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Azerbaijan hasn’t provided information on procedure of border control – Secretary of Security Council

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 13:08,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 11, ARMENPRESS. Azerbaijan hasn’t yet presented complete information on the procedure of implementing border control, Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia Armen Grigoryan told reporters.

Asked under what legal basis some parts of the Goris-Kapan road are considered to belong to Azerbaijan, Grigoryan said there is “common sense”, and the reasoning of this common sense are the borders which existed in Soviet times.

“We haven’t had a demarcation and delimitation process but we have an approximate understanding about this border, the basis of which is the map from the 1920s. Based on this map we generally imagine the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan,” he said.

Asked what procedures Armenian nationals will have to go through in order to pass the given section of the Goris-Kapan road where the Azeri authorities have installed customs checkpoints, Grigoryan said that this part of the road has “a special status.”

 “At this moment Azerbaijan hasn’t notified on the procedure, but logically the procedure might imply some payment or something, and citizens can pass after paying. But since we already have an alternative road, it’s already built and open, then naturally using this road would be more convenient for citizens,” he said.

He said that no community has gone under blockade as result, and connection between towns won’t be impacted.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Arush Arushanyan installed as Goris community head by force of law

Panorama, Armenia
Nov 11 2021

The newly elected Council of Elders of Goris, a community in Armenia’s Syunik Province, convened its first meeting on Thursday.

13 seats in the council are held by the bloc led by Arush Arushanyan, who won reelection by a wide margin in the 17 October local elections three months after his arrest. The ruling Civil Contract party has 7 seats and the Armenian National Congress – one seat.

The meeting was chaired by the oldest member of the Goris Council of Elders, Armenuhi Sonoyan.

Arush Arushanyan was installed as Goris community head by force of law.

He remains in custody.

Turkish Press: ​Key piece of Karabakh pact on Zangezur corridor still awaits implementation

Anadolu Agency, Turkey

Nov 10 2021

Key piece of Karabakh pact on Zangezur corridor still awaits implementation


Implementation of Zangezur corridor 1 year after end of Karabakh war delayed due to Armenian intransigence, while other parts carried out

Ruslan Rehimov   |10.11.2021

BAKU, Azerbaijan

It has been a year since the signing of a tripartite declaration between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia ending the war over Nagorno-Karabakh, yet its section on a corridor connecting western Armenia to the exclave of Nakhchivan has yet to be implemented due to Armenia’s uncompromising stance.

A year ago today, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a declaration declaring the end of the conflict in Karabakh, also known as Upper Karabakh, following a nearly three-decade occupation by Armenian forces.

In its first year, some articles of the declaration were applied, while some articles remained on paper due to Armenian intransigence.

The parts on the Zangezur corridor are among those that have not yet been put into force.

Articles 2 and 6, which envisage the withdrawal of Armenian forces from the provinces of Agdam, Kelbajar, and Lachin, were applied long ago. By the end of last November, the Armenian army had left the three occupied provinces, and the Azerbaijani army had settled there.

According to Article 3, Russian elements were placed in the Armenian-populated areas of Karabakh and in the Lachin corridor. A total of 1,960 lightly armed Russian soldiers and 90 armored personnel carriers were deployed to the region. Their term of duty was set at five years, but that could be extended if all parties agree.

In Article 4, which stipulates that “Russian forces are deployed in parallel with the withdrawal of Armenian forces” has not been fully implemented. The Armenian army has withdrawn, but the fact that there are still armed Armenian groups in the region is one of the issues vexing the Azerbaijani side.

Article 5, which provides for the “establishment of an observation center to improve the efficiency of monitoring the compliance of the parties to the cease-fire,” was implemented, and a Joint Turkish-Russian Observation Center was established in Agdam, Karabakh this January.


The issue of return of refugees under the control of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) specified in Article 7 has also not yet been implemented due to how the settlements were completely destroyed by Armenians during the occupation period and also for security reasons.

Article 8 on the issue of the exchange of prisoners and the dead was also applied. Azerbaijan has handed over to the opposite side the bodies of more than 1,700 Armenian soldiers which had remained on the battlefields.

