The California Courier Online, October 14, 2021

1-         Why Did the Turkish Institute
            In Washington Close Down?
            By Harut Sassounian
            Publisher, The California Courier
            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com
2-         Armenian Neurobiologist Ardem Patapoutian Wins Nobel Prize
in Medicine
3-         Meet Joan Agajanian Quinn, Art “Accumulator” and Muse to
Warhol, Hockney
            The Los Angeles legend’s highly personal trove of art will
be exhibited
            at the Bakersfield Museum of Art throughout the fall until January
4-        Four Children: New Genocide Play Premiers in Kansas
5-         Armenia Continues Fight Against COVID-19

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1-         Why Did the Turkish Institute

            In Washington Close Down?

            By Harut Sassounian
            Publisher, The California Courier
            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com
The Hoya, the student newspaper of Georgetown University in
Washington, DC, published last week a lengthy investigative article
about the demise of the Institute of Turkish Studies, established by
the Turkish government. Interestingly, a note at the bottom of the
article stated that it was written by Liam Scott and another staff
writer who “requested anonymity due to safety concerns in Turkey.”

Even though the Institute was established to paint a positive picture
of Turkey in the United States, it ended up antagonizing its own
American board members when the Turkish government decided to shut it
down.

In 1982, the government of Turkey founded the Institute of Turkish
Studies (ITS) at Georgetown University with an endowment of $3
million. The purpose was to give Turkey a respectable image in the
United States by recruiting and funding American academics who would
do research on Turkish topics. Throughout its existence, the ITS spent
around $350,000 a year to give “grants, scholarships, subventions, and
seed money” to 400 scholars in 19 universities to publish books and
journals in order to promote Turkish studies. The ITS stated that it
played “a key role in furthering knowledge and understanding of a key
NATO ally of the United States, the Republic of Turkey.”

Not surprisingly, the ITS had appointed as its Honorary Chairman of
the board of governors Turkey’s Ambassador to the U.S. to oversee its
activities and funding decisions. The board consisted of prominent
former State Department officials and well-known American scholars in
Ottoman and modern Turkish studies. The first Executive Director of
the ITS was Heath Lowry, a denialist of the Armenian Genocide.

I got involved in a legal dispute with the ITS in 1985 after I wrote
an editorial in the California Courier titled, “How the Turks Use Our
Tax Dollars Against Us.” I pointed out that many of the scholars who
had received grants from the ITS were the same ones who had signed a
statement denying the Armenian Genocide. The statement was published
as a paid ad in The Washington Post and The New York Times on May 19,
1985. Lowry was involved in drafting this statement and collecting
signatures for it. In my article, I reported that 20 of the 69
signatories of the statement had received tens of thousands of dollars
from the ITS. Lowry’s role in this ad was a violation of the
tax-exempt status of the ITS which was legally prohibited from
political lobbying at a time when the U.S. Congress was considering
adopting a resolution on the Armenian Genocide. The ITS also
contradicted its own statement that it “does not seek to influence
legislation nor advocate particular policies or agendas.”

Even though I had obtained the amounts received by the scholars who
had signed this denialist statement from an ITS brochure, the ITS sent
a letter threatening my newspaper with a major lawsuit, unless I
published a lengthy retraction, which I refused to do. The ITS dropped
the lawsuit.

The Hoya article provided extensive details about the collapse of the
ITS, a Turkish propaganda project disguised as an academic endeavor.
The Institute was closed down in September 2020 because some of the
independent-minded scholars on its board had refused to go along with
the directives of the Turkish government.

The Hoya wrote that “according to former ITS Executive Director Sinan
Ciddi and former ITS board members Walter Denny and Steven Cook,
Turkey’s decision to defund the ITS came amid rising government
pressure to blindly support and loyally promote Erdogan. The ITS was
caught in the line of fire of government repression that has
characterized Erdogan’s increasingly autocratic Turkey, they said.”

Ciddi, a Georgetown professor of Turkish studies, told The Hoya that
the ITS was initially a separate entity from Georgetown University.
Later on, the University “provided the ITS with office space and
administrative assistance, but the university did not have a say in
the Institute’s operations. Georgetown also supplemented the salary of
the Institute’s executive director after the ITS lost funding from the
Turkish government.” Prof. Jenny White, who served on the ITS board
for nearly 20 years, told The Hoya that the ITS was “the best
advertisement that there could have been for Turkey.”

In 2006, former Binghamton University professor Donald Quataert
resigned as chairman of the ITS board after insisting on the
importance of researching the Armenian Genocide, reported The Hoya.
The Middle East Studies Association’s Committee on Academic Freedom,
in an open letter to then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
complained that “Quataert resigned because of pressure from the
Turkish government. Several other ITS board members resigned in
support of Quataert.”

As Erdogan became more repressive, the Institute was viewed by the
Turkish government as funding academic research that was not favorable
to Turkey. In May 2015, Turkish ambassador to the U.S. Serdar Kilic,
during the semi-annual dinner at the Turkish Embassy in Washington,
DC, complained to ITS chairman Ross Wilson that “some recent work from
the ITS was negative toward the Turkish government and expressed
interest in redirecting the work of ITS to politically benefit the
government,” The Hoya reported. Amb. Kilic then cancelled the
scheduled ITS dinner in the fall of 2015. Finally, “in early September
2015, Saltzman and Evinch, a Washington, D.C. law firm representing
Turkey’s U.S. embassy,” told the Institute that the Turkish government
would no longer fund the ITS. Later, Kilic sent a letter confirming
the end of funding.

