Head Of Union Of Domestic Commodity Producers Reiterates Support For

HEAD OF UNION OF DOMESTIC COMMODITY PRODUCERS REITERATES SUPPORT FOR ARMENIA’S ACCESSION TO EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION

YEREVAN, December 8. / ARKA /. Vazgen Safaryan, the chairman of the
Union of Domestic Commodity Producers, has reiterated today his support
for Armenia’s accession to the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union
(EEU) saying the membership opens up for Armenia new opportunities
to increase its industrial output given that Armenia uses this new
potential properly.

“The membership will give us nothing, if we do nothing to restore
Armenia’s Soviet-time ties with industrial enterprises in Russia. We
should also encourage Armenian and Russian businessmen to establish
industrial production in Armenia’s border communities,” Safaryan said
at a press conference on Monday.

According to Armenia’s National Statistical Service, the national
industrial output in January-October 2014 increased by 2.2 percent
from the same time span of 2013 to 1.040 trillion drams.

However, according to Safaryan, this growth rate is not satisfactory
to ensure an adequate level of social and economic development of
the country, as well as to reduce out-emigration and unemployment.

He also called on the government to revise the economic policy by
promoting exports of finished products, saying this will help increase
the GDP.

On December 4 by a vote of 103 to 7 and one abstention the National
Assembly of Armenia ratified the agreement that made the country
a member of the Eurasian Economic Union. The other members of the
Russia-led trade bloc are Kazakhstan and Belarus.

The agreement was endorsed by 5 of the six factions in the Armenian
parliament. The only party that voted against was Zharangutyun
(Heritage) of former foreign minister Raffi Hovhanisyan. The agreement
comes into force on January 1, 2015. ($ 1 – 447.86 drams) -0-

From: A. Papazian

http://arka.am/en/news/economy/head_of_union_of_domestic_commodity_producers_reiterates_support_for_armenia_s_accession_to_eurasian/#sthash.w24miez9.dpuf

Being opposition does not mean being against everything – Armen Rust

Being opposition does not mean being against everything – Armen Rustamyan

16:30 / 05.12.2014

No matter who the president of the country was he would have made the
decision on membership to the Eurasian Economic Union.

“Serious political force cannot think that if it is an opposition, it
should not think that let them make mistakes and we will use these
mistakes. We have told from the very beginning that Serzh Sargsyan
made a right step. Being an opposition does not mean that you must be
against everything, you must be able to distinguish between right and
wrong,” he said.

Asked why ARF-D faction MP Aghvan Vardanyan abstained from voting in
case when the faction stated about its positive attitude toward the
membership from the very beginning, Rustamyan said that Vardanyan had
a personal reason and the faction treated his decision with
understanding.

The only person to abstain from voting was Aghvan Vardanyan who told
the reporters that there is an objective reality from which you will
not run away.

Nyut.am

From: A. Papazian

System of a Down à Lyon : c’est déjà complet !

REVUE DE PRESSE
System of a Down à Lyon : c’est déjà complet !

Le groupe de metal alternatif System of a Down a vendu l’intégralité
des billets de son unique date française, à la halle Tony-Garnier, en
l’espace de 48 heures.

C’est trop tard, pour ceux qui hésitaient encore à s’acheter un billet
pour le concert de System of a Down, le 14 avril prochain à la halle
Tony-Garnier (Lyon 7e). Toutes les places se sont vendues en l’espace
de 48 heures. Le groupe a en effet choisi la capitale des Gaules comme
unique étape française de son “Wake Up the Souls Tour 2015”.
Commémoration du génocide arménien

Une année importante pour les quatre musiciens du groupe, qui
partagent tous une origine arménienne. En effet, cette tournée
intervient à l’occasion du centenaire du génocide arménien,
officiellement reconnu par le Parlement français en 2001. Le groupe de
métal alternatif se produira d’ailleurs à Erevan, en Arménie, le 23
avril, cent ans après le début du génocide, le 24 avril 1915.

Le groupe américain s’était fait un nom auprès du grand public avec le
single Lonely Day, au rythme plutôt doux au regard du reste de la
discographie des musiciens.

dimanche 7 décembre 2014,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

https://www.lyoncapitale.fr/Journal/Lyon/Culture/Musique/System-of-a-Down-a-Lyon-c-est-deja-complet

Book Review: ‘There Was and There Was Not,’ hate and possibility, by

Washington Post
Dec 6 2014

Review: `There Was and There Was Not,’ hate and possibility, by Meline Toumani

THERE WAS AND THERE WAS NOT
A Journey Through Hate and Possibility in Turkey, Armenia, and Beyond

By Meline Toumani
Metropolitan. 286 pp. $28

The title of Meline Toumani’s memoir, she tells us, is the traditional
opening for a storyteller in both Turkey and Armenia. Like `once upon
a time,’ it signals to the listener that what follows is not to be
confused with history: It happened, and it did not. But unlike the
Western fairy-tale opening, which places the story outside recorded
time, Toumani’s story is rooted in a specific year: 1915, when ‘
depending on who’s telling the story ‘ there was and there was not the
beginning of a genocide.