The last article, which Azerbaijan has been focusing on with great importance and which provides for the connection of the country’s contiguous territory and the Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan – its exclave – via land and rail routes through Armenia, has not yet been implemented.

Azerbaijan has started work on this issue, and construction of the part of this line called the Zangezur corridor up to the Armenian border is underway.

Although Armenia tried to resist, Prime Minister Pashinyan made positive statements about the opening of transport between the western provinces of Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan.

Aliyev, Pashinyan, and Putin are expected to meet once again soon and sign a more detailed statement on the determination of transport lines and the borders of the two countries.

Armenia will not take positive steps of its own accord

Ferid Shefiyev, chairman of the Azerbaijan Center of Analysis of International Relations, based in the capital Baku, told Anadolu Agency in a statement that Azerbaijan, which won the war, should put diplomatic pressure on Armenia from now on.

“History shows that Armenia will not take positive steps of its own accord,” he said.

“On Jan. 11, 2021, another declaration on transport lines was signed. Although months have passed since then, Armenia has been sitting out the process.

“Due to pressure from Azerbaijan and the influence of Russia, the Yerevan administration has now responded positively to this issue,” he added.

“Unfortunately, there are still armed Armenian forces in the region controlled by Russian elements,” Shefiyev stressed, referring to the non-implemented articles of the trilateral declaration.

“There are also problems in the Lachin corridor. We have to enforce control there sooner or later.

“Foreign citizens still use this corridor. Compared to the beginning of 2021, the rate of visits by foreigners has fallen. As far as I know, Russia also doesn’t want problems with this matter.”

Shefiyev said that 4,000 Azerbaijanis were missing in the first Karabakh conflict of the early 1990s, but that Armenia has not yet responded on the fate of these people.

Conflict between Azerbaijan, Armenia

Relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia have been tense since 1991, when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Upper Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

New clashes erupted on Sept. 27 last year, with the Armenian army attacking civilians and Azerbaijani forces and violating several humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

During the 44-day military conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and some 300 settlements and villages that were occupied by Armenia for almost 30 years.

Prior to this, about 20% of Azerbaijan’s territory was under illegal occupation.

The two countries signed a Russian-brokered agreement on Nov. 10 to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

The cease-fire was seen as a victory for Azerbaijan and a defeat for Armenia, whose forces withdrew in line with the agreement.

This Jan. 11, the leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia signed a pact to develop economic ties and infrastructure to benefit the entire region. The deal also included the establishment of a Turkish-Russian monitoring center.

