Discussions on unblocking communications interrupted: Armenia acting vice PM

Aysor, Armenia
June 1 2021

There is no secret document, Armenia’s acting vice prime minister Mher Grigoryan said at the NA today.

Grigoryan said works on unblocking communications have been interrupted.

“These works will be effective and will give results if the general situation is at least stable. In this situation and in the current condition on the border I don’t think that works in that platform are constructive. In this regard the contacts have been interrupted recently,” he said.

Mher Grigoryan convinced that the Armenian side has not discussed and will not discuss corridor logic issues and that it is impossible to discuss such issue.

“If by saying corridor some people mean transport ways, it is one issue, but if by saying corridor they mean any circumstance relating to sovereignty, I again assure that it is excluded on the agenda of my discussions,” the acting vice PM said.

Iran steps up diplomacy amid border tensions between Armenia, Azerbaijan TEHRAN – The spiral escalation of tensions b

Tehran Times
  1. Politics
– 11:46

TEHRAN – The spiral escalation of tensions between two of Iran’s neighbors in the South Caucasus region has taken the top Iran diplomat to the region amid a decisive round of nuclear talks between Iran and world powers in the Austrian capital of Vienna.

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif began a regional tour of the South Caucasus that included visits to Azerbaijan and Armenia. The visits began amid reports of border tensions between two rivals grappling with the consequences of a deadly 44-day war that resulted in Azerbaijan retaking large swathes of Armenian-controlled territories in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. 

In mid-May, Armenia accused Azerbaijan of advancing into its southern territory. Armenian Acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has said Azerbaijan’s armed forces crossed the state border of the Republic of Armenia and advanced as far as 3.5 kilometers in Syunik province.

“This is unacceptable to the Armenian side, because it represents an encroachment on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia. It still remains to be seen why such an action was possible, but it should be noted that this is an act of subversive infiltration. It should also be stated that our armed forces responded early this morning with appropriate tactical maneuvers and other necessary measures,” Pashinyan said in a meeting with Armenian military officials.

Azerbaijan rejected the Armenian account of the tensions, saying it deployed troops to areas bordering Armenia but this deployment occurred inside Azerbaijan’s territories.

The episode required a position by Iran. So, Saeed Khatibzadeh, spokesman for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, called on the two South Caucasus rivals to settle their border disputes in peaceful ways and through dialogue. 

Khatibzadeh also said that Iran was “closely and sensitively following the developments” between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Underlining Iran’s readiness to facilitate the settlement of the dispute, Khatibzadeh said, “The Islamic Republic of Iran underlines the necessity of maintaining stability and calm in the region, and calls on both sides to show restraint, avoid fueling the disagreements, and respect the two countries’ borders.”

Earlier, a senior Iranian lawmaker warned against change in Iran-Armenia borders. The lawmaker, Mojtaba Zolnouri, who serves as the head of the Iranian Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said Tehran has made it clear that it will not accept any change in international borders in the region.

“If part of the territory of Armenia is to be taken and our border conditions change, that is, to have a new neighbor, it is not acceptable for us. The existing borders must be completely protected and the shared border of the Islamic Republic of Iran with Armenia must be maintained,” Zolnouri said.

During his visit to Azerbaijan and Armenia, Zarif raised the issue of borders. In Baku, the top Iranian diplomat discussed with Azeri President Ilham Aliyev issues such as border tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan and communication corridors.

“Now you can play a historic role in bringing peace to the region,” Zarif told Aliyev, according to a statement issued by the Azerbaijani presidency. 

In Yerevan, Zarif received the Armenian account of border tensions. Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia Ara Aivazian thanked Zarif for paying a visit to Armenia during “disturbing days” in the region.

Aivazian noted, “It has been two weeks since the Azerbaijani armed forces invaded the border areas of the Republic of Armenia, trying to provoke a new escalation, which is fraught with new regional threats.”

He also said that Azerbaijan strives to create “new geopolitical realities” amid global silence towards Baku.

“Undoubtedly, this encroachment on Armenia’s territorial integrity is a direct consequence of the war unleashed on September 27 last year by Azerbaijan against the people of Artsakh, their right to self-determination and life, as well as the inadequate international and regional response to Azerbaijan’s actions towards endangering regional peace. Encouraged by the sense of impunity, Azerbaijan is trying to create new geopolitical realities which do not proceed from the interests of countries concerned in regional stability. In these conditions, the dialogue with our regional partners is more than important,” Aivazian pointed out.