“After Turkey cut the organization’s funding, the [Georgetown
University’s] School of Foreign Service provided the ITS with
additional financial and administrative support,” The Hoya reported.
The ITS had enough funds to continue its operations till Sept. 30,
2020 when it finally closed its doors.

The saga of the failed Institute of Turkish Studies should be a lesson
to all universities not to repeat the mistake of Georgetown, welcoming
a politically-motivated project contrary to its academic standards.
Mixing academics and politics is never a good idea!

************************************************************************************************************************************************
2-         Armenian Neurobiologist Ardem Patapoutian Wins Nobel Prize
in Medicine

, published last week a lengthy investigative article about the demise
of the Institute of Turkish Studies, established by the Turkish
government. Interestingly, a note at the bottom of the article stated
that it was written by Liam Scott and another staff writer who
“requested anonymity due to safety concerns in Turkey.”

Even though the Institute was established to paint a positive picture
of Turkey in the United States, it ended up antagonizing its own
American board members when the Turkish government decided to shut it
down.

In 1982, the government of Turkey founded the Institute of Turkish
Studies (ITS) at Georgetown University with an endowment of $3
million. The purpose was to give Turkey a respectable image in the
United States by recruiting and funding American academics who would
do research on Turkish topics. Throughout its existence, the ITS spent
around $350,000 a year to give “grants, scholarships, subventions, and
seed money” to 400 scholars in 19 universities to publish books and
journals in order to promote Turkish studies. The ITS stated that it
played “a key role in furthering knowledge and understanding of a key
NATO ally of the United States, the Republic of Turkey.”

Not surprisingly, the ITS had appointed as its Honorary Chairman of
the board of governors Turkey’s Ambassador to the U.S. to oversee its
activities and funding decisions. The board consisted of prominent
former State Department officials and well-known American scholars in
Ottoman and modern Turkish studies. The first Executive Director of
the ITS was Heath Lowry, a denialist of the Armenian Genocide.

I got involved in a legal dispute with the ITS in 1985 after I wrote
an editorial in the California Courier titled, “How the Turks Use Our
Tax Dollars Against Us.” I pointed out that many of the scholars who
had received grants from the ITS were the same ones who had signed a
statement denying the Armenian Genocide. The statement was published
as a paid ad in The Washington Post and The New York Times on May 19,
1985. Lowry was involved in drafting this statement and collecting
signatures for it. In my article, I reported that 20 of the 69
signatories of the statement had received tens of thousands of dollars
from the ITS. Lowry’s role in this ad was a violation of the
tax-exempt status of the ITS which was legally prohibited from
political lobbying at a time when the U.S. Congress was considering
adopting a resolution on the Armenian Genocide. The ITS also
contradicted its own statement that it “does not seek to influence
legislation nor advocate particular policies or agendas.”

Even though I had obtained the amounts received by the scholars who
had signed this denialist statement from an ITS brochure, the ITS sent
a letter threatening my newspaper with a major lawsuit, unless I
published a lengthy retraction, which I refused to do. The ITS dropped
the lawsuit.

The Hoya article provided extensive details about the collapse of the
ITS, a Turkish propaganda project disguised as an academic endeavor.
The Institute was closed down in September 2020 because some of the
independent-minded scholars on its board had refused to go along with
the directives of the Turkish government.

The Hoya wrote that “according to former ITS Executive Director Sinan
Ciddi and former ITS board members Walter Denny and Steven Cook,
Turkey’s decision to defund the ITS came amid rising government
pressure to blindly support and loyally promote Erdogan. The ITS was
caught in the line of fire of government repression that has
characterized Erdogan’s increasingly autocratic Turkey, they said.”

Ciddi, a Georgetown professor of Turkish studies, told The Hoya that
the ITS was initially a separate entity from Georgetown University.
Later on, the University “provided the ITS with office space and
administrative assistance, but the university did not have a say in
the Institute’s operations. Georgetown also supplemented the salary of
the Institute’s executive director after the ITS lost funding from the
Turkish government.” Prof. Jenny White, who served on the ITS board
for nearly 20 years, told The Hoya that the ITS was “the best
advertisement that there could have been for Turkey.”

In 2006, former Binghamton University professor Donald Quataert
resigned as chairman of the ITS board after insisting on the
importance of researching the Armenian Genocide, reported The Hoya.
The Middle East Studies Association’s Committee on Academic Freedom,
in an open letter to then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
complained that “Quataert resigned because of pressure from the
Turkish government. Several other ITS board members resigned in
support of Quataert.”

As Erdogan became more repressive, the Institute was viewed by the
Turkish government as funding academic research that was not favorable
to Turkey. In May 2015, Turkish ambassador to the U.S. Serdar Kilic,
during the semi-annual dinner at the Turkish Embassy in Washington,
DC, complained to ITS chairman Ross Wilson that “some recent work from
the ITS was negative toward the Turkish government and expressed
interest in redirecting the work of ITS to politically benefit the
government,” The Hoya reported. Amb. Kilic then cancelled the
scheduled ITS dinner in the fall of 2015. Finally, “in early September
2015, Saltzman and Evinch, a Washington, D.C. law firm representing
Turkey’s U.S. embassy,” told the Institute that the Turkish government
would no longer fund the ITS. Later, Kilic sent a letter confirming
the end of funding.