*Writing by Merve Berker

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 11/08/2021

                                        Monday, November 8, 2021
Kocharian’s Bloc Announces New Push For Regime Change
        • Artak Khulian
Armenia - Former President Robert Kocharian speaks at a rally held by his 
opposition Hayastan alliance in Yerevan, November 8, 2021.
Former President Robert Kocharian pledged to topple Armenia’s current government 
“through barricades or elections” on Monday as his opposition alliance launched 
what it called a “nationwide resistance” campaign with a rally held in Yerevan.
The rally attended by thousands of supporters of the Hayastan (Armenia) alliance 
was held on the eve of the first anniversary of a Russian-brokered ceasefire 
that stopped the war over Nagorno-Karabakh.
Kocharian and his political allies again blamed Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
for Armenia’s defeat in the six-week war that left at least 3,800 Armenian 
soldiers dead. They also reiterated their allegations that Pashinian is intent 
on making more unilateral concessions to Azerbaijan.
Kocharian singled out Yerevan’s readiness to embark on a demarcation of 
Armenia’s long and contested border with Azerbaijan where tensions are still 
running high one year after the Karabakh war. He claimed that such a process 
would amount to Armenian recognition of Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh 
and a narrow land corridor connecting the disputed territory to Armenia.
The ex-president also accused Pashinian of breaking his promises to improve 
living standards, eliminate corruption and create a level playing field for all 
businesses. Poverty in the country has actually increased under the current 
government, he said.
“We are going to fight,” Kocharian told the crowd rallying in Yerevan’s Liberty 
Square. “Rest assured that we will oust them through barricades or elections or 
in other ways. And I will be with standing with you, leading you on those 
barricades.”
Armenia - Supporters of former President Robert Kocharian attend an opposition 
rally in Yerevan, November 8, 2021.
Kocharian and other speakers at the rally gave no details of their stated push 
for regime change. Nor did they announce dates for their next demonstrations.
A Hayastan declaration read out at the end of the rally said the “resistance” 
campaign could “last for a week or months” before achieving its key goal.
“We are starting to get organized,” it said. “Our presence in the National 
Assembly will serve to strengthen the resistance. As soon as conditions are 
ripe, we will move our struggle only to the streets and squares.”
Kocharian, who had ruled Armenia from 1998-2008, cautioned on October 4 that the 
opposition must “generate” greater popular anger at the government before trying 
to topple it with street protests. “The biggest problem is that a considerable 
part of our people has come to terms with this situation and voted for these 
ones,” he said, referring to Pashinian’s political team.
Pashinian’s Civil Contract party won Armenia’s June 20 parliamentary elections 
with almost 54 percent of the vote. Hayastan came in a distant second with 21 
percent, according to official election results rejected by it as fraudulent.
Another Karabakh Civilian Killed In Truce Violation
NAGORNO-KARABAKH -- Russian APC and soldiers of the peacekeeping force (L) 
patrol in front of an Azerbaijan's army checkpoint near the demarcation line 
outside the town of Shushi (Susa), November 26, 2020
One ethnic Armenian resident of Nagorno-Karabakh was killed and three others 
wounded by Azerbaijani forces on Monday, authorities in Stepanakert said.
According to them, the four men came under fire while repairing water pipes just 
outside the Azerbaijani-controlled town of Shushi (Shusha). The National 
Security Service said it is investigating the incident together with other 
law-enforcement agencies.
Karabakh’s human rights ombudsman, Gegham Stepanian, reported separately that 
the 22-year-old victim was a utility worker. Stepanian described his killing as 
further proof of Azerbaijan’s “Armenophobic, genocidal and fascist behavior.”
The young man is the second Karabakh civilian killed since a Russian-brokered 
ceasefire stopped the Armenian-Azerbaijani war on November 10, 2020. A 
55-year-old Karabakh Armenian farmer was shot dead by Azerbaijani troops outside 
the northern Karabakh town of Martakert last month.
The latest shooting reportedly occurred at a section of the sole road currently 
connecting Karabakh to Armenia. Traffic through that road section was suspended 
as a result, according to Stepanian.
The Azerbaijani authorities did not immediately comment on the incident.
Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev visited Shushi earlier on Monday to mark the 
first anniversary of the town’s capture by the Azerbaijani army during the 
six-week war. “Armenia will always live with the stigma of a defeated nation,” 
Aliyev declared in a speech delivered there.