This is not a dispute about facts. Toumani dispenses in a paragraph
with those: In 1915, a `history-shifting number of Armenians’ were
killed or driven out of the dying Ottoman Empire, until by the time
the modern Turkish state was founded in 1923, only 200,000 were left,
of 2.5 million who had lived there for millennia. Since then, Turkey
has kept silent about or denied the violence, and ever since the term
`genocide’ was coined after World War II, the global Armenian diaspora
to which Toumani belongs has fought to have the events of 1915
recognized as such. As this bold and nuanced book reveals, recognition
and denial ‘ there was and there was not ‘ are two sides of the same
story, which is far more important than history.

Toumani was born in Iran and raised in New Jersey. Her Armenian
identity was forged and maintained through language, religion and an
all-consuming hatred of Turkey. She describes attending an Armenian
summer camp in Massachusetts as a child, where the joy of spending
time among people who looked and spoke like her came at the price of
nodding along to a blood-curdling celebration of terrorist violence
against the Turkish state. But as she grows up and becomes a
journalist, she begins to question the orthodoxies binding her
community together and to wonder whether the goal of genocide
recognition, from any city or state government worldwide that will
grant it, is `worth its emotional and psychological price.’

On a press trip to an Armenian rest home in Queens, she listens to
elderly residents struggle to articulate their distant memories of the
killings in front of an eager audience of reporters. Over the years,
in countless retellings, the stories have either disintegrated into
fragments or become rote and repetitive, `condensed .?.?. into
plaintive one-liners.’ Toumani soon realizes that no matter how
sympathetic she may be to their experiences, these witnesses ‘ women
now in their 90s and older ‘ cannot persuade her of fundamental
Turkish evil. But without that certainty, that hatred, who is she?

Toumani realizes that if she wants to tell stories without an agenda,
to find her way to `artistic objectivity,’ there’s nowhere else to
turn but in the direction of her enemy. Her first trip to Turkey is a
tour of the remnants of Armenian culture in the rural southeast, which
turns out to be a `giant, open-air museum,’ where Armenian sites and
objects are scattered about `like a thousand elephants in the room.’
It’s during this trip, in 2005, that Toumani meets Hrant Dink, the
editor of a progressive Armenian newspaper in Istanbul. At the time,
Dink was dealing with the fallout from a series of articles he had
written exploring the psychology of the Armenian diaspora, in which he
suggested that Armenian hatred of Turkey had become `like a poison in
their blood.’ His comments had been misunderstood as insulting Turks
by saying their blood was poisonous, and he was under official
investigation. Not quite two years later, in January 2007, Dink was
shot dead in the street outside his newspaper’s offices, by a
17-year-old gunman who had read online that the editor had insulted
his countrymen’s blood.

Dink’s murder was a turning point for Toumani, spurring her to return
to Turkey, to live in Istanbul, study Turkish, and interview as many
Turks and Armenians as possible to try to understand the range of
views on the `Armenian issue.’ What follows is the story of a
two-month stay that stretches into two years, and the author’s gradual
recognition that artistic, or journalistic, objectivity is an
impossible goal.

There’s the moment in her Turkish class, just after Toumani has
reluctantly admitted she’s Armenian, when a glamorous French student
proudly announces that she lives in a mansion that once belonged to
Enver Pasha ‘ one of the chief architects of the genocide and thus a
part of the `triumvirate of evil’ that Toumani has been taught to fear
and hate all her life. Her response is a mixture of uncertainty,
anxiety and latent fury: Is this ignorance? Deliberate provocation? A
power play? Again and again, her interactions in Turkey carry with
them this kind of doubt, pressuring even the most innocent daily
exchanges and making it clear before long that an objective accounting
of the `Armenian issue’ is impossible.

Toumani’s emotional responses to her experience in Turkey, and her
honesty in navigating and describing them, lend her story the
authority that can come only from a storyteller who recognizes that
history is a matter of both fact and feeling. Although this book
offers plenty of insight ‘ funny, affectionate, often frustrated ‘
into a unique diasporic culture, Toumani is ultimately less interested
in what makes a person Armenian, Turkish or anything else than in what
can happen when we start to think beyond those national identities.

Joanna Scutts is a freelance writer and board member of the National
Book Critics Circle.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/review-there-was-and-there-was-not-hate-and-possibility-by-meline-toumani/2014/12/05/5c7587e0-5959-11e4-8264-deed989ae9a2_story.html

Elif Shafak: ‘I don’t have the luxury of being apolitical’

Elif Shafak: ‘I don’t have the luxury of being apolitical’

The Turkish author, now living in London, on life in the west and
facing controversy at home
‘I experienced love and hate as an writer in Turkey – you get used to
that’ … author Elif Shafak. Photograph: Christian Sinibaldi for the
Guardian

Interview by Susanna Rustin
Saturday 6 December 2014 08.00 GMT

It is tempting to read Elif Shafak’s latest novel, The Architect’s
Apprentice, as a love letter to Istanbul and its Ottoman past, or even
a kind of apology to the city she left behind when she moved to London
with her two children four years ago. The book, which Shafak wrote in
English before revising its translation into Turkish, spans the era
from 1546 to 1632 and tells the story of the great imperial architect
Mimar Sinan, through the eyes of an invented apprentice and
elephant-keeper, Jinan, who stows away from Goa as a 12-year-old to
escape an evil stepfather.