“After Turkey cut the organization’s funding, the [Georgetown
University’s] School of Foreign Service provided the ITS with
additional financial and administrative support,” The Hoya reported.
The ITS had enough funds to continue its operations till Sept. 30,
2020 when it finally closed its doors.

The saga of the failed Institute of Turkish Studies should be a lesson
to all universities not to repeat the mistake of Georgetown, welcoming
a politically-motivated project contrary to its academic standards.
Mixing academics and politics is never a good idea!

JERUSALEM—The Synod of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem issued a
statement on September 9 ratifying and confirming the decision to
lease the lands owned by the patriarchate in Goveroun Bardez to a
company which will build a hotel (this statement appeared in The
California Courier on September 16, 2021).

The Higher Presidential Committee of Church Affairs in Palestine
issued a letter on September 22 expressing concerns about this lease.
On Sept. 22, a letter was sent by Ramzi Khoury, head of the
Palestinian Higher Presidential Committee for Churches Affairs in
Palestine, to Catholicos of All Armenians Patriarch Karekin II calling
land transactions in the Armenian Quarter in the Old City of Jerusalem
a violation of international law, since the area inside the Old City
is an “integral part of the Palestinian occupied territories” governed
by relevant international resolutions.

The Armenian Foreign Ministry has also been “urged to intervene,”
according to a statement by the Higher Presidential Committee.

Father Baret Yeretzian, Real Estate Director of the Armenian
Patriarchate of Jerusalem, sent an open letter to the Head of the
Palestinian higher Presidential Committee for Churches Affairs in
Palestine, responding to accusation leveled against the Armenian
Patriarchate for leasing a property in Jerusalem’s Old City known as
the Cows’ Garden to an Israeli hotel company. The California Courier
received the full text of the open letter, from Yeretzian to Khoury,
which is printed below:

“The Armenian Patriarchate is the exclusive owner of its property and
shall remain so at all times, the Patriarchate’s ownership was not
undermined under the Ottoman Empire, the British Mandate, the
Jordanian and the Israeli regimes.

The un-protected lease is for a limited period of time and for the
specific purpose of a hotel.

The Patriarchate has full authority and exclusive prerogative to do as
it pleases with its properties.

The denomination and race of the counter party is irrelevant. The
Patriarchate was negotiating similar deals indiscriminately with
Armenians from Russia, with an Arab from Jordan, and people of other
nationalities none of whom followed through.

It is our duty to utilize our properties for the welfare of our
Patriarchate and we have been doing so for centuries.

Irresponsible comments that are made public might encourage extremists
to take extreme measures. One should also remember that he might be
held responsible for such consequences.

You claim that you want to protect our land, let me remind you when we
begged your committee to help us against the Abu Hawa family who
infiltrated in our property on Mount of Olives, you turned blind eye
on us, we did request also others without mentioning their names, they
did the same.

We cannot help suspecting that your criticism against us is aimed to
undermine and weaken the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, in favor
of your own religious leadership who sold properties in the heart of
the Old City of Jerusalem. The Armenian Patriarchate maintains its
neutrality and un-involvement in political and racial matters. Please
do not drag us into such disputes and do not use us in order to
promote your political agenda.

Let me remind you we hold in highest esteem and sympathy the
Palestinian and Jordanian people, and I have the honor of being a
Jordanian citizen myself.”
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3-         Meet Joan Agajanian Quinn, Art “Accumulator” and Muse to
Warhol, Hockney

            The Los Angeles legend’s highly personal trove of art will
be exhibited

            at the Bakersfield Museum of Art throughout the fall until January

By Stefani Dias, Abby Aguirre

(W Magazine / The Bakersfield Californian)—Like many fascinating
stories, this one starts with two dynamic women. One a nexus of the
California contemporary art scene and the other a passionate advocate
for the arts in her hometown. Both are united by a desire to celebrate
what defines the California art scene.

At the Bakersfield Museum of Art, “On the Edge: Los Angeles Art,
1970s-1990s, from the Joan and Jack Quinn Family Collection” is an
unprecedented exhibition, featuring more than 150 objects from nearly
70 artists including Ed Moses, Billy Al Bengston, Lynda Benglis, Peter
Alexander, Frank Gehry, Robert Graham and Ed Ruscha.

This collection from the Quinns, amassed over decades of friendships
with these artists, is on display for the first time on this scale. A
previous 2010 exhibition at the Pilgrim School in Los Angeles, timed
to the dedication of its new arts center, only featured a fraction of
the works and was a limited four-day display whereas the Bakersfield
exhibition will remain on display through Jan. 8.

Joan Agajanian Quinn credits BMoA curator Rachel McCullah Wainwright
with her decision to share the family’s personal collection with the
public. She persisted until she wore me down — and I’m glad she did,”
Quinn said. “I’m very excited, honored to be there. Rachel has been
absolutely fantastic. … I appreciate what she’s done, bringing those
family feelings that we have out to the forefront, to understand what
this collection is.”

For many viewers, “On the Edge” is a stunning display of some of the
best art from the West Coast, but for Quinn it goes much deeper. Joan
and her husband, who passed away in 2017, helped foster a creative
community for artists to grow and share their work as the contemporary
art scene continued to evolve.