The Armenian Foreign Ministry strongly condemned the “gross violation of the 
ceasefire regime by the Azerbaijani armed forces” as well as Aliyev’s 
“consistent Armenophobic rhetoric.” It said they make mockery of Baku’s offers 
to normalize Armenian-Azerbaijani relations.
Armenian Schools Reopen Amid COVID-19 Crisis
        • Robert Zargarian
        • Naira Nalbandian
Armenia - Children at a school in Yerevan, November 8, 2021.
Schools across Armenia reopened on Monday two weeks after the start of an autumn 
break that coincided with a surge in coronavirus cases and deaths in the country.
The Armenian government extended the one-week holiday later in October as part 
of its efforts to contain the latest wave of infections. The primary, secondary 
and high schools were thus effectively closed for the first time since October 
2020.
The government last week opted against distance courses and decided to send 
schoolchildren back to classes instead despite clearly failing to cut the 
coronavirus infection rate.
The Armenian Ministry of Health reported a record 62 deaths from COVID-19 on 
November 2. The total number of coronavirus-related deaths officially registered 
in the country of about 3 million reached 8,037 on Monday.
Almast Avetisian, the principal of Yerevan’s Secondary School No. 197, welcomed 
the government’s decision. She said that many of her students were infected with 
the coronavirus or seasonal flu in the run-up to the two-week break.
“The children have recuperated during this period and we have very good 
attendance today,” Avetisian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.
Her students were also happy to be back at school while admitting that they have 
trouble wearing mandatory face masks during the classes.
“We don’t learn as much during distance courses as we do when coming to the 
school,” said one schoolgirl.
Health Minister Anahit Avanesian cautioned that schools having major coronavirus 
outbreaks will have to switch to online classes.
On October 29, the Ministry of Health allowed children aged 12 and older to get 
vaccinated against the coronavirus with their parents’ consent. Only about 50 
minors have been inoculated since then, according to Avanesian.
The ministry said in the morning that nearly 264,000 citizens have been fully 
vaccinated to date. Avanesian put a brave face on this statistics, arguing that 
the pace of vaccinations in Armenia has accelerated significantly over the past 
month thanks to administrative measures taken by the government.
Moscow Confirms Plans For Aliyev-Pashinian Talks
        • Aza Babayan
RUSSIA -- Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev 
and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian attend a joint press conference 
following a trilateral meeting at the Kremlin in Moscow, January 11, 2021
The Kremlin has said that Russian President Vladimir Putin is poised to organize 
fresh talks between the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan one year after 
brokering a ceasefire that stopped the war in Nagorno-Karabakh.
“Yes, such a meeting is being prepared, and it is prepared in the format of a 
video conference,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told the Interfax news agency 
on Sunday.
Peskov gave no date for the talks. He told journalists on Monday that it is 
still not clear when the video conference will likely take place.
Armenia and Azerbaijan did not immediately confirm the announcement. In 
televised remarks aired late on Sunday, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said that 
no meeting with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has been scheduled for 
November 9, which will mark the first anniversary of the ceasefire.
An Armenian media outlet reported late last month that during the upcoming talks 
Aliyev and Pashinian will sign two Russian-drafted documents announcing the 
start of the demarcation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border and the opening of 
transport links between the two South Caucasus states.
Pashinian met in Yerevan on Friday with Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Alexei 
Overchuk, a co-chair of a Russian-Armenian-Azerbaijani task force dealing 
cross-border cargo traffic. Overchuk said that the group has made important 
decisions. Armenia and Azerbaijan will “retain sovereignty over roads passing 
through their territory,” he stressed.
In a statement issued later on Friday, the Russian Foreign Ministry likewise 
said the working group has reached an agreement to that effect. The ministry put 
that in the context of media speculation about the “so-called Zangezur corridor” 
that would connect Azerbaijan to its Nakhichevan exclave via Armenia’s Syunik 
province.
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly claimed that the truce accord 
envisages such a permanent “corridor.” Armenian leaders deny that.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2021 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
 

