal proche du parti au pouvoir (AKP). “Alors que le
président Gül était en visite à Vienne cette semaine, le président
autrichien, Heinz Fischer, a déclaré dans un entretien à Zaman que son
pays était favorable à la poursuite des négociations pour l’adhésion
de la Turquie à l’UE. ”

Retour à la rubrique

From: A. Papazian

Sarkisian Tours Karabakh Airport

asbarez
Friday, May 6th, 2011

The president during his tour of the Karabakh Airport Friday

STEPANAKERT – President Serzh Sarkisian arrived in Stepanakert Friday to
take part in Victory Day celebrations. He toured the newly-constructed
Stepanakert Airport complex and received a detailed briefing on plans,
reported Central Information Department of the Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic President’s Office.

Sarkisian is scheduled to mark celebrations related to the anniversary
of the liberation of Shoushi and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic Armed
Forces Day.

Sarkisian was greeted by Karabakh President Bako Sahakian and other officials.

More on the celebration in upcoming editions of Asbarez.

From: A. Papazian

Saturday, 07 May 2011, 09:29 GMT
The Kurdish question and the Soviet Union (1917-1991)
The Kurdish Globe
By Salah Bayaziddi

With the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I in
1918, it was inevitable that the map of the Middle East would be
redrawn.

The Anglo-French planners immediately filled the vacuum created by
Russia’s withdrawal from the colonial schemes and divided up the
Kurdish territories among themselves. It is crucial to mention that
the Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916) had recognized the predominance of
Russia in Armenia and a portion of Kurdistan (including the vilayets
of Erzurum, Trebizond, Van and Bitlis). The revolutionary upheaval in
Russia during 1917 and that state’s withdrawal from the Entente
rendered many of the provisions of these early agreements inoperative.
In the eyes of the victorious Western allies, Russia, to which the
Sykes-Picot Agreement had allocated most of Kurdistan, had fallen to
the Soviets and no longer had territorial designs upon neighboring
countries (Chaliand, p. 30). The official policy of the Soviet regime
between 1917 and 1921 is often obscure. Until the end of this period,
the Soviet regime did not assume control of Russia because of the
civil war. So, the Bolshevik leaders had to keep a policy of
stabilization of the situation and friendly attitude along the
southern frontiers of the Soviet state in the Transcaucasia region.
Meanwhile, in its search for potential allies in the Middle East, the
Soviet government had become aware of the nationalist movement in Iran
and Turkey shortly after its inception in 1919 and had followed its
development with great interest. The official conclusion that the
Kurds were not only tribal society but conscious instruments of
British policy in the region made such a cooperation unthinkable.
After the conclusion in that year of treaties of friendship with Iran
and Turkey, however, official sympathy for Kurdish aspirations became
impolitic as well (Howell, p. 7).

The idea of the independence of Kurdistan came very close to
realization following the fall and dismemberment of the Ottoman
Empire. This period presented the Kurdish people with their best ever
opportunity to set up their own nation state. The Fourteen points
Declaration by Woodrow Wilson, the president of the United States who
suggested the right of self-determination for the minorities of the
Ottoman Empire, was a form of international recognition of the idea of
an independent Kurdish state. Hopes of an independent Kurdistan were
boosted in the aftermath of World War I, with the Treaty of Sevres of
August 1920, when the victorious Western allies and a defeated Turkey,
as part of a drastic scheme for rearrangement of territory, promised
the Kurds their own national state (Hyman, p. 2). The Soviet
government which was skeptical about the Anglo-French schemes in the
Middle East prejudged the outcome of the Treaty of Sevres as well. The
Bolshevik leaders viewed an independent Kurdish state as an
imperialist buffer zone against spreading the Soviet experiment to the
south of Transcaucasia. So, the Soviet regime ignored its own
professed plan of self-determination right of minorities when it
established full economic and political relations with ultra
nationalist states of Iran and Turkey. “In any case, the new Turkish
regime, like its Iranian counterpart, rejected Kurdish separatism and
the Bolsheviks, by signing the treaty of 1921, precluded official
support for the Kurdish national movement for the moment” (Howell, p.
311). However, the Soviet government always had dismissed this kind of
criticism by arguing it was a matter of political necessity for its
regional policies as the sole communist state in a hostile capitalist
world.