The novel evokes the glory and cruelty of the Sultanate at its peak,
under Suleiman the Magnificent and his successors. But to see it as
anything as simple as a celebration of the city in which Shafak has
spent much of her life would be a mistake.

“This book is very critical,” she says. “The main historical narrative
in Turkey does not talk about human beings and the very few
individuals we mention are sultans. How did so-called ordinary men and
women feel through the centuries, when Turkey was going through these
changes? I’m interested in sexual minorities, ethnic minorities, and
I’m interested in silences. Animals of course we never mention, women
we rarely mention. For me there is always a desire to bring back
stories and subjects that have been forgotten or pushed to the sides.”

The novel, Shafak points out, foregrounds many injustices and
illustrates the close connection between architecture and war – with
the most spectacular mosques funded by plunder. Alongside Jinan,
Sinan, the elephant Chota and cross-dressed apprentice Yusuf (a girl
in disguise), it makes a hero of the Gypsy Balaban. And it highlights
the practice of fratricide, whereby sultans on ascending the throne
had their brothers strangled. Warmly welcomed in Britain, where one
reviewer called it her best book yet,The Architect’s Apprentice, has
had a chilly reception in Turkey – though as the country’s most
popular female author, with 1.65 million followers on Twitter, Shafak
says she is used to taking the rough with the smooth.

“I get a lot of criticism from the cultural elite and a lot of love
from readers,” she says. “The more you are read in the western world,
the more you are hated in your motherland. Being a writer in Turkey
has a very humbling and moving side because if readers like a story
then they share it and pass it round.”

Shafak was born in Strasbourg in 1971. Her mother had fallen in love
and dropped out of university to get married; her father was studying
in France for a philosophy PhD. But the relationship fell apart and
Shafak’s mother returned to Ankara with her baby and the prospect of
being remarried, quickly, to a much older man.

“That’s the tradition, it’s a very male-dominated society”, she says,
and when you’ve already been married, “you’re not in a top place in
the marital market any more. You have fallen down and you’re not a
virgin, but you have to be married off so that you’re not a threat.”

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But Shafak’s maternal grandmother decided her daughter should complete
her education before attaching herself to another man. Shafak’s mother
became a diplomat, and Elif spent a lonely childhood, first with her
grandmother and later in embassy postings in Madrid (where Spanish
became her second language), Jordan and Germany.

“Part of me always felt like the other, the outsider, the observer,”
she says. “My father had two sons with his second wife, who I didn’t
meet until my late 20s. I was always on the periphery. In Madrid I was
the only Turk in a very international school, so I had to start
thinking about identity. All these things affected me. I had no centre
in my life, no sense of continuity, and I do sincerely believe books
saved me from insanity.”

At the Middle East Technical University in Istanbul, Shafak – who gave
up her father’s surname when she was 18 and renamed herself Shafak
(which means “dawn”) after her mother – studied international
relations and took Turkey’s first course in women’s studies before
signing up for a PhD on masculinity. But though she cherished her
interdisciplinary training, the priority was always fiction. An
eclectic reader of philosophy, religion and stories of all sorts, who
was “almost addicted” to Russian novels at one point, her first book
told the story of a heterodox hermaphrodite dervish and employed a
deliberately esoteric vocabulary in protest at the Turkification of
her mother tongue from the 1920s onwards.

People were surprised, she says. “They didn’t expect that kind of
language from a 24-year-old feminist, leftist person. We have taken
out hundreds of words because they came from Arabic or Persian and
were not Turkish enough, and I am very much against that kind of
linguistic purification.”

She published more novels and her readership grew, but life as a
public figure in Turkey was suffocating. Having relocated to Boston
with a fellowship at Mount Holyoke women’s college, in 2004 she
published her first novel written in English,The Saint of Incipient
Insanities. From there she moved to Michigan and then Arizona, where
she was a full-time scholar.

But personal and professional life were drawing her back to Turkey,
where she met her future husband Eyup (they married in Berlin, she
wearing black as usual) and was prosecuted, following publication of
her bestselling novel The Bastard of Istanbul, for insulting
Turkishness (it tackled the Armenian genocide of 1915).

“I was surprised,” she says coolly. “When you write about Armenians
you know there will be a reaction, but I didn’t expect this. There was
a huge reaction, and demonstrations at which people were burning my
picture, spitting on my picture.”