Italian Senate President visits Armenian St. Lazarus Island in Venice

Public Radio of Armenia
Nov 6 2021

President of the Italian Senate Maria Elisabetta Alberti Casellati visited the Armenian island of St. Lazarus in Venice, the Armenian Embassy in Italy informs.

Mrs. Casellati was received by the Pontifical Delegate of the Mekhitarist Congregation, His Eminence Archbishop Levon Zekiyan.

Armenia’s Ambassador to Italy Tsovinar Hambardzumyan, Prefect of Venice Vittorio Zappalorto, Honorary Consul of the Republic of Armenia in Venice Gagik Sarukhanyan, as well as many representatives of regional and national authorities were present at the meeting.

The Armenian community welcomed the visit, which comes to confirm the strong friendly ties between Italy and Armenia on institutional platforms.

Armenia Constitutional Court declares article dismissing ex-chief of army’s General Staff constitutional

News.am, Armenia
Nov 2 2021

The Constitutional Court of Armenia has declared part 3 of Article 40 of the Law on Military Service and Status of Servicemen constitutional. This is what Spokesperson of the Constitutional Court Yeva Tovmasyan said during a conversation with Armenian News-NEWS.am, adding that the decision will be posted on the official website of the Constitutional Court within a three-day period.

On February 25, 2021, after the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Armenia demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the latter declared that a military coup was being attempted, called on citizens to gather at Republic Square and “protect the revolution”. That same day, Pashinyan signed the petition addressed to the President of Armenia to relieve Chief of the General Staff, Colonel General Onik Gasparyan of his post, but President Armen Sarkissian didn’t sign the petition and sent it back to the government two days later. On February 27, the Prime Minister sent the same proposal again, and on March 2, by failing to sign the proposal for the dismissal of Onik Gasparyan, Armen Sarkissian applied to the Constitutional Court to determine the constitutionality of part 3 of Article 40 of the Law on Military Service and Status of Servicemen that had served as a ground for Onik Gasparyan’s dismissal, not to challenge the constitutionality of the draft decree submitted by Nikol Pashinyan. For this reason, the decision entered into force — the government promulgated the statement of Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan by which Onik Gasparyan was considered dismissed from the post of Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Armenia starting from March 10, 2021.

Armenia cuts processing time for citizenship applications

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 10:15, 27 October, 2021

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 27, ARMENPRESS. The parliament adopted at first reading the Pashinyan administration’s bill on reducing the processing time of citizenship applications from 6 months to 90 days.

The bill was approved with 58/24/0 votes.

The amendments also seek to extend the deadline for citizenship applications from ethnic Armenians permanently residing in Armenia and in post-Soviet countries to December 31, 2023. The requirement for naturalization on permanent residence in Armenia in the past three years and basic knowledge of Armenian language will be lifted for persons whose children are adult citizens of Armenia.

The application processing time for naturalization and renunciation of citizenship will also be changed.

Applicants who will be granted the citizenship will be enabled to take their first passports in Armenian embassies and consular offices abroad.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Azerbaijani press: Armenian diaspora: Century-long grandiose delusion revisited

By Orkhan Amashov

Armenia and its expatriate diaspora are in an existential crisis. The national identity which has historically been based on carefully cultivated myths is on the verge of losing its structural oneness. Salvation may still be within reach, but that will require painstakingly arduous and excruciating self-contemplation. The Second Karabakh War and its devastating results have given Armenia a fresh chance to reflect on its past and present, and rethink its vital priorities.

Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan, if to put it mildly, was not well-received by his compatriots in Cyprus. In fact, the Armenian politician, as evident from the video posted on social media by a certain Akop Manukyan, found himself a recipient of insults and vociferous accusations. “Traitors” and “murderers of Armenians” were some of the words the Armenian politician heard. 

Heckling is a universally accepted form of expressing one’s indignation through impertinence, but what happened to Simonyan is not noteworthy in that sense. What matters here is the message itself and the concern ingrained in its substantive core. It can be inferred from the incident that Armenians of Cyprus, or at least some of them, are deeply unhappy with the present state of affairs in their home country. They view the incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his government as the emblematic representation of perfidy, as a bunch of opinionated and self-righteous traitors who “surrendered” Karabakh to Azerbaijan.  

Diaspora designs vs homeland realities

The reception to which Simonyan was subjected is indicative of something considerably more pervasive. In fact, the view held by Cypriot-Armenians is echoed throughout the whole diaspora. The fatal ambition that lies at the heart of the worldwide Armenian outlook is based on “victimhood” and “mythological predestination”, and each of these linchpins gives rise to maximalist objectives.

“Victimhood”, coupled with an imagined past, necessitates an obsession with the idea of making the whole of humanity accept the Armenian version of the events of 1915. “Mythological predestination”, on the other hand, envisages an unrealistic future in which Armenia recovers its “rightful possessions” from Turkey and Azerbaijan. And it is under the strain of these enormous impossibilities that modern Armenia has been cracking since its birth.

The diaspora feels it is entitled to a special privilege and therefore claims the status of an ultimate arbiter in Armenian affairs. This could be partly explained by the fact that, until 1991, the diaspora members perceived themselves as the sole representatives of their nation. Subsequent to the formation of the modern Republic of Armenia, the diaspora redesignated itself as the representative of Armenia abroad with plenipotentiary prerogatives. But they have never lost the sense of primacy and that still feeds their fatal ambition. 