Some of the artists Quinn has known for decades, meeting many in her
youth — including Dora De Larios in middle school, Billy Al Bengston
while working at a department store in high school, and Ken Price and
David Novros in the art department at USC. Over the years, she and her
husband supported their friends by buying art and encouraging John’s
lawyer colleagues to also buy art. As a journalist, Joan also promoted
the arts as the West Coast editor of Interview magazine, society
editor of the Los Angeles Herald Examiner, and writing for Condé Nast
Traveler and House & Garden.

“These things have been on the walls in my house, placed on the walls
by each artist,” Joan Quinn said of her collection. “They came in and
installed their work. Played off of each other like friends on the
wall.”

“What separates the Quinns (from other collectors) is the work that
she did to promote these artists,” Wainwright said. “She was the one
buying the pieces directly from these artists in their studios before
they became successful. As I’m planning this show, she’s having
conversations weekly with these artists. The relationships have been
maintained.”

Joan Quinn has had her portrait painted by dozens of artists —
including David Hockey, Jean-Michel Basquiat, Ed Ruscha, Billy Al
Bengston — as have members of her family, and some of those works open
the new exhibition.

“She was excited to show the portraits, using the portraits to start
the story,” Wainwright said. “It’s a more historical and academic
approach to the story.”

Quinn said having an educational component to the exhibition was
another reason she was excited to be involved with BMoA. “Rachel said
schools come in and have lectures. That’s what demystifies the museum.
It’s not sacred ground. You can go in and be inspired and be
fulfilled. New ideas come into your mind. You follow suit and maybe be
an artist yourself.”

Additional programming includes a symposium on Nov. 18 with exhibiting
artists including Andy Moses, Ned Evans, Laddie John Dill, Charles
Arnoldi and Lita Albuquerque.

There will be a Zoom panel discussion about Steven Arnold, a protege
of Salvador Dalí, on Oct. 19 with Vishnu Dass, director of “Steven
Arnold: Heavenly Bodies,” biographer Michael Michaud and Stephen
Jerrome, society photographer for the Herald Examiner.

And on Oct. 28, the museum’s annual Masquerade will include a
screening of the Arnold documentary and will take its inspiration from
Arnold’s The Nocturnal Dream Show series of midnight movies.

Along with enjoying the works, Quinn would like to encourage viewers
to begin or build their own art collection, driven by their interests
not their investments. “I hope that people can see that you don’t have
to have someone telling you what to buy. We never had an art adviser
or art consultant.”

“My husband and I never sold anything. It was like having our friends
on our walls. Don’t think of it as an investment. It’s something that
you want to love, be with every day.”

The Quinn marriage seems to have been a love story of Johnny Cash and
June Carter proportions. “They were opposites that matched perfectly,”
their daughter Amanda told W Magazine. Amanda’s twin sister, Jennifer,
referenced one of the portraits—a pair of double doors made of found
printed metal by Tony Berlant. “My dad is the rooted tree, and my mom
is the tornado of movement,” she explained.

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4-        Four Children: New Genocide Play Premiers in Kansas

KANSAS CITY—Kansas City Actors Theater is staging Four Children, a
play based around eye-witness accounts of four genocide survivors,
including Vahram Dadrian’s “To the Desert: Pages from My Diary.”

Vahram Dadrian was exiled with the rest of his family from Chorum to
Jersh (Jordan) in 1915. An aspiring writer, he kept notes of his
experiences and wrote them out into a full diary after WWI. His
account gives voice to his own experiences, as well as those of others
he saw around him. These included the emaciated remnants of
deportation convoys and other inmates of death camps.

“This is a powerful play that keeps the Armenian experience in focus
in the United States,” said Anoush Melkonian of the Gomidas Institute.
“We thank Kansas City Actors Theater for this timely and bold
production.”

Four Children will feature between October 7 to 24, 2021

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5-         Armenia Continues Fight Against COVID-19

Armenia is continuing the fight against the third wave of COVID-19
cases, as the country continues promoting the vaccination phase.

The U.S. State Department on July 26 warned American citizens to
reconsider travel to Armenia due to the increase in cases of the
Covid-19.

“The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has issued a
Level 3 Travel Health Notice for Armenia due to COVID-19, indicating a
high level of COVID-19 in the country,” said the State Department.

The State Department also urged U.S. citizens not to travel to the
Nagorno-Karabakh region due to armed conflict.

“The U.S. government is unable to provide emergency services to U.S.
citizens in Nagorno-Karabakh as U.S. government employees are
restricted from traveling there,” the State Department added.

There were 18,540 active cases in Armenia as of October 11. Armenia
has recorded 272,356 coronavirus cases and 5,549 deaths; 248,267 have
recovered.

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California Courier Online provides readers of the Armenian News News Service
with a few of the articles in this week’s issue of The California
Courier. Letters to the editor are encouraged through our e-mail
address, . Letters are published with
the author’s name and location; authors are required to disclose their
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A year on from the Second Karabakh War, Armenians are uncertain of the future

Open Democracy
Sept 27 2021



With concern over borders and tentative hope for new infrastructure, Armenia is trying to find its place after a war that shook the country to its core

Knar Khudoyan
27 September 2021, 11.42am

It has been a year since the Second Karabakh War – a 44-day conflict that started with Azerbaijani missile strikes rising up over Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, and ceased only when Russia brokered a ceasefire in November 2020.