In response, Zarif called the Caucasus a “vital region” that protection of its security is a national security issue for Iran. 

Expressing concerns over the recent tensions, Zarif said Iran made efforts over the past months to peacefully settle disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan. He called on both sides to exercise restraint, respect each other’s borders, and resolve disagreements through dialogue. 

Zarif also underlined the need to respect international borders and protect the territorial integrity of countries as well as the need to refrain from changing borders as a red line outlined by Iran. 

The Iranian foreign minister also met with Acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. “Our good-neighborly relations with Iran are of strategic importance. The common border with Iran has ensured the security of our country in a number of ways ever since the first years of Armenia’s independence. It is my pleasure to note that there is a similar perception in Iran about our relationship,” Pashinyan told Zarif, according to a statement issued by the Armenian acting prime minister.

A local tells his family’s story of fleeing the Armenian genocide

The New Times, California

When Bruce Badrigian was battling pancreatic cancer in 2012, all he could think about in the hospital was his father and the sacrifices he’d made to provide for his family.

In his younger adult years, Badrigian’s father died and left Badrigian wishing he had spent more time learning about his Armenian heritage. He learned a lot about his family’s history of fleeing the Ottoman Empire and starting anew in the United States from his grandmother, Isgouhi, and the aunts who helped raise Badrigian and his four siblings while his parents worked.

  • Photo Courtesy Of Bruce Badrigian
  • HIS STORY Bruce Badrigian’s Armenian family (from left to right), his Aunt Mary, Kachadoor (grandfather), Simon (father), Isgouhi (grandmother), and Aunt Elizabeth.

“I always had an itch to tell this story and the story of other Armenians that I have come across over the years,” Badrigian said.

During the cancer recovery process Badrigian had a lot of time to write, research, and go over recordings he had made over the course of the last 15 years. The recordings were of other Armenians who had shared their family histories with him—of fleeing the Ottoman Empire, losing great-family members in the Armenian genocide of 1915, coming to the United States, and their successes in this country.

With years of information in hand, Badrigian wrote a historical fiction novel released in 2015 and re-released in early 2021, Armenia’s Fingerprint. The story focuses on two courageous Armenian teen sisters who refused to lose their faith and dreams in the face of adversity during 1915. Although the story is loosely based on his family’s history, it pays homage to the many people who shared their stories of courage and refuge with him.

According to the Armenian National Institute, the Ottoman Empire embarked upon a systematic decimation of its civilian Armenian population on April 24, 1915, during World War l. The empire’s rulers and most of its subjects were Muslim while its Armenian communities were of Christian faith. During this time, Armenians were sent on death marches through the Mesopotamian desert without food or water.

Badrigian said his grandmother’s first husband was killed in the home that she and her husband built.

“The Turks had invaded their village and he tried to fight them off. He told them to flee out the back door and get into the forest. He yelled out to her, to not let them ‘get our girls,'” Badrigian said.

The women listened, fled out the back door of the house, and went up a hill. From that vantage point they could see the men dragging out the body of her first husband as they simultaneously witnessed a line of Armenian villagers being marched out of their community.

“No one would help the Armenians because … if you helped an Armenian, you would be put to death as well. So [his grandmother and her three daughters] did not last long,” Badrigian said.

Her daughters starved to death.

Isgouhi was barely surviving when Badrigian’s grandfather, Kachadoor, found her. He and his two sisters, now refugees, nourished and aided Isgouhi as they fled.

The four made it to Musa Dagh on the Mediterranean Coast, where they joined a rebellious group fighting off the Ottoman Army on Mt. Moses. A French battleship that was patrolling the sea stopped to save the refugees after the group held up a white bed sheet with a red Christian cross on it.

That ship, Badrigian said, saved thousands of Armenians. It took them to Egypt, where they were put into a refugee camp for about a year before his grandparents were granted passage to Ellis Island.

“No money, no command of the language because they couldn’t speak English. But the first thing they did was find a church and get married,” he said.

At the time, Badrigian said there wasn’t enough work for the number of refugees who were arriving in New York, so his grandparents followed the advice of a fellow refugee who said factory work was in abundance in Worcester, Massachusetts.