It is a well-known truth, accepted in academic circles, that the policy priorities pursued by diaspora members are not always in line with the priorities of homeland state policy-makers. This is particularly true in the case of conflict-generated diasporas, and the worldwide Armenian community is a very good example of that.

First of all, since Armenian diaspora groups do not live in their homeland and therefore do not suffer the consequences of the absence of peace and lack of economic prosperity, which is largely due to the problems that Armenia has had with Turkey and Azerbaijan since 1991, they prefer to keep their emotional attachments to that homeland and make the conflicts even more protracted by refusing to sacrifice their “sacrosanct” objectives on the way to a peaceful settlement.

In his academic work dedicated to conflict-generated transnational diasporas, an eminent scholar of conflict analysis and resolution, Terrence Lyons, stated that diaspora groups of this kind are less likely to support reconciliation efforts and, when it comes to exchanging part of what they perceive to be their homeland for some instrumental end, they are expected to be reluctant.

Secondly, Armenia, on an economic level, needs the diaspora’s resources more than the diaspora itself needs the homeland. As Shain Yossi, a distinguished expert specialising in this area, articulated, the more the homeland is in need of diaspora, the more united the diaspora will be, and a stronger and unified diaspora community will be in a position of exerting considerable influence on the affairs of the homeland.

Raison d’être and fear of losing it

Armenia, a nation the identity of which has largely been based on carefully cultivated myths, is now experiencing an existential crisis and the diaspora feels every bit of the pain. The latter is hopelessly determined to ensure that any attempt to get rid of the shackles of the invented past and imagined predestination is to be foiled. Its members prefer the imagined threat of “genocide” to loom over the nation constantly, and that is why the Second Karabakh War was described as a “new phase of the ‘Armenian Genocide’” by them.

If to follow the main dictum of the theory established in this field, when a homeland government is in the process of pursuing reconciliation with a sworn enemy, diaspora communities are bound to feel their identity as historical victims of the self-same enemy as being under threat. Therefore, in the wake of a possible peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the diaspora is expected to wage perhaps its last war so as to save that very purpose that has long been at the heart of its self-constructed existential meaning.

Golden opportunity

The accumulated impact of the circumstances that form the crux of the present reality is of such a nature that it gives the present Armenian government a historic chance to free itself from the shackles of the powerful lobby abroad.

Pashinyan was the first leader of modern Armenia who came to power with an agenda in which Karabakh was not a central theme. As Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus Institute in Yerevan, wisely summarised, for Pashinyan, Karabakh has been a problem, whereas, for his predecessors and present internal detractors, it has been the cornerstone of their political agendas.

Such an outlook, combined with the facts on the ground, which present Armenia with limited choices regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, mean that with an application of common sense and by acting upon urgent needs, Armenia may have a chance to evolve into a healthy and prosperous entity, peacefully coexisting with its neighbors. The sooner the nation gets rid of the myths long held dear, the quicker its “wounds” will be healed.

Turkish press: In the footsteps of a hero: A trip around Istanbul with Atatürk

Bronze memorial statue of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Bursa, Turkey, Aug.14, 2019. (Shutterstock Photo)

Oct. 29 is Republic Day in Turkey, and what better way to celebrate than remembering the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk? In Turkey we spent our childhoods being dragged from one event to another on national holidays, and being spoon-fed republican history in our classrooms. It can sometimes suck the joy out of this day for even the most ardent follower of Kemalist values. So today, I’m going to set out on the streets of Istanbul to visit some of the most important places in the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and see if I can’t bring back some of that revolutionary air into my own life.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, then known as just Mustafa Kemal, was just 18 years old when he first stepped foot in Istanbul, in 1899. The young cadet, fresh out of Monastir (Bitola) military high school in Macedonia, enrolled in the Ottoman War Academy (Mekteb-i Harbiye-i Şahane) to train to become a career soldier. In much the same fashion, we’re starting our Istanbul trip from the same place young Mustafa Kemal began.