This caused public panic to rise in Armenia, with delayed official announcements about new border demarcations and demilitarisation activities, and an attempted coup. Azerbaijani troops are now stationed deep in the heart of what was once Armenian Karabakh, as well as the ‘buffer zone’ (the territories surrounding it) and are visible on Armenia’s official borders.

In the aftermath of this existential defeat for the country, public support appeared to waver for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who came to power on the back of Armenia’s 2018 revolution. However, in June, he was resoundingly re-elected during snap elections and received, what he calls, a popular mandate to bring “an era of peace in the region”.

Pashinyan has since called on the Armenian public to have “strong nerves”’ and persist with an agenda of peace, despite armed incursions by Azerbaijani forces along the country’s border. For those grieving loved ones or recovering from the trauma of the conflict, strong nerves are not easy to come by. Fears are still palpable that the war with Azerbaijan could resume, with military planes flying low over towns, military exercises growing larger, and warnings in the media growing more alarming.

One of the solutions appears to lie in a new transport infrastructure that would make Armenia – whose borders to the east and west are cut off due to conflict – a new regional hub for transporting goods, and perhaps people. Yet the fate of these new efforts lies not only in ongoing and secretive diplomatic negotiations, but in Armenian citizens’ willingness to go ahead with this potentially radical transformation mere months after a conflict that killed thousands.

To gain an insight into the public’s thoughts, I travelled to two towns likely to be affected by the potential changes, one in northern Armenia, and the other in the south.

When war broke out on 27 September 2020, it was a quiet Sunday in the mountain town of Berd, nestled between Azerbaijan and Georgia in northeast Armenia. The local community had been planning an agricultural event, the annual Honey and Berry Festival, which is a main event in the calendar of this town that is cut off from Armenia’s north-south highway.

Berd has experienced military skirmishes on a regular basis since the 1994 ceasefire between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including fighting in July last year, which is now considered to be the prelude to the 44-day war. And so when the news came of Azerbaijan military forces attacking Karabakh, the farmers who had gathered for the expo didn’t panic immediately.

With the constant risk of war hanging over it, Berd has always had a significant military presence. For locals, this provided a feeling of security, as well as jobs. Yet military employment contracts have not been enough to stop people from moving to safer places.

Armenian soldiers in Berd | Image: Eliza Mkhitaryan

Since 2015, the Armenian government has tried to curb migration from this area to Russia, providing tax relief for businesses that invest in Berd’s 24 border communities. This move encouraged textile workshops to set up near the town. Olya, a resident of the village of Chinari, told me that she had been offered a sewing job, but that “the machine had to run uninterrupted for 12 hours a day”.

“The job would have left me no time to tend to my garden,” she says, noting her patch of tomatoes and figs, which she sells locally. Instead, along with five other women, Olya started a cooperative and used a United Nations Development Programme grant to build a greenhouse instead.

Despite the state’s attempts to diversify, the Armenian military remained the biggest and most well-paying employer in this town – until the war.

“My son was in the war. He returned very shocked and saddened by what he saw,” Anahit, a local resident, told me. “He could no longer work in the military, but is now trying to start some business with friends. Although he had already built a career. Anyway, I support whatever decision he makes.” Others in the town, mostly women contractors, have been fired and replaced by new staff, as the Armenian army is being reformed.

Image: Eliza Mkhitaryan

Since the Russian-brokered ceasefire agreement last November, the guns have been surprisingly silent in Berd. But it’s not enough for residents to feel secure. Many families in this town lost their sons in the war. Their photos decorate the walls of the schools they attended and the hallway of the city museum. Aspram, a cook at the town’s military base, told me that her nephew died in the war. “He and all the other kids who died were special in a way,” she said. “War takes the best.”

Some families, however, cannot even grieve: their sons are still listed among the missing.

Despite the November 2020 agreement’s provisions for exchanging prisoners of war (POWs), hostages and other detainees, the number of Armenians kept in Azerbaijani custody or reported missing has remained unknown – only prior to the anniversary did the Armenian government report that 231 combatants and 22 civilians are missing. A few rounds of detainees held by Azerbaijan have been returned – 103 in total, in exchange for 15 Azerbaijanis held by Armenia, as well as maps showing the location of landmines in territory now under Azerbaijani control. But as the full list of POWs is unknown, many families whose sons’ bodies have yet to be found nurture hope that their loved ones are alive, even in Azerbaijani captivity.

“Every day in this uncertain time counts as ten in terms of our agony,” says a mother whose son, a soldier, is still missing. She says she attends weekly pilgrimages to several churches in Berd for the traditional matagh, a lamb sacrifice ritual.

“I am haunted by thoughts of anxiety, imagining what exactly might be happening with my son,” she said. “If he is alive, is he being treated humanely? Can he eat? Can he use the bathroom? Is he being tortured? I pray that God keeps my mind away from such thoughts.”

The parents of prisoners of war and missing soldiers are in a difficult place, and are cautious of not being used in local politics. Still, a prominent opposition figure, Artur Vanetsyan, promised earlier in the year to bring back prisoners of war “within two or three days” if he came to power. Pashinyan himself later suggested that he was ready to send his own son to Baku in exchange for all Armenian detainees.