The case lasted a year before the charge was dismissed, during which
she was protected by bodyguards. “It was demoralising and upsetting
but I don’t want to paint a very dark picture,” she says, “because I
also had so much support. I have experienced both love and hatred and
as a writer in Turkey you get used to that. We move very easily from
one to the other, we are very emotional people, so you learn not to
take it too seriously. The hullabaloo is temporary.”

The trial ended the day after the birth of her first child, which
precipitated another crisis in the form of postnatal depression. In
her memoir Black Milk, she puts this down to an unresolved conflict
between warring aspects of herself (and barely alludes to the fact
that hanging over her pregnancy was the possibility of three years in
prison).

The book intersperses brief essays on famous women writers including
Zelda Fitzgerald, after whom Shafak named her daughter, with chapters
describing the quarrel that raged between Shafak’s six “finger women”
– each representing an aspect of herself and “no taller than
Thumbelina”, with names such as Mama Rice Pudding and Miss Ambitious
Chekhovian – over what direction the rest of her life should take.

The effect is comic, and she doesn’t say much about the form her
depression took, but Shafak says it “was a very important phase in my
life. I had taken it for granted that all I needed was a pencil and
paper, because I had my imagination, which was so vivid. When I lost
my connection with words I had to rethink many things and remodel
myself. It wasn’t only motherhood that challenged me. I had lived out
of a suitcase all my life and the basic assumption was that I could go
where I liked. I was a free spirit and it terrified me that I had to
settle down.”

Today Shafak and her husband live in different cities – she in London,
he in Istanbul. But they are not separated and the family gets
together around twice a month. “It’s a different marriage,” she says,
“and I find it very difficult to explain particularly to people in
Turkey because it’s not like anything they have seen before.” Their
two children, she believes, manage the arrangement well.

Shafak chose London because she loves the English language, because
it’s nearer than the US and because it is one of the few truly
cosmopolitan cities in the world. “I know it sounds like a cliche but
to me the fact it’s so multicultural is a treasure. It’s not something
you see everywhere, even in major European cities that are supposedly
multicultural there isn’t much interaction and there are more ghettos.
London is unique. It can be challenging as well because it doesn’t
open up very easily so it takes a while to find your feet, but it’s
worth the effort.”

The city’s literary scene, though, she says, is less cosmopolitan than
you might expect and “can be surprisingly insular”. She knows the
proportion of translated books published in the UK by heart: 4%, while
in Turkey it is around 47%. “It’s a one-way street, isn’t it? We read
western literature more than western readers read Turkish literature.
There has to be more balance.”

Shafak doesn’t believe in categories of low- and highbrow. Her
bestselling novel to date, 2010’s The Forty Rules of Love, sets the
contemporary story of a New England housewife embarking on a new
romance against an account of the 13th-century friendship between the
Sufi poet Rumi and wandering mystic Shams. She may have given up
writing novels in Turkish for now, but Shafak has made herself a
literary ambassador for Sufism, which she is not alone in regarding as
a crucial and too-often ignored strand in Islam. “Maybe I am able to
notice things some of my British friends don’t,” she says. “I like to
question cultural biases wherever I go and I question Islamophobia as
much as I question anti-western sentiment because I think all
extremist ideologies are very similar.”

Uninterested in organised religion, she is strongly drawn to Islamic
mysticism and the idea of an “inner-oriented journey. With that inner
space you come across Jewish mystics, Christian mystics, Islamic
mystics, Daoists. And you’re surprised at how similar are the things
they say.” In the Ottoman architect Mimar Sinan in her latest novel,
she believes she has found a hero after her own heart: “he was the
kind of person who saw the dome as an all-embracing concept – not a
symbol of Christianity or Islam but a symbol that united human
beings.”

Shafak has tackled controversial and current topics in her fiction
(the Armenian genocide; “honour killings” in her novel Honour), and
has also written as a journalist and commentator: last month she
declared her opposition to Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s
comments that men and women are not equal.

But she is strongly critical too of a view of Muslim countries that
concentrates on women’s rights at the expense of everything else: “I
don’t think we can talk about women’s rights if there are no human
rights,” she says. “We as women in the Middle East have supported some
very authoritarian rulers who on the surface seem to have introduced
progressive reforms for women, but who are clearly not pro-freedom of
speech, not pro-media diversity. I would love to have a women’s
movement that goes beyond this paradox. I want us to believe in
democracy.”

Her own experience of cooperation, between her old-fashioned
grandmother and highly educated, westernised mother, makes her believe
in the possibility of a greater degree of solidarity between different
kinds of Turkish and Muslim women. She is a champion of gay rights.
“If you are a writer from Turkey, Pakistan, Nigeria, Egypt, you don’t
have the luxury of being apolitical. You can’t say ‘that’s politics,
I’m just doing my work’. For me, coming from the women’s movement,
politics is not just about parties and parliament. There is politics
in our private space and in gender relations as well. Wherever there’s
power, there’s politics.”