The Ottoman War Academy building still stands today, but now houses the Istanbul Military Museum in Harbiye, a quarter that borrowed its name from the academy. You might have seen it before; it’s a stone’s throw away from the Osmanbey metro stop with intimidating tall fencing and a garden full of weaponry. However, it’s not a major tourist stop, perhaps due to its rather tired interior and uncanny wax figurines. It’s quite the pity, because it’s stock full of enough war memorabilia for any military history nerd to gasp and drool over. One amazing piece is the original chain the Byzantines stretched across the mouth of the Golden Horn during the siege of Constantinople.

Indeed, I’ve frequented the building often to gasp over its ancient swords, intricate armor and intimidating modern guns. But what always brings me back is imagining the young Mustafa Kemal marching along its corridors with his future brothers-in-arms, discussing politics and dreaming of a new tomorrow.

The building of the Military Museum in Istanbul, Turkey. (Shutterstock Photo)

It was tough going. According to Andrew Mango’s book “Atatürk,” the young Mustafa Kemal and his fellow cadets were worked hard and treated roughly, and fed a simple diet of rice, beans and mutton. Teachers were strict on the students, but the young cadets frequently visited the districts of Beyoğlu and Galata for evening revelries after days of working hard. The young Mustafa Kemal was no exception, working hard and playing hard. Among the 700 students of his cohort, Mustafa Kemal finished eighth. But perhaps more importantly, here he met friends and rivals who would later form a budding nation alongside him: Ali Fuat Cebesoy, who would become the general commander of the National Forces, Kazım Karabekir, who would lead the 9th Army Corps, Refet Bele, one of the commanders of the nationalist forces, and even Ismet Inönü, who would ultimately succeed Atatürk in becoming the second president of Turkey.

I’m heading first to room number 12 on the ground floor, called “Atatürk’s Classroom Hall.” This, the museum explains, is one of the classrooms Mustafa Kemal studied in. The room tries to replicate what the classroom looked like in the 1910s, a classroom of wax students with period-accurate uniforms listening to a lesson on the Dardanelles. Small plaquettes are in front of the wax figures, titled “Mustafa Kemal” and “Ali Fuat” – students who studied in this classroom, and later went on to fight in the Turkish War of Independence. It’s slightly uncanny when I head upstairs to rooms 32 to 35, and find rows of weaponry and clothing that belonged to the adult versions of the very students who studied in those classrooms.

The museum is open between 9 a.m. and 4 p.m., and closed on Mondays and Tuesdays. Make sure to also check out room 2, containing the school’s original hammam. It’s full of amusing and kitsch wax figures wearing traditional hammam garb, and it brings a chuckle out of me every time.

As I mentioned before, school life wasn’t all hardship and dry beans for the young Mustafa Kemal. Close by was Beyoğlu, the entertainment hub of the capital. Mustafa Kemal’s school friend Ali Fuat Cebesoy explains in his book “My Schoolmate Atatürk”: “Sultan Abdülhamid II had forbidden uniformed officers from drinking in public places. This prohibition was applied strictly. Those who did not follow this rule were punished regardless of their rank. However, both Mustafa Kemal and I did not neglect to have a glass of beer, rakı or whiskey when we went on a week off.” On their downtime, the young soldiers would head out to the neighborhood to visit places such as the German Zeuve Beerhouse and an English restaurant run by an Armenian called Con (John) Paşa. They enjoyed the international and multicultural atmosphere of the city. Few of the beerhouses, taverns and restaurants these school-goers visited have lasted until today. But we can still get a glimpse of what it was like.

Rejans was a Russian restaurant that opened in 1931, which Atatürk visited during his time as a president. According to the Istanbul Encyclopedia (published by the History Foundation), the restaurants were run primarily by White Russian émigrés, people who fled Russia after the Bolshevik revolution. The restaurant has changed hands various times, going from the name “Rejans” to “1924 Istanbul” to now “1924 Rejans.” But the menu still remains loyal to its Russian roots, featuring modern twists on old Russian classics like borsch soup, stroganoff or piroshki. Not to mention the building has been restored beautifully, and the restaurant interior is a replica of the original.