Berd | Image: Eliza Mkhitaryan

Small-scale fighting continues along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border, but no longer near Berd. The skirmishes now take place in the Ararat region, on Armenia’s western border with the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan, and in the Gegharkunik and Syunik regions to the east and south. In these areas, tension remains over Armenia and Azerbaijan disagreements on the demarcation of borders. This eventually caused the breakdown of the fragile tri-party negotiations with Russia, on “unblocking the routes”. To follow on from the November 2020 agreement, Pashinyan met Ilham Aliyev, the president of Azerbaijan, in Moscow in January, where they agreed to set up a working group on “unblocking all economic and transport links in the region”. Since the 1990s war, many Soviet-era transport connections were frozen, and the January statement promised to prioritise rail and road connections, while encouraging the pitching of other projects to the three countries’ leaderships for approval too.

“Cities located on the highway to Georgia or Iran are better off. There is more movement there. Here life becomes harder and harder but nobody notices it. When I go to Yerevan, I see the gap between wealthy and poor people. Here, everyone is poor”

Anahit Esayan, a wild blueberry gatherer in Berd, said that the community there was “totally cut off from all interstate roads”.

She added: “Cities located on the highway to Georgia or Iran are better off. There is more movement there. Here life becomes harder and harder but nobody notices it. When I go to Yerevan, I see the gap between wealthy and poor people. Here, everyone is poor.”

For others in Berd, though, there are concerns about nearby Azerbaijani enclaves inside Armenia. The Armenian authorities have not ruled out that the three Azerbaijani enclaves inside Armenia will be exchanged with Artvashen, an Armenian enclave inside Azerbaijan.

Anahit Badalian, who heads a women’s resource centre in the town, said that the “uncertainty” over Voskepar and Barkhudarly, two Azerbaijani enclaves situated on the main road to Berd, was the “biggest problem” for the town.

Unlike Berd, Meghri, which is Armenia’s southernmost town, was well connected during the Soviet era.

Meghri, which is on the border with Iran, used to benefit from a direct rail route through Azerbaijani Nakhchivan to Yerevan, along the Araxes river. That rail line was blocked in 1993 due to the war over Nagorno-Karabakh, which subsequently separated Meghri residents from Yerevan by a meandering and mountainous eight-hour drive, resulting in expensive transport costs for everyday products.

The end of the war, it seems, could speed up Meghri’s transport connections. While the construction of a 556-kilometre north-south highway started in 2012 under Serzh Sargsyan, the country’s kleptocrat leader ousted in 2018, it was not finished, despite outstretching its initial budget of $962m.

The former president had once claimed that the highway would allow Armenians to reach ports at the Black and Caspian seas, shortening the ride from Meghri to Armenia’s northern border with Georgia from ten hours to five. Since Sargsyan’s removal from power, however, 29 people have been charged with corruption offences relating to the highway, including the former president’s brother.

Image: Eliza Mkhitaryan

Armenia is now in a rush to build the as-yet undeveloped parts of the road, including the 60-kilometre section linking the Syunik towns of Sisian and Kajaran, including five kilometres of bridges and 12 kilometres of tunnels, which will cut through the hills and valleys that separate them. With this modified north-south highway, the Armenian government wants to avoid incidents with Azerbaijan, such as that on 25 August, when the Azerbaijani military closed a section of the M2 highway, which zig-zags into territory now under their control, effectively blocking travel between Armenia’s north and south.

Aside from these direct security concerns, this infrastructure could also benefit the region’s businesses. Ishkhan Aslanyan, an entrepreneur from Meghri who produces dried fruit in a Soviet-era wine factory, says reaching the foreign market is complicated, though doable, and is looking forward to the opening of the north-south highway.

“The highway will be a boost for Meghri’s agriculture exports,” Aslanyan tells me, noting that freezer trucks currently take 2.5 days to transport his figs, which ripen quickly, to Moscow’s markets. Indeed, there may be more reason to export from Meghri, he says, as the town’s success in agriculture has motivated younger people to cultivate the land and plant new fig trees.

“The Meghri issue is above our agency. It’s a question of world powers: Iran, West and East. The issue is, can we actually benefit from it?”

The infrastructure topic, however, is sensitive. Though Meghri could also benefit from the reconstruction of rail routes, the “transport corridor”, as Azerbaijani officials call it, has led to speculation in the press and by the opposition, in particular former president Robert Kocharyan, that Pashinyan plans to ‘concede’ Meghri to Azerbaijan. In turn, Pashinyan claims that it was Kocharyan himself who negotiated compromising over Meghri in previous rounds of talks on Nagorno-Karabakh. Indeed, the Armenian prime minister refuses to use the ‘corridor’ term, as it suggests a level of Azerbaijani sovereignty over the route.

Before the war, Meghri residents liked to think of their town as a spot along the Silk Road – the ancient trade route that linked the East and the West. Now when possible north-south or east-west connections are in sight and central to the aftermath of the war, Meghri residents tend to be diplomatic in interviews.

“The Meghri issue is above our agency. It’s a question of world powers: Iran, West and East,” said Vardan, a hotel owner in Meghri. When asked about unblocking transport from Azerbaijan, he said: “The issue is, can we actually benefit from it?”

Image: Eliza Mkhitaryan

The Armenian government believes it can benefit from greater connectivity. At least economically, it wants to end the three-decade transport blockade that arose in the first Karabakh conflict. Armenia’s prime minister says he is ready to work towards normalising relations with Turkey, including opening the border and reopening rail connections.

But this commitment to becoming a crossroad of East and West is not the only clarity that the new government has articulated. Armenia also seems to have a more defined economic policy now – or perhaps a more defined debate. For instance, Khachatur Sukiasyan, the first businessman in Armenia to be called an oligarch in the early 1990s, promoted an ‘Armenia-first’ narrative in his first speech as MP in the summer.