“Factories needed hard workers and didn’t care about their capacity to speak English,” Badrigian said.

Isgouhi and Kachadoor had three children together, two girls and a boy, Simon Joseph—who was Badrigian’s father.

Simon had five children; Badrigian is the oldest.

In 2019, Badrigian and his wife visited Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, and joined hundreds of thousands of people in the walk to the Tsitsernakaberd Armenian Genocide Memorial to lay flowers at the eternal flame for the 104th anniversary—a year before the pandemic.

He said men and women were carrying flowers of multiple colors and children on their shoulders down the narrow path to the memorial to pay their respects. To be able to research his family’s beginnings, understand those foundations from other Armenian people he’s met, and go to his grandparents’ homeland was a moving experience for Badrigian.

During his research, Badrigian said he read many articles, documents, and stories that focused on the genocide’s devastation.

“I’ve read everything I could lay my hands on. But it was all the same. It was sad, massacre after massacre. It was all nonfiction,” he said.

He wanted to write a story that respected the sorrow of that moment in history but also showcased the courage and bravery of those who escaped.

“I use the women [in Armenia’s Fingerprint] in a symbolic way as a form of women empowerment. The Turks worked so hard at destroying any evidence of the Armenians’ nobility, heroism, bravery, and courage. They destroyed all of that. You know, people say, ‘Well, the Armenians must have been cowards, why didn’t they fight back?’ Well, they did fight back, and that’s why I wrote this. In here, I documented the real freedom fighters and I tell that story,” Badrigian said.

That acknowledgement felt much more significant to Badrigian on April 24, when President Joe Biden formally recognized the systematic killing and deportation of more than a million Armenians by Ottoman Empire forces as genocide—Armenian Remembrance Day. Biden’s administration is the first to use the term “genocide” to describe what happened to the Armenian people in 1915.

“Of those who survived, most were forced to find new homes and new lives around the world, including the United States. With strength and resilience, the Armenian people survived and rebuilt their community,” Biden said in an April 24 statement. “Over the decades Armenian immigrants have enriched the United States in countless ways, but they have never forgotten the tragic history that brought so many of their ancestors to our shores. We honor their story. We see that pain. We affirm the history. We do this not to cast blame but to ensure that what happened is never repeated.”

Badrigian said the president’s recognition brought him to tears.

“For those of us that are here, be thankful for what you have because somebody paid a dear price and suffered greatly so you wouldn’t have to,” Badrigian said.

Even though his grandparents lost everything, they didn’t falter in who they were, he said. Their strength and religious faith helped him understand who he was when he left Massachusetts at 19 years old to see the redwoods in Big Sur.

That strength and faith stayed with Badrigian as he stopped in Cayucos on the way to Big Sur and on the way back, when he decided to make a home on the Central Coast.

Badrigian became a bus driver, a Cuesta College student, a Little League coach, a college representative, a grade school English teacher, and a Cuesta College English professor.

A resurgence in his faith and the strength of his grandparents is what he feels got him through his pancreatic cancer. Badrigian said he’s now part of the 3 percent of adults who survive the cancer more than five years—in 2017 that number increased to 7 percent.

“Hey you take a risk, leave your home, and come out here, and everything will fall into place for you. And it did. So if there’s a higher power, guardian angel, or whatever, it’s there. I’ve always been so lucky,” Badrigian said. Δ 

Authorities unwilling and unable to settle situation in Armenia’s Syunik – Reviving Armenia Party leader

Aysor, Armenia
May 19 2021

Situation in Armenia’s Syunik has not changed with the Azeri forces having penetrated into the Armenian territory and increase the number of their troops, former governor of Syunik, leader of Reviving Armenia party Vahe Hakobyan said in an interview with Aysor.am.

Referring to the statement of Armenia’s acting PM Nikol Pashinyan about the Azerbaijan information war agents operating in Armenia, Hakobyan urged to mention their names.

The party’s leader stressed that it appears those who oppose what authorities say are agents of other countries.

“If I was on their place I would have searched for agents among them, they know quite well who they are and which country’s agents they are,” Hakobyan added.

The ex-governor claimed that the authorities neither want nor are able to settle the Syunik issue.