* The Architect’s Apprentice is published by Viking.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/dec/06/the-books-interview-elif-shafak-dont-have-luxury-of-being-apolitical

Une Turque s’exprime pour les Arméniens Islamisés

REVUE DE PRESSE
Une Turque s’exprime pour les Arméniens Islamisés

Ayant lu pendant dix ans des articles sur Fethiye Cetin et les livres
dont elle est l’auteur, j’avais d’elle l’image d’une femme amère et
fragile, désabusée peut-être, l’ge aidant, étant données les épreuves
traversées dans sa vie personnelle et professionnelle. J’ai été très
surprise : Cetin est tout à fait à l’opposé. Son sourire est
expressif. Elle évoque les questions les plus sombres d’une voix
plutôt douce, chaleureuse et avec une profonde compassion. L’attitude
affable et calme de Cetin est une rareté sur la scène politique
turque. J’ai appris après l’interview que mes observations étaient
partagées par tous ceux qui l’avaient rencontrée à Los Angeles ou en
Turquie.

Cetin est née à Maden, dans la province de l’est Elazig, en 1950. Sa
grand-mère maternelle, Seher, a choisi Cetin pour lui révéler son
secret longtemps gardé : elle était une Arménienne, rescapée des
marches de la mort de 1915, grce à un soldat qui la fit adopter par
sa famille. Son vrai nom était Héranouch, et en 1915, elle était gée
d’une dizaine d’année. Les Arméniens partis, les noms de leurs
localités furent changés, comme le furent les noms des orphelins.
Seher a été élevée comme une Turque musulmane. Lorsque Seher mourut en
2000, Cetin fit passer un avis de décès dans l’hebdomadaire Agos, la
Voix de la communauté des Arméniens de Turquie. Cetin était une amie
proche de l’éditeur et propriétaire d’Agos, Hrant Dink, assassiné en
2007. Cet avis traversa les océans et fut lu par la soeur cadette de
Seher et par ses cousins, la famille Gadaryan, qui appelèrent Agos.
Cetin put les rencontrer à New York. En 2004, Cetin publia un livre
qui fit du bruit, ” My Grandmother “, l’histoire de sa grand-mère, qui
fut par la suite traduit en 13 langues. Elle publia en 2009 son second
livre ” The Grandchildren “, les Petits-Enfants, traduit en trois
langues, des interviews de petits-enfants des Chrétiens cachés de
Turquie. Dans son livre récent, ” I Feel Shame “, [J’ai Honte] elle
exprime ses doutes et préoccupations dans l’affaire Hrant Dink, dans
laquelle elle est avocate pour la famille de Hrant Dink.

À l’invitation de l’United Armenian Council pour la Commémoration du
Génocide Arménien, Cetin était à Los Angeles du 12 au 24 novembre.

Al Monitor : Il y a dix ans était publié votre livre ” My Grandmother
“. C’était un livre retentissant. Une décennie plus tard, comment
voyez-vous son impact dans la société turque et au-delà, dans les
milieux politiques ?

Cetin : Les événements de 1915 étaient tabou en Turquie ; on n’en
parlait ni en public ni en privé. Il régnait vis-à-vis d’eux un
silence douloureux. On gardait le silence sur le Génocide arménien, et
on gardait le silence sur les Arméniens islamisés. Étudiante, j’ai été
emprisonnée un court moment en 1980 pour avoir manifesté contre le
régime militaire. Nous étions intrépides et affirmions notre
résistance à haute voix. Nous scandions et criions nos slogans. Dans
notre petite cellule, comme femme résistante, nous avons créé des
liens d’amitié, et malgré cela, quand la question des racines
arméniennes était évoquée, nous en parlions du bout des lèvres. C’est
cela qui m’a amenée dans les décennies d’ouverture, plus tard [en
2004], à publier ce livre. J’ai voulu que cela soit entendu haut et
fort. Je pensais avoir cette dette envers ma grand-mère et envers ceux
qui survécurent aux événements, eux dont les vies et les identités ont
complètement changé et à qui on n’a jamais donné la parole. La plupart
de nos grands-parents sont morts à présent. Nous ne savons pas ce
qu’ils ont enduré mais nous savons qu’ils sont restés silencieux. Je
pense qu’un génocide ne se résume pas en un nombre de personnes qui
ont été massacrés, il se mesure aussi à l’étendue, et à la profondeur
du silence dans la société envers ce génocide. Plus le silence est
profond, plus est profonde la tragédie humaine qu’il recouvre.