“We have always liked to listen to foreigners, but here’s what’s important. We don’t use any protection mechanism to defend local producers,” he said, calling for a policy to protect Armenian business.

To argue his point, Sukiasyan criticised the 2004 privatisation of the country’s biggest mining company, the Zangezur Copper and Molybdenum Combine in Syunik. Under this scheme, a 60% interest in the mine was sold abroad to a German mining company, Cronimet.

“With the efforts of Armenian citizens, the mine developed and brought revenue,” he noted, but still castigated the sale of the mine to an outside party with “no institutional connection to the country’s mining industry in the past”.

Whether Pashinyan’s plans for transformation is successful depends not only on how strong Armenians’ nerves are, but whether the plan is viable in the eyes of citizens

This, Sukiasyan alleged, led to potentially hundreds of millions of dollars in lost taxes and royalties. Though confirmation of Sukiasyan’s figures has yet to emerge, Armenia’s mining sector has long had a reputation for moving profits abroad in a less than transparent manner.

“At least if the money stays within Armenia, some new buildings would be built,” he said.

In July, the Armenian parliament voted to approve new legislation that would be the first attempt to raise taxes on foreign companies. Royalty fees for three non-ferrous metals (copper concentrate, molybdenum concentrate and ferromolybdenum) were raised from 15 to 30%. This law is expected to increase the revenue of the state budget by 30 billion drams ($627m) by the end of 2021, to benefit from a windfall of rising copper prices globally.

Armenia’s new minister of high-tech industry, Vahagn Khachatryan, has since declared a policy to favour Armenian producers, and particularly those who commit to produce military technology. The defeat of Armenian forces in last year’s war is often attributed to the superior unmanned aerial systems Azerbaijan used: Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones and Israeli loitering munitions, also known as ‘kamikaze drones’.

Yerablur cemetery / Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan | Image: Eliza Mkhitaryan

The one-year anniversary of the Second Karabakh War coincided with the 30th anniversary of Armenian independence from the Soviet Union, marked on 21 September. The contrast between these two events was felt keenly on Tuesday night, when televisions across the country simultaneously broadcast two events – a candlelight vigil of mothers marching to the Yerablur military cemetery in Yerevan, and the city’s independence celebration on Republic Square.

The latter was a high-tech, multi-media production, with projections of the national flag, cultural and historic symbols, and the phrase ‘I stand with the homeland’ flashed on the government building’s facade, a drone show flickering in the night sky.

Prime minister Pashinyan restated his wish to “transform our defeat into victory”, as if trying to unify these disparate anniversaries. His transformation plan entails making peace with a reformed Armenian military, a liberalised economy with state regulation, and cross-border transit for goods, not yet for civilians. If Armenians are to rethink their nationhood and its foundation, these new ideological premises merit wider political discussion, even if local politics is saturated with fights between opposition and ruling parties, and warnings of imminent war in the media.

More pressingly, whether Pashinyan’s plans for transformation is successful depends not only on how strong Armenians’ nerves are, but whether the plan is viable in the eyes of citizens, burned out after a year of grief and uncertainty.

All photographs by Eliza Mkhitaryan.

Cross-stone commemorating 14 martyrs of 44-day war unveiled at school in Armenia’s Abovyan

News.am, Armenia
Oct 10 2021

At Victor Hambardzumyan School #10 in the city of Abovyan, which I also graduated from, I attended a ceremony during which a cross-stone dedicated to the memory of our 14 martyred brothers who fell in the 44-day war in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) was unveiled, after which the martyrs were blessed and commemorated. This is what Minister of Environment of Armenia Romanos Petrosyan wrote on his Facebook page.

Petrosyan also expressed his respect to the heroes and their families, adding that they are the ones who gave the people of Armenia the honor to live and create.

Silent march for Armenian women killed in Almelo [The Netherlands] stabbing

The Netherlands, Sept 28 2021

A silent march will be held in Almelo on Tuesday evening to commemorate two women stabbed to death on M.Th. Steynstraat a week and a half ago. The two women were aunt and niece, aged 70 and 52 years. “With this silent march, in addition to commemorating their loved ones, the relatives also want to express their powerlessness,” lawyer Sebas Diekstra said to RTV Oost on behalf of the victims’ family.

The victims were Maral Dermovsesian and Zonund Kardanakyan, both of Armenian descent and both members of the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU), the Public Radio of Armenia reported. Dermovseisan headed the AGBU Women’s Committee. 

A 28-year-old man from Almelo, a neighbor, is suspected of killing them. He was seen waving a crossbow around and firing it from his balcony in the same building where the women were killed. After multiple attempts to approach him safely, the police eventually shot him in the chest. He was taken to hospital, and was still unconscious. According to RTV Oost, the suspect was admitted to mental health institutions several times with psychological problems.

“AGBU Holland lost two of the most active women members through a heinous stabbing crime,” the organization said to the radio station. “If we want to write about the late Maral, we may need pages and not through some words. In summary, she was the flower of our community. We pray to the Lord to rest both in peace and to their family members patience and strength in this terrible moments.”

The silent march will start on Paganinistraat, where one of the women lived, at 6:30 p.m. on Tuesday. From there, participants will march to M.Th. Steynstraat, where the other victim lived. Their funerals were held last week.  