The Treaty of Sevres, which had been imposed on the defeated Ottoman
Empire was never ratified. Indeed two new developments towards the end
of 1920, destroyed Kurdish hopes of achieving independence in Ottoman
Kurdistan. The rise of Mustafa Kemal, the Turkish nationalist leader
in Anatolia, and factional division among the Kurds themselves
shattered the independence of Kurdistan. In the beginning, Kemal was
careful not to mention the Turkish state. Instead, he stressed either
the fraternity between Kurds and Turks, or the Ottoman nation in
conflict with foreign occupation forces. “The Turkish nationalists
established a national assembly at Ankara which, shortly before the
Sevres Treaty was signed, announced that it would not recognize any
agreement signed by the Ottoman government in occupied Constantinople”
(Bulloch, P. 91). While many Kurdish nationalists sought support of
the Allies for Kurdish national aims, a considerable number also
supported the Turkish Sultan in the name of loyalty to the head of
Islam. In fact, Kemal became able to form a Turkish nation-state when
the Kurds turned in favor of his pan-Islamic propaganda and stood
against their national interests. The Soviet government was also
against the Allied powers’ plan for Kurdistan (the idea of Kurdish
state as British buffer zone) and supported the Turkish nationalists
who were refusing to accept the Treaty of Sevres. Reflecting on these
developments with obvious bitterness, Sureya Badir-Khan, a Kurdish
journalist in Ottoman Kurdistan, subsequently wrote: “It should here
be noted that the Kemalists and the Bolsheviks, who were without the
pale of international law, might perhaps justify themselves in
resorting to common actions against those whom they recognized as
their enemies” (Howell, p. 314). In 1921, the Soviet government
concluded with the new Turkish regime a Treaty of Friendship which set
the limits of official Soviet policy toward the Kurds for most of the
interwar period.

The Treaty of Sevres was replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.
With the entry into force of this treaty on Aug. 6, 1924, the
international consideration of the Kurdish question, growing out of
World War I, was terminated. Already, it was painfully obvious not
only that the aspirations of the Kurdish nationalists were to be
unfulfilled in the final peace settlement but that the nationalists
themselves were not accepted in international circles. There was no
Kurdish representation at the Lausanne Conference and the Kurds played
no significant role in the decisions reached there (Kutschera, pp.
51-52). Kemal, who by this time had established the Turkish
nation-state, immediately broke his promise of the Kurdish autonomy
and dissolved the Kurdish National Assembly. He abolished Kurdish
schools, and outlawed the use of the Kurdish language. Kurds were
officially labeled “mountain Turks” and the land called “Eastern
Anatolia.” The Kurdish response was a series of uprisings throughout
the 1920s and 1930s, led by a combination of tribal and feudal
leaders, some of whom had religious backgrounds, and urban
intellectuals. All of these revolts were completely crushed by the
vastly superior Turkish military force. Howell, once again, emphasized
the importance of the cooperation of the Soviet authorities with Kemal
in this crucial period when he said, “By this time it became clear
that Kurdish confidence in the implementation of the Treaty of Sevres
was unfounded, Kemal, in part because of the support and assistance
which he received from the Soviet government, was in a position to
crush the Kurdish resistance” (Howell, p. 314). In short, the failure
of the Treaty of Serves was a tremendous blow to the Kurdish
nationalists but had little effect upon their determination to achieve
their objectives.

The official Soviet policy on the Kurds during the interwar period did
not change and classified them (the Kurds) as the instruments of
“imperialist” plot in the region. The Soviet regime planned to fire
back at the Anglo-French schemes and worked out a series of friendship
treaties that allied that country with Iran and Turkey. These
alliances not only assured the Soviet of peace to the south, but also,
by inducing the two countries to develop mechanisms for settling
quarrels between themselves, ensured that meddling foreign powers
(like Great Britain) could not find pretexts to intervene in the
region. However, there is not enough evidence that the British were
supporting the Kurdish insurgency by the mid-1920s. In fact, during
this period there were several Kurdish revolts against central
government of Iran, but while Britain (which at the time had status in
Iran) permitted local forces to crush the rebellion, the Soviet
government also refused to let them move into north. For a short
period, under the Soviet patronage the Kurds (Ismail Agha Simko in
western Iran), whose Iranian lands fell largely within the Soviet
zone, stepped up their campaign for independence (Kutschera, pp.
90-94). At this point, it seems that the fate of the Kurds became
subordinated to the Anglo-Soviet struggle for power and influence in
the region. At the same time, neither the Soviet government nor the
Western powers were willing to forgo the possibility of friendship and
cooperation with Turkey and Iran for the sake of an independent
Kurdistan. The Kurdish nationalists also professed that the Soviet’s
“good neighbor policy” played a major role in defeating their revolts
by the governments of both Turkey and Iran during the interwar period.