“It is a conviction that they do not care about the nation, state, statehood, captives. Who is dealing today with the issue of our captives? Who? I am convinced that they do not know the exact number,” Hakobyan said, stressing that these authorities must leave a second earlier for the people able to make decisions in critical situations come and settle the issues.

The ex-governor noted that it is absolutely senseless to sit over table with Nikol Pashinyan to discuss the Syunik issue.

“Because a traitor, unskilled one is sitting in front of us. How can we sit and negotiate with such person? If he has logic, patriotism inside he must say “dear people, I am unable,” kneel and ask for apology and say “take me to court”,” he said.

Hakobyan added that people who still support Pashinyan make a very small mass now.

“These are people, to put it mildly, without education who are in information collapse. The literate know very well that Nikol Pashinyan is the evil of the country and he cannot reproduce, it will not happen,” the ex-governor said.

The leader of the party said he is convinced that some documents will be revealed that will show that some territories will be conceded.
“I am convinced that Syunik’s cases are Azerbaijan’s asymmetric steps for him [Nikol Pashinyan] to probably bring to life what he has promised,” Hakobyan said.

The ex-governor said the authorities have wasted time in Syunik issue, and now the issue must be settled with concrete steps where Russia’s role will be quite big.

Nagorno-Karabakh Joins Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria, and the Donbass

Foreign Policy
May 20 2021

By Tom Mutch, a journalist from New Zealand who writes about crime and conflict. 
Armenians walk past an armored personnel carrier of Russian peacekeepers to visit the Dadivank monastery on the outskirts of Kalbajar in Nagorno-Karabakh on Nov. 18, 2020. The territory has since been transferred to Azerbaijan. KAREN MINASYAN/AFP via Getty Images

Dadivank, a beautiful Armenian monastery in the Kalbajar region of Azerbaijan, could be the world’s most fortified church: Its ancient ramparts bristle with sandbags and gun emplacements, and cloisters have been turned into an army barracks. Just six months ago, Armenian pilgrims could worship here freely and in peace. Now, the only way to visit is with a Russian army escort that leaves twice a month from Stepanakert, the regional capital of what remains of the self-declared Republic of Artsakh, an Armenian breakaway region that controls just over two-thirds of Nagorno-Karabakh. The fate of this 12th-century monastery has become a flash point for the conflict over Armenian cultural heritage in land recently retaken by Azerbaijan.

As we stood in the courtyard of Dadivank after a recent Sunday service, Narik, my Armenian escort, pointed to the remains of an old water tower on a hill above us. “There is an Azerbaijani outpost right over there,” he said. “Careful, I bet they’ve got their rifles trained on us as we speak,” he added, a touch dramatically.

As one drives into Stepanakert itself, a billboard with a stony-faced portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin glowers down. It reads “Man of the Year,” and the locals mean it seriously. The inhabitants of Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh regard Moscow as their last protector. Russia, for its part, has been increasingly cutting off and controlling the breakaway state, leaving Armenia more and more powerless in the region.

Last month, the world’s attention was focused on Russia’s troop buildup on the border with Ukraine. But while international attention was distracted by what now seems to have been a fakeout, Russia was quietly consolidating control of another restive region in its environs: Nagorno-Karabakh.

The long-simmering conflict that erupted over the disputed region of Nagorno Karabakh in September 2020 was a disaster for Armenia. Outside of significant loss of life—as many as 8,000 soldiers on both sides perished—Yerevan was forced to relinquish around a third of Nagorno-Karabakh in addition to seven Azerbaijani regions it had controlled since the first war over the enclave in the early 1990s. The Russian-brokered cease-fire that ended the latest skirmish mandated that a contingent of around 2,000 Russian peacekeepers control the new line of contact in the region.

Yet the regional power that has benefited most from the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war is Russia, Armenia’s supposed ally. Today, Russian troops are stationed in Nagorno-Karabakh for the first time since the fall of the Soviet Union, and they now seem to have the final say over the region’s political matters. All this has rendered the statelet more and more isolated. Since February, it has become almost impossible for foreigners—bar Russians—to enter Nagorno-Karabakh. Almost all foreign press and aid organizations who have tried to enter the region have been blocked from doing so by the Russian authorities.