Pour moi, personnellement, le livre a été reçu positivement. Je n’ai
eu à subir aucune persécution. Auparavant, des auteurs connus, comme
Orhan Pamuk, ont subi des attaques pour avoir abordé une question
similaire, mais mon livre a été reçu positivement. Et nous en avons
ressenti de l’espoir pour rompre le silence. Après mon premier livre,
” My Grandmother “, les gens ont commencé à se poser des questions sur
leur propre ascendance. Bien sûr en Turquie peu de familles
connaissent leur arbre généalogique. Cependant, après la parution du
livre, des jeunes ont commencé à poser des questions. Ils ont réalisé
que quelques-unes des histoires de famille avaient des lacunes et
qu’elles devraient être abordées. Certains disaient, ” Il est curieux
que ma grand-mère n’ait aucun parent vivant ; serait-elle d’origine
grecque ou arménienne ? “. Ils ont commencé à s’informer. Il n’est pas
possible de recenser exactement les petits-enfants d’Arméniens
islamisés aujourd’hui, mais de leur histoire a découlé le second
livre. Après la publication de ” My Grandmother “, ma famille s’est
scindée en deux camps. Un groupe m’en voulait, demandant : ” Pourquoi
ressortir ces histoires à présent ? “. ” Pourquoi révéler notre
identité aux yeux de tout le monde ? “. Ils étaient inquiets de
possibles réactions négatives. Dans l’autre moitié, en particulier
celle de la génération plus jeune, on acceptait et on s’étonnait. Cela
m’a donné de l’espoir.

Al Monitor : Ainsi, vous n’avez pas eu de réactions négatives à votre
livre ? Et vous n’avez pas employé dans le livre le mot ” génocide ” –
qui est toujours inacceptable, selon l’état turc. Était-ce une
décision délibérée de votre part ?

Cetin : Je n’ai pas employé le mot parce que ma grand-mère ne l’a pas
employé. Je voulais m’en tenir à la vérité de son histoire dans ce
livre. Employer le mot ” génocide ” aurait relevé de ma propre
interprétation. Mon objectif dans ce livre était de présenter son
histoire. Je ne voulais pas passer de message sur la façon dont on
devrait comprendre aujourd’hui ces événements ; je tenais à écrire sa
vie et ses expériences. Telle est, je pense, la raison de l’émotion
que suscite la vie humaine racontée dans ce livre. Des personnes, même
issues de mouvements nationalistes en Turquie, m’arrêtent encore dans
la rue et me disent comment il les a amenés à se poser des questions
sur leur ascendance et comment il leur a fait connaître des parents
dont ils ignoraient l’existence ; c’est parce que ce n’était rien
d’autre qu’une histoire humaine et que c’était la première fois que le
voile était retiré sur une histoire cachée. Au cours d’une
présentation du livre à un groupe de jeunes hommes, on me dit : ”
C’est bien d’avoir écrit un livre sur votre grand-mère islamisée, mais
nous aurions souhaité que vous ayez écrit d’autres histoires, celles
des épreuves subies par les grands-mères turques “. J’ai répondu : ”
J’ai raconté l’histoire de ma propre grand-mère et j’aimerais lire
d’autres histoires “.

Al Monitor : Votre arrivée sur la scène publique avec votre grand-mère
arménienne et l’assassinat de votre ami Hrant Dink en 2007 se sont
produits sous le gouvernement du parti Justice et Développement [AKP].
Quelle idée vous faites-vous, en cette période, du changement de la
perception sur l’ ” être Arménien ” dans la société turque ?

Cetin : Un grand changement. On peut, sans doute aucun, parler de
l’identité arménienne plus librement à présent. L’AKP s’est comporté
au début plutôt positivement envers les minorités, avec son projet de
restitution, aux minorités concernées, des biens des églises, temples
et autres édifices de fondations. Une certaine détente s’est fait
ressentir dans la sphère sociale des diverses identités. Lorsque Hrant
fut assassiné, en 2007, nous avons vu des milliers de personnes
pendant des heures rassemblés sur les lieux du meurtre, en solidarité
avec sa famille. Pendant les funérailles, ils étaient des millions en
cortège, criant ” Nous sommes tous Hrant, nous sommes tous Arméniens
“.

Cela était sans précédent. Et pourtant, l’affaire de son assassinat
n’est toujours pas close, parce que des questions subsistent. Des
sentiments négatifs sont toujours entretenus par quelques groupes et
relayés de temps à autres par des hauts-fonctionnaires du gouvernement
à propos des Arméniens. Même des pas limités, tels celui de la
nomination d’un écrivain Arménien comme conseiller du premier
ministre, peuvent être vus positivement. Et cependant, la perception
que les minorités sont des collaborateurs de forces étrangères est
encore vivante. En outre, l’AKP a donné un peu d’espace aux
intellectuels en rendant plus difficile les poursuites pour insulte à
l’identité turque, par exemple ; il faut dorénavant au procureur la
permission du ministre de la justice avant d’engager des poursuites.
Il ne s’agit pourtant pas d’une solution définitive ; que se
passerait- il si le ministre était remplacé par un autre dont la
perception serait différente ? En matière d’atteintes aux droits de
l’homme, les solutions sont toujours provisoires.

Al Monitor : Comment voyez-vous votre audience en Californie-Sud, et
en Turquie ?