One table sits in the corner with a small sign declaring “Reserved Forever.” This, the restaurant claims, was the very table that Atatürk once sat at. Reserved for him forever, the table stands waiting with a bottle of “Kulüp” brand rakı and a bowl of white chickpeas. It’s been long reported by many of Mustafa Kemal’s friends and associates that he loved nothing more than to eat chickpeas alongside this brand of rakı.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. (AA Photo)

After the young Mustafa Kemal finished his education in 1905, he began a promising career in politics and the military. But tragedy struck the Ottoman Empire in 1913 when it lost a huge swath of land in the Balkan War. It was also a moment of personal tragedy for the young Mustafa Kemal and his family. All Ottoman land outside of Istanbul and eastern Thrace was now lost, including Mustafa Kemal’s homeland of Macedonia. His mother and sister fled to Istanbul, alongside thousands of others who left much of their land and belongings behind. Mustafa Kemal had no idea that when he left his hometown of Salonica (modern day Thessaloniki) it would be the last time he ever saw it. They made the best of it. He greeted his mother and sister in Istanbul and found them a new home in Beşiktaş. The home he chose was one of the Akaretler, a series of terraced houses that were built as government-owned rental properties for the upper-middle class.

After sitting in disrepair for many years, the buildings were restored in 2008 to become one of Istanbul’s most “in” locations. Art galleries, hotels, pubs, restaurants … Among all the chaos, one can easily miss the Akaretler Mustafa Kemal Museum, in the very building Mustafa Kemal rented out for his mother and sister. It’s a nice little museum worth a quick visit when you’re in the area. Entrance is free, and the museum is open between 9 a.m. and 2 p.m., and closed on weekends.

One famous resident of Akaretler street was Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. (Shutterstock Photo)

The museum has no English signs, but I found a quick workaround. If you have Google Translate downloaded on your phone, you can open up your camera from within the app to translate the text around you. It worked particularly well in this museum and I read everything flawlessly, though forget trying to decipher the cursive titles.

Around November 1918, a weary Mustafa Kemal returned to Istanbul. He had been on the front of various wars almost non-stop since 1911, fighting first in the Italo-Turkish War, then the Balkan Wars, then in WWI on the Gallipoli, Caucasus and finally the Palestinian fronts. Despite this, he was eager for another posting. The Istanbul he found was much changed, now under occupation from Allied forces, and he was eager to assist in its liberation. But it became clear quick that no such post was incoming, and he was stuck in the city for a while yet.

He rented a quaint three-storied house in Şişli, Istanbul, from a woman called Madam Kasapyan. He moved his mother Zübeyde and his sister Makbule from their Akaretler residence, and put them up on the top floor of the apartment. He took the middle floor, and gave a room to his aide on the ground floor. Here he secretly met up with old school friends and brothers in arms, making and discarding plans to save the country from the mess it had fallen into. The house has become a legend in the Turkish consciousness ever since, and above the door in proud letters the museum declares “Atatürk prepared the liberation of the motherland in this house in 1919.”

Admission to the museum is free, and it is open between 9 a.m. and 4 p.m. and closed on Mondays. This one is quite worth the detour, filled with many of Atatürk’s iconic personal belongings. But make sure you have your Google Translate app with you, all the labels here are Turkish too.

Atatürk is seen being greeted with a ceremony when he arrives at the Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul in 1929. (AA Photo)

Mustafa Kemal left the house for good on May 16, 1919, and after saying a farewell to his mother and sister, got on a small ship called the “Bandırma” to sail to the province of Samsun. It was from here he would start his quest to free Anatolia and start the War of Independence.

The next time he returned to Istanbul, he would be the president of a budding nation. Happy Republic Day, everyone! See you again on Nov. 10, when I’ll be heading out to see the other must-see spots in Istanbul, this time from the later years of Atatürk’s legendary life.