A document obtained and published by Aravot, an Armenian national newspaper, listed that around 80 or so organizations had been barred from entering Nagorno-Karabakh. These included Médecins Sans Frontières, the International Crisis Group, and even the Halo Trust, a demining organization that had been well respected by locals before and during the conflict.

The BBC, Radio France, and many freelance journalists also had their press accreditation denied. The photojournalist Kiran Ridley was even issued a visa by the Artsakh authorities, only to be turned away by Russian soldiers at the border. They told him that only Russian and Armenian nationals were allowed in Nagorno-Karabakh from now on.

Russia now has complete military control of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The exact chain of command in Nagorno-Karabakh is deliberately opaque. The leader of the Russian peacekeeping mission, Lt. Gen. Rustam Muradov, meets frequently with Azerbaijani and Armenian leaders to hear petitions about what should happen in the statelet. But because Armenian forces were forced to withdraw from the area—while Azerbaijan’s troops remain behind the new line of contact—Russia now has complete military control of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Jeanne Cavelier, the Central Asia regional director for Reporters Without Borders, said these restrictions risk transforming Nagorno-Karabakh into a news and information “black hole” and called on the Russian peacekeepers to expand access for international media. This is a stark contrast from before. When Nagorno-Karabakh was under Armenian control, NGO workers, journalists, and even tourists could enter the region almost at leisure.

In March, the parliament of the Republic of Arstakh introduced Russian as an official language, and officials in both Yerevan and Moscow have proposed giving the region’s population Russian passports. While such an arrangement would be new to Nagorno-Karabakh, it tracks with how events have unfolded in other frozen conflict zones where Russia has extended its grip.

Across Eastern Europe and the Caucasus, Russia has used its peacekeepers to put pressure on regional foes while offering Russian citizenship to locals. South Ossetia, a breakaway region of Georgia recognized as an independent state by Russia, is controlled by Russian peacekeepers. It is extremely difficult for foreigners to access and completely geopolitically reliant on Moscow. Meanwhile, in Ukraine, Russia’s demand that its peacekeepers patrol the borders in the Donbass region in the county’s east is one of the main sticking points preventing a lasting cease-fire.

Russian peacekeepers have also patrolled two other frozen conflict zones—the regions of Abkhazia in Georgia and Transnistria in Moldova—since the early 1990s. These areas remain similarly isolated, though slightly easier to access than South Ossetia and the Donbass. A senior Ukrainian general told me in 2018 that Russia had mobilized its peacekeepers in Transnistria in 2014 in case they were needed for an invasion. Indeed, one of the Ukrainian military’s biggest fears is that Russia could launch an offensive from the Donbass or Moldova.

Of course, there remain significant differences between Nagorno-Karabakh and these other enclaves. For one, both Armenia and Azerbaijan signed off on the presence of Russian peacekeepers in their cease-fire last fall. Ukraine and Moldova, by contrast, had turned definitively toward the West when Russia intervened in their local conflicts.

Both Armenia and Azerbaijan have also retained friendly relations with their former colonial ruler in Moscow. Yet the two countries themselves remain sworn enemies, and, in Nagorno-Karabakh, mere yards separate Azerbaijani troops from their Armenian enemies. This reality has rendered Moscow’s men less controversial than elsewhere, as they are seen as a neutral party. But skirmishes still break out.

When I visited this line of contact shortly before access for foreign journalists was cut in February, I witnessed one of these violent encounters for myself. A small group of journalists, of which I was a part, was accompanied by a squad of Armenian troops who were standing guard in Taghavard, an Armenian village that is cut almost directly in two by the new front line. Shortly after arriving at what the soldiers said was a heavily mined line, we heard gunfire coming from the Azerbaijani positions barely a mile from us.

The Armenian troops were tight-lipped about the situation but confirmed to us that they were still suffering injuries from sniper fire they had endured earlier that day—meaning that such skirmishes were a routine occurrence. In a separate engagement that day, as many as 62 Armenian troops had been taken prisoner while defending the Armenian villages of Hin Tagher and Khtsaberd in otherwise Azerbaijani-controlled territory. The status of these villages had not been settled under the cease-fire agreement, so Azerbaijan decided to settle the matter by force.

The mayor of Taghavard told us that when a villager crossed into the other Azerbaijani-controlled part of the village to visit his brother’s grave, he was taken hostage by Azerbaijani troops who claimed that Armenians in the area were saboteurs. The villager’s whereabouts remain unknown, although local officials suspect he was taken to Baku.