Cetin : Je ne suis pas allée aux États-Unis depuis 2004. Je me rends à
Los Angeles pour la première fois et mon audience là-bas est
principalement celle d’Arméniens d’Amérique. Ainsi, si je devais les
comparer à mes audiences en Turquie, les deux groupes sont presque
identiques quant à leurs sentiments. J’observe des réactions
similaires aux histoires que je raconte. Il apparaît important pour
les deux audiences que le silence soit rompu, et les mémoires
exprimées, parce que c’est ainsi que les blessures commencent à se
refermer. C’est ainsi que nous avons engagé la restauration des
fontaines dans le village natal de ma grand-mère en Turquie. Ces
fontaines étaient construites par des Arméniens résidents avant 1915 ;
elles étaient en ruines. Nous avons invité des jeunes Arméniens
d’Arménie, de France et des États-Unis pour accompagner des Turcs et
des Kurdes volontaires, venus de tout le pays, pour les remettre en
état. L’Arménien était à nouveau parlé à haute voix dans la ville
après des décennies. Ces fontaines sont aujourd’hui en état. Elles se
dressent comme un signe de notre guérison personnelle et de la
guérison de la société, parce que nous nous sommes réapproprié notre
histoire commune. En 2012, un documentaire titré ” Les Fontaines
d’Habap ; histoire d’une Restauration ” a été diffusé pour partager
cette histoire avec des gens qui ne visiteront peut-être jamais Habap,
mais pour leur montrer qu’une possibilité de cicatrisation des plaies
existe par la coopération plutôt que par la négation des différences.

Pinar Tremblay

Al-Monitor

23 novembre 2014

Traduction Gilbert Béguian

dimanche 7 décembre 2014,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

From: A. Papazian

http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/11/turkey-united-states-islamized-armenians.html##ixzz3KExfvISy

ISTANBUL: Director Fatih Akın: `The Cut’ is not a film about `genoc

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Dec 7 2014

Director Fatih Akın: `The Cut’ is not a film about `genocide’

Turkish-German director Fatih Akın’s `The Cut,’ which opened in
Turkish cinemas on Friday, is the first film focusing on the events of
1915 by a filmmaker who has his roots in Turkey.

`The Cut,’ which premiered at this year’s 71st Venice Film Festival,
follows the fictional story of an Armenian blacksmith named Nazaret
Manoogian, who is separated from his wife and twin daughters during
the atrocities committed against Ottoman Armenians in 1915 and then
sets out on a journey across the globe to find his family.

The film is the last installment in 40-year-old Akın’s `Love, Death
and the Devil’ trilogy, which began in 2004 with `Gegen die Wand’
(Head-On) and continued in 2007 with `The Edge of Heaven.’

About his new film, Akın firmly says `this is not a film about
`genocide’,’ and adds, `It might not be my best film, but it’s an
honest one,’ responding to comments by film critics.

`I’m not a member of a certain [political] movement,’ Akın told
Today’s Zaman during a recent interview. `I’m not a rightist, a
leftist, a communist or a fascist. I’m an artist. I have done some
right things and some wrong things in my life; there are things I
agree with and things I don’t. I just want to tell those in my own
stories.’

Akın continued: `In this film � I actually just wanted to tell a
story, but this story cannot be seen clearly and simply. However
loudly I say, `This is not a film about `genocide’,’ all the
discussions and interviews [about the film] somehow turn in that
direction. From now on, I’ll either make totally different films, like
`Recep İvedik,’ or I’ll make my films and never speak about them.’

Here is an excerpt from Akın’s conversation with Today’s Zaman:

You said you received threats from ultranationalist groups because of
this film at the time of its world premiere. Now it’s opening in
cinemas in Turkey. Has there been any kind of pressure from such
groups or elsewhere?

Not really. The dust has settled. Showing the film here [in Turkey]
was my first objective. Actually I knew it would be calm.

So you think Turkey is ready for such a film.

Yes. There’s no 301 [a former article in the Turkish Penal Code (TCK)
that made it a crime to insult Turkish identity and state
institutions] anymore. It hasn’t been censored, there are no death
threats and so there aren’t any problems, really.

Would it have been different a few years ago?

Of course. Hrant [Dink, a Turkish-Armenian journalist] was
assassinated in this country only seven years ago. Cinema is a popular
field; we could have faced a lot of trouble. [Writers] Hasan Cemal,
Orhan Pamuk, Hrant Dink, Elif Åžafak all paved the way; I’m actually
following in their footsteps.

But what has changed in Turkey?

I guess [people are] more knowledgeable now. Since Hrant was murdered
there’s been a catharsis and there is more awareness about `genocide.’
Previously, this word could not be uttered easily, now it is —
without anyone pressing charges against you.

Do you believe the events of 1915 were genocide?

The United Nations set a definition of genocide in 1948 � and what was
experienced in this country is included in that definition. If you
accept the UN’s framework [as the standard], yes, I call [the
atrocities of 1915] genocide.

What kind of research did you do while preparing for this film?