Aliyev: Putin asked me not to humiliate Pashinyan in our presence during signing of November 9 statement

News.am, Armenia
Sept 24 2021

Russian President Vladimir Putin has played an active role in resolving the armed conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh [(Artsakh)] in the fall of 2020, said Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in an interview with National Defense Magazine.

“It was the evening of November 8. And on November 9, we agreed to have a phone conversation again, as Vladimir Vladimirovich [Putin] played a very active role in the events; he was conveying my messages to [Armenian PM Nikol] Pashinyan, and was conveying the messages from him to me. The agreement lasted until late at night and lasted until after midnight. It was November 10 in Baku time, so we call it the ‘November 10 statement,’ whereas it was [still] November 9 in Moscow,” Aliyev said.

According to him, the text of the trilateral statement on ceasefire was finally managed to be agreed.

“Naturally, it was supposed to be signed, but Vladimir Vladimirovich asked me not to insist that Pashinyan sign it in our presence. The President of Russia is a very tactful person, very gentle, he treats everyone very respectfully. And I said that I will not insist, I do not need any additional moments related to the humiliation of Pashinyan, as it is not a humiliation of a person, but of a country, whereas we cannot allow that to ourselves,” the Azerbaijani president said.

Aliyev stated that he first told Putin about the war in Karabakh on October 7.

“Naturally, we were in regular contact with Russian President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin at various phases of the hostilities. Our first telephone conversation since the start of the war took place on October 7, his birthday. I traditionally congratulate Vladimir Vladimirovich on his birthday. And this was our first phone contact from the moment when ten days had passed since the start of hostilities. We also discussed how and what to do to end the war,” the Azerbaijani president said.

First meeting between Foreign Minister Dendias and Armenian counterpart Mirzoyan

Greek City Times
Sept 23 2021


by PAUL ANTONOPOULOS

Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias congratulated new Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan during their first meeting on Wednesday.

The pair discussed the strong and long-standing Greek-Armenian ties, as well as bilateral relations and current regional developments with a focus on the Caucasus region.

Mirzoyan said in a tweet that they also discussed the situation resulting from the Azerbaijani-Turkish aggression against Artsakh.

The Armenian foreign minister also emphasised resumption of the Artsakh peace process with the Organization for Security and Co-operation.

Ukraine’s President congratulates Armenian people on Independence Day, wishes peace and prosperity

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 15:37,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 22, ARMENPRESS. Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky addressed a congratulatory message to Armenia’s President Armen Sarkissian on the 30th anniversary of independence, wishing peace and prosperity to the Armenian people, the Armenian President’s Office reports.

“I hope the exercise of the potential of bilateral relations between our states, as well as the centuries-old relationship between the Armenian and Ukrainian nations will contribute to the strengthening of dialogue based on mutual understanding and respect.

I wish you, Your Excellency, good health and success in your responsible activity, and to the Armenian people – peace and prosperity”, the Ukrainian President said in his letter.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Azerbaijanis detain Iranian truck drivers on Goris-Kapan road

Panorama, Armenia
Sept 15 2021

Azerbaijani forces have detained the drivers of two Iranian trucks carrying bitumen to Stepanakert and Yerevan on the Vorotan community section of the Goris-Kapan interstate road, Para TV reported on Wednesday, citing its sources.

According to the sources, the drivers managed to make a phone call and said that they were detained and the Azerbaijanis were going to try them, after which communication with them was cut off.

Armenia interested in cooperation with Ukraine in field of nuclear and renewable energy

Ukraine, Sept 14, 2021


14.09.2021 15:47

Within the framework of the 8th meeting of the Armenian-Ukrainian Intergovernmental Commission on Economic Cooperation, Deputy Energy Minister of Ukraine for European Integration Yaroslav Demchenkov and Deputy Minister of Energy Infrastructures and Natural Resources of the Republic of Armenia Hakob Vardanyan held a bilateral meeting.

“Armenia is interested in strengthening cooperation in the fields of nuclear energy, renewable energy, the use of energy saving technologies, and energy efficiency. Ukraine is interested in potential investments in energy transformation projects. We plan to hold a joint Energy Day for such a dialogue,” Demchenkov commented on the results of the meeting.

Armenia has several powerful thermal and hydroelectric power plants, as well as nuclear energy. Therefore, potential projects for cooperation are the participation of Ukrainian enterprises in the construction, repair, and modernization of power plants in the country. In particular, Armenia is interested in Ukraine’s experience in ensuring the safe long-term operation of nuclear power plants and carrying out modernization measures to increase the level of safety at nuclear power plants.

The parties also agreed to consider the possibility of developing mutually beneficial cooperation and implementation of projects in the field of design, modernization, reconstruction, and repair of power equipment for Armenian power plants.

Armenia to hold three-month training for reservists

Public Radio of Armenia
Sept 7 2021


By the decision of the Government of the Republic of Armenia of September 2, 2021, three-month training for reservists will be held from September 15 to December 15. Privates, warrant officers and officers will be involved in the training. If necessary, the participants of the gatherings will be involved in military duty.

The training camps are announced for the purpose of improving the military skills of the citizens registered in the reserve.

Citizens will be considered servicemen during the whole period of participation in the rallies, will enjoy all the benefits and social benefits provided for the servicemen.

Their civilian jobs will be preserved, they will be paid for each month of training. Participation in the courses will be counted as work experience.

Avoiding the training will result in criminal consequences.