One Armenian foreign official in Yerevan complained to me that while Russia had done nothing in response to Azerbaijan’s initial attack in the war last fall, it moved very swiftly as soon as given the chance to deploy troops in the region. Still, many Armenians feel that they have no choice other than to turn to Russia for protection.

Despite the recent influx of Russian troops, a semblance of peace has been restored in Stepanakert itself. During the war in September 2020, locals would rise early in the morning to sweep away the broken glass and debris from shelling the night before. A local told me that keeping their city presentable was a small act of defiance during the war. Now, the streets are clean, and most of the damaged buildings have been repaired or covered up. Life has returned, and Stepanakert looks as if it just suffered a bad storm rather than a pitiless military bombardment.

The Armenians who remain, however, face a deep identity crisis. The hastily brokered cease-fire agreement made no mention of the future of Nagorno-Karabakh, which parties relegated to later talks. But this intractable issue is at the heart of the conflict over the enclave, and until it is sorted, Nagorno-Karabakh will join Abkhazia, South Ossetia, the Donbass, and Transnistria as a frozen conflict zone reliant on Moscow. Russia, for its part, has grown extremely comfortable with the indefinite nature of these conflicts: Frozen conflicts prevent any of the countries involved in them from joining NATO, which requires that applicants for membership have no outstanding territorial disputes.

Russian troops also now function as a bulwark against Turkish influence in Nagorno-Karabakh as the growing rivalry between the two powers escalates. During the September 2020 war, Turkey threw its full diplomatic and military support behind Azerbaijan, and Turkey’s supply of high-tech military hardware was likely the decisive factor in the conflict’s outcome. Indeed, many of the drones Azerbaijan had used were piloted from Turkish bases in Ankara.

Frozen conflicts prevent any of the countries involved in them from joining NATO.

Yet it seems Turkey achieved little for its support of Azerbaijan. Ankara has no military presence on the front line, having been relegated to a joint Russian-Turkish observation headquarters miles from the conflict zone. Plans for a land corridor between Turkey and mainland Azerbaijan via Nakhichevan have also stalled. And U.S. President Joe Biden’s recent recognition of the Armenian genocide demonstrated to many observers that Turkish influence has waned in Washington, not least over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Meanwhile, Armenia and Azerbaijan are caught in yet another tense military standoff. Azerbaijani troops marched several miles into the southern Armenian province of Syunik on May 12, prompting U.S. and international calls for their withdrawal. Once again, Russia has been called to meditate, further increasing its influence in both countries.

Back at Dadivank, I saw no omens for peace and reconciliation. As the afternoon dragged on, three men dressed in Azerbaijani military fatigues came down from their perch in the hills to buy snacks and supplies at the makeshift food truck Russian troops had parked next to the monastery’s chapel. They were tall and lanky with trimmed moustaches but couldn’t have been older than 21. As they huddled among themselves, the men looked awkward and uncomfortable—hardly the conquering horde of Armenian imagination. They were probably the first Azerbaijanis any of the Armenians I was with, most of them worshippers and priests, had encountered in the flesh since the borders closed more than 25 years ago.

But when I suggested we approach the Azerbaijani soldiers and get a quote from them, Narik raised his eyebrow at me and grimaced. “I’ll always hate them, and they’ll always hate me,” he said.

“Why would we ever talk to each other?”

Armenia reports shooting in the border region of Gegharkunik

Public Radio of Armenia
May 20 2021

On May 20 an incident was registered in the border areas of Gegharkunik province with the participation of Azerbaijani soldiers who crossed the territory of the Republic of Armenia, the Armenian Ministry of Defense reports.

At around 3 pm, several dozen shots were fired, presumably in the air, after which the Armenian subdivisions opened preventive fire.

The commander of the Azerbaijani military contacted the commander of the Armenian unit, asked him to stop the fire, apologized and said that the shooting was accidental.

The Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia warn that the recurrence of such incidents will be considered a deliberate attempt to incite confrontation and will lead to relevant actions of the Armenian side.

Caucasian Knot | Nagorno-Karabakh resident wounded in shelling

Caucasian Knot, EU
May 21 2021
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An excavator operator was hospitalized after shelling near a village in the Askeran District. He was wounded by fragments of the glass, broken by shots, the Ombudsperson of Nagorno-Karabakh has stated.