I read a lot. � I read work by Bernard Lewis and G�Levi and also
by some authors [whose work] has traditionally been denied in Turkey.
Taner Ak� is a very important historian; he almost became my
companion during my work on this film. [I also read] Wolfgang Gust’s
writings on genocide. On my film’s German-language website there’s a
link that offers a lengthy bibliography on the subject.

Some critics have called your film `overly careful’ yet some others
said it was a commissioned work. Is it a commissioned film?

Well, for that to happen, someone has to commission [it]. And who
could that be?! I commissioned myself to do this film.

Many people go to the movie with certain expectations and when their
expectations aren’t met, they feel frustrated and talk negatively
about the film — which is normal. The heavier and the more sensitive
the issue at hand the more [comments] you get and they’re harsher. I’m
a filmmaker; [I know] you can’t always be liked. Life doesn’t work
that way, although I wish it did, and neither does my job.

Why did you choose this theme?

I don’t know. I’m not an Armenian, I’m not a Kurd; I come from a
family who is part of the majority [of the population] in Turkey. But
in Germany, I’m a member of the minority. That’s why I am capable of
relating to all other minorities around the world. Also, to be able to
understand the Kurdish issue, one has to live here, it’s nothing you
can understand by looking from the outside [of Turkey], but that’s not
the case with the Armenian genocide, it’s something the whole world
can relate to.

All the Armenian characters in your film speak English and this
prompted some major criticism you faced during your film’s Venice
premiere. Was this a deliberate choice or a necessity?

It was a choice, and I find it reasonable. There are other examples of
this in cinema: for instance, `The Pianist’ by [Roman] Polanski. Had
it been a different director that made this choice, that director
wouldn’t have been criticized this much, I bet. The critics want me to
continue standing in the same corner they’re used to seeing me in. �
They want me to stay in my `own neighborhood;’ [They say] Do what
you’re familiar with and don’t deal with stuff you don’t know about!
But I don’t plan my actions according to others’ expectations.

How was the film received in Germany, a country with a Nazi past?

Germans had some very harsh criticism, too. Germans are very
knowledgeable about the Holocaust. The Holocaust has certain symbols
and there are certain images [associated with the Holocaust] such as
Auschwitz. They expect to see [something similar to] Auschwitz in the
film and when they don’t, they criticize your film. Whereas, of course
there are other visuals that are highly symbolic of [atrocities
toward] Armenians, but since they have no information about those,
they tend to criticize.

Do you think Western film critics have been harsh on `The Cut’ because
they didn’t have enough knowledge about the subject matter?

There’s a huge lack of knowledge; I worked for five years on this
subject and at some point you fall under the illusion that everybody
around you has the same level of information about the matter, but
that’s not the case! There’s been an upside to Venice [the film
festival] though; I’ve seen how far Western [audiences] are from
[understanding] the Armenian genocide compared to the Holocaust.

But we do not see an analysis of the Armenian issue in your film.

In my opinion, that is not a task a film has to fulfill. I can only
motivate people to learn more about genocide; just like the cue ball
in a pool game. A film doesn’t have to analyze and solve everything.
Had I wanted to shoot a film about the genocide, I would have made a
12-hour documentary, and that documentary would start by recounting
events from the 10th century.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.todayszaman.com/arts-culture_director-fatih-akin-the-cut-is-not-a-film-about-genocide_366337.html

Accords de coopération en matière douanière entre Israël et l’Arméni

ECONOMIE
Accords de coopération en matière douanière entre Israël et l’Arménie

Un rapprochement sensible est survenu en matière douanière entre
l’Arménie et Israël. Une délégation présidée par le ministre arménien
des Finances, Gaguik Khatchatryan a lors de sa visite officielle à
Jérusalem, signé le 26 novembre un accord douanier bilatéral. Le
document intitulé

From: A. Papazian

ANKARA: New Key Suspect In Hrant Dink Murder

NEW KEY SUSPECT IN HRANT DINK MURDER

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Dec 5 2014

Daily Sabah
Published : 05.12.2014 19:55:47

Ogun Samast,the assailant who murdered Turkish-Armenian journalist
Hrant Dink in 2007 has named a third key suspect in the investigation
into the murder, according to Yeni Þafak daily.

Samast, who was sentenced to 21 years and six months in prison in 2011
for the murder, is currently testifying as a witness in the ongoing
investigation into the murder. The sources said that Samast has named
the suspect, who can add a new dimension to the investigation following
a three hour interrogation by prosecutor Yusuf Hakký Doðan.

Hrant Dink, editor-in-chief of the Turkish daily Agos, was murdered
outside his office by 17-year-old Ogun Samast on January 19 2007. An
earlier investigation showed that the prosecutors who worked on the
case ignored serious allegations into the involvement of top police
officers in the murder.

The prosecutors are accused of having ties with the Gulen Movement, a
group whose widespread infiltration of the judiciary and police enabled
them to influence cases or fabricate them for their own interests.

From: A. Papazian

http://www.dailysabah.com/nation/2014/12/05/new-key-suspect-in-hrant-dink-murder