From: A. Papazian

1915 deprived Turkey of its Armenian language publications
by Emine Dolmaci
2011-05-08

It used to be that the colorful and multicultural nature of Anatolian
society was reflected in various press publications. In the wake of
the unfortunate events of April 24, 1915, though, this particular
aspect of Turkish society was damaged.

One writer for the Agos newspaper, Zakarya Mildanoglu, notes that
while there were 251 Armenian periodicals published in 1915, following
the events of 1915 the number of Armenian publications dropped
rapidly. Nowadays, there are just three Armenian newspapers published
in Turkey: Jamanag, Marmara and Agos. Research done by Mildanoglu on
the topic, examining Armenian periodicals published during the period
leading up to the republican period and then after the republic was
founded, will be available in a book called `The History of Armenian
Periodical Publications’ later this year.

Mildanoglu’s research addresses a topic not much scrutinized until
today. The Agos newspaper writer notes that the start of Armenian
publication history dovetailed neatly with the creation of the
printing press.

There were 613 Armenian publications during Ottoman times

Mildanoglu talks about the first Armenian language books, four
religious books published in Vienna in 1512, just 60 years after the
invention of the printing press. As for the first Armenian periodical,
it was the `Aztarar newspaper’ (The Courier), published in 1794 in the
Indian city of Madras. In fact, between the years of 1794 and 1980,
there were a total of 3,095 Armenian magazines and newspapers
published throughout the world in 42 regions and countries. Of these,
notes Mildanoglu, 613 were published in various places in Anatolia.
Between the years 1832 and 1980 in Turkey, the highest number of
Armenian periodicals could be found in Istanbul, with Izmir in second.
Mildanoglu points to Izmir as being an important center for Armenian
press, art, culture and trade.

>From 251 down to just three

Mildanoglu, who provides detailed information in his book about the
dates and locations of various Armenian publications through Turkish
history, says in the year 1915 there were 251 Armenian press
publications in Turkey. Directly in the wake of the events of April
24, the date marked by Armenians as the beginning of their forced
deportation, however, these numbers declined precipitously, with
various Armenian language magazines and newspapers aimed at specific
groups such as women, lawyers, theater fans, medicine, etc., closing
down swiftly. Says Mildanoglu: `All of the journalists, writers,
caricaturists, everyone involved in publishing these publications, was
arrested and killed in 1915. It took time to train new journalists in
the wake of all this.’ He points to the fact that while 1915 was a
turning point for Armenian society in general, that it was also a
critical time or that society’s media outlets. After 1915, says
Mildanoglu, it was only in three cities that Armenian publications
carried on in: Istanbul, Adana and Izmir. In Mildanoglu’s opinion, the
second blow Armenians received was during the 1950s, with the
censorship law, the wealth tax and the events of Sept. 6-7. The wave
of emigration of Armenians that took place after these events dealt
the final blow to Armenian publications.

Armenian official newspaper

The 251 Armenian language magazines and newspaper in Turkey and the
general diversity of publications were reflected during those years in
official publications as well. The Takvim-i Vekayi, which was first
published in 1831 and was known as the first Ottoman newspaper, was
also published in five languages other than Ottoman Turkish. These
five other languages were Arabic, Armenian, Farsi, French and Greek.
This original Ottoman newspaper carried both official as well as other
announcements and continued on in a slightly different capacity later.
Today, this first Ottoman newspaper is known as the Resmi Gazete, or
Official Gazette.

From: A. Papazian

mediamax, Armenia
May 6 2011

Armenia `shares the feelings of the American people in connection with
Bin Ladin’s extremination’

Friday 6 May 2011 14:24

Yerevan/Mediamax/. Armenia `shares the feelings of the American
people and all those, who fight against terror, in connection with
extermination of Bin Laden’.

Mediamax reports that Spokesman of the Armenian Foreign Ministry
Tigran Balayan said this.

`Being involved in the struggle of the international society against
terror, we share the feelings of the American people and all those,
who fight against terror, in connection with extermination of Bin
Laden. These feelings are especially close to us, since people, who
are related to `Al Qaeda’, were involved in the aggression against
Nagorno-Karabakh once upon a time’, the diplomat said.

From: A. Papazian