According to the Ombudsperson’s office, “a targeted fire was opened on a resident of the village of Sos in the Martuni District, who was performing engineering works at the Armenian military positions near the village of Shosh in the Askeran District.”

The villager’s health condition is satisfactory, Unan Grigoryan, the head of the Sos community, told the “Caucasian Knot” correspondent. According to his story, the shots were fired from the city of Shushi, which is under Azerbaijan’s control. The fire stopped only after the intervention of Russian peacemakers, Mr Grigoryan has added.

The office of the Karabakh’s Ombudsperson has urged to take steps in connection with the incident.

This article was originally published on the Russian page of 24/7 Internet agency ‘Caucasian Knot’ on May 21, 2020 at 05:00 am MSK. To access the full text of the article, click here.

Author: Alvard Grigoryan; Source: CK correspondent

Source:
© Caucasian Knot



Pashinyan attaches importance to consistent implementation of main directions of EAEU macroeconomic policy

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YEREVAN, MAY 21, ARMENPRESS. Caretaker Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan says it’s important to continue the works on revealing and eliminating the mutual trade barriers and restrictions within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

“This work, without exaggeration, is being carried out during the whole period of the existence of our Union. Despite the differences in the positions on creating a common market of goods and services, and some objective difficulties, we continue searching for constructive solutions. We consider the consistent fulfilment of main directions of the Union’s member states’ 2021-2022 macroeconomic policy as a tool of adapting to the demands and challenges of the time. Economic recovery rates in our countries will be greatly determined based on the main provisions of this document”, he said during the online session of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council.

“Forming common approaches on running an agreed external trade policy, which will be in accordance with the interests of each member state and the whole Union, is the key component of ensuring the Eurasian economic integration. Today we can state for sure that the free trade and commercial cooperation agreements between the EAEU and third countries have shown them of being demanded. In this respect we once again reaffirm our readiness to continue implementing joint projects and conducting consistent works for the popularization of the idea of the Eurasian economic integration and the increase of its international reputation”, Nikol Pashinyan said.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Impossible to ensure Artsakh’s security without the active support of Armenia – Tigran Abrahamyan

Panorama, Armenia

“Works aimed setting out the priorities and planning with respect to security have not been implemented over the past 5-6 months after the war,” the Head of “Henaket” analytical center Tigran Abrahamyan said at a round table discussion, organised by “Salute of Honour and Respect” pre-election bloc.

In the words of the expert, the well-known events of 2018 were the reason for the 44-day war, while the recent border crisis came as the result of the inaction by authirities after the war. 

Abrahamyan noted that the ongoing developments in Armenia have sidelined the situation in Artsakh when especially today it required the vital and active support from  Armenia. In his words, at present Artsakh does not receive the necessary level of support from Armenia, as both countries face major difficulties in organizing the border service. 

“Without an active support from Armenia, it is impossible to provide security guarantees to Artsakh and make our compatriots living there feel safe,” said Abrahamyan. 

Azeri troops advanced 1,5 km into Armenian territory, threatened Armenian soldiers – Prosecutor’s Office

Panorama, Armenia

A criminal case has been opened over a brawl between the Armenian and Azerbaijani troops near the village of Khoznavar in Syunik Province on Thursday, the law enforcement authorities said.

In a statement on Friday, the Prosecutor General’s Office said on May 20, at around 10am, a group of Azerbaijani servicemen illegally crossed the state border of Armenia, advancing some 1,5 kilometers towards Khoznavar village in Tegh community.

They positioned themselves in the area and threatened to use force against the Armenian servicemen approaching them and to open fire at them, saying the territory allegedly belonged to the Republic of Azerbaijan.

Eventually, the Armenian military managed to push the Azeri soldiers back to their initial positions.

However, later on Thursday, at around 9:10pm, a group of Azerbaijani soldiers again crossed the state border of Armenia in the same area without proper permission and engaged in a brawl with Armenian troops on duty. As a result, 11 Armenian servicemen suffered injuries, however the Azeri troops were again forced to return to their positions.

The criminal case has been launched under Article 329 (illegal state border crossing), Article 300.2 and Article 112 of Armenia’s Criminal Code, the Prosecutor’s